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About The farmers' alliance. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1889-1892 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 29, 1890)
y ? i r. VOL. II. LINCOLN, NEB., SATURDAY, NOV. 29, 1890. NO. 24 m ii i ii i? "x. . r i " x. . i x J 71 v Notice to Subscribers. EXPIRATI05S. ' AM tne easteftt and cheap jest mean of notl- SrXng etibecrttwrs of the date of their explra ona we will mark thin notice with a blue or fed pencil.on the date at which their ubsorip tton expiree. We will end the paper two week after expiration. If not renewed by tfcat time it will be discontinued. POETRY. What Mary Meant When She Said "Rats' Kansas City star 1 war one nf them "fooi farmers;" yen, 111 cwnirUeaman; There was p enty or us fashioned on the same peculiar plan; A ad I've lived out here in Nebraska more . than live and twenty years, A gTOwin' poor and poorer aB it certainly ap pear?. 1 seldom read the newspapers; I worked too 1 hard for that; . And never knew why I got lean while other men got fat; I didn't foot with politics; I had too much to ' ', do; But I always voted as I shot and as they told me to. The day before election, just imagine my dis tress, When I ketched my wife a-rcadin now what ever would you guess? A free trade publication, and, to make it worse, she said Khe'd read it regular each night before she went to bed. . , Ant, do you know, that wife of mine just faced me up ano down That larmeis tlave to make a few monopo lists in town? I always try tw get around these warm do- m. Btio spats. Sot when 1 praited protection and she laughed and anbweied '"Itatsr' I bristled up; it kindled all the sentiments of strife To ttaiuk this free trade stuff should be cor ruptin' of my wile; 1 quit btr then and there before her argu ment waB through, As every good protectionist must make it a rule to do. .'. That night we had a camp fire and our con gressman was there; We gave him "Joan Brown's Body" when he weut to take the chair; 1 were my old blue uniform to spite the dem ocrats, But all the time 1 wondered what my Mary meant by 'Hals." ' Our congressman was eloquent, he made a stirrin speech; I could almost see the battle's smoke and hear the bullets screech; And when he bade us vote as we had shot at Malvern Hill, . W rose with one accord and cried with ene acclaim, "We will." We sang the gofid old war songs and we ate a mess o' beans, , And we passed the evenin' pleasantly, recal liu' bloody ecenes; And we took the straightout tickets and w pinned 'em on our hats. But all the time I wondered what my Mary meant by "Kats." ' wnen X reached borne I -noticed that my Mary wore a smile, Which seemed to me as indicatin' storms ahead, or bile; To head her off I said: " you'll call me early mother dt ar, for to morrer'l be the liveliest day f rae trade will have this year." Next mornin' jest at sun up, as I woke and rubbed my eyes, A-wonderin' what she meant by "Bats," I saw to my surprise My clothes ana hac and boots all ranged in order on the floor, And beariu each a card I'd swesr I never saw bef re. My flannel shirt displayed this sign, "Taxed 85 i er cent," My trousers "'iaxed 100" so this was what "Rats" meant; My vest said "Taxed 100," and my Bhoes "Taxed 25:" My coat and hat "2G0" with "Protection makes us thrive." I went to fill the basin and I noticed as 1 came "Taxed 45 per cent" Great Scott! the towel said the same The soap was marked at "20," as I dropped it on the floor, I chanced to see a scuttle full of coals , chalk ed "24." 1 passed into the kitchen and it gives me pain to state That my wile bad on a woolen dress stamped "only 58," Amd in shooing out a guinea hen she made a little dive Which showed a pair of stockings with acaid marked "35." The baby in bis little bed was lyin' fast asleep; I always held the little chap as most uncom mon cheap; But when I saw them cards onblanket, pillow . crib and sheet, . . I felt a lump rise in my throat; I knew hat I was beat. No matter where I went I struck them pesky little s'ges; The stoves, the plates, the knives, the forks the window sash and blinds, The scissors, needles, thread all bore that ter rible per cent; Bigosh. lclidn'tdare to ask what card was on the rent. That was the soberest meal I ever ate in all my life; And aslleftthetable.inremark'n'to my wife That I was goin' to the polls, she helped me with my cost. And said ; "I reckon, John, I needn't tell you how to vote." - t - I walked down to my votin place; it looked like every yard Was full of farmin' implements which bore a little'card, , And seemed t say from plow to spade, from ... thresher down to ax; "Good inornin', John, and don't forget the tariff is a tax." .1 voted straight O. yes, no doubt of that; I voted straight. But not exactly in the way expected of my state; And I showed the boys the little cards provided . . by my wife; That night our congressman took ftrma leave of public life. Iwas one of them "fool farmers" durin five and twenty yesra: ; But I've learned a little, common sense, doubtless now appears; s ; You can ru n and tell M c KJnley and say don't forget to state . ' That we've voted i n Nebraska and we've voted darned near straight! INTERESTING LE rTEI FROM HON. AUGUST POST, J Secretary of. the National Farmer! J the N itional - Alliance. The National Farmers' Alliance -Its Object -All . Working People Will BeBeneflted if Their Allegiance la Given It. The National Fanners' Alliance, as the name denotes, is a national organ- ; ization of farmers having for its object the promotion of the interests of agri culture. The reason for its existence i is found in the fact that this is an age of organization an age in which im- j portant results are accomplished only by massing forces that can be bound together upon the basis of similarity of circumstances and community of inter- est. It is believed that the influence to j which the magnitude and importance of agriculture entitle it, can only be ex erted through the principle of organi zation and that it is only thus that farmers can favorably affect the social i and economic conditions which so vi tally concern them. It is believed, further, that the general public does not desire to be unjust, and would not willingly deny to so important a section of industry as agriculture, and fair and well-considered demand which farmers regard as essential or advantageous to their welfare. " Organization affords opportunity for such intelligent discus sion as shall furnish a reasonable as surance that the demands that may be made are fair and well-considered, and supply a voice which to some extent at least can give authoritative expression to the farmers' wishes and needs after they shall have been formulated. These are some of the considerationsand only some of them which render or ganization by the farmers of the coun try desirable not only for their own sake but for the sake of the public. Mere unrest and discontent without definite expression of grounds of com plaint has never yet righted a wrong or removed a grievance. The object, then, of the National Farmers' Alliance is to secure unity of actien, after full and intelligent dis cussion, for the promotion of such re forms as may be necessary to the bet tering of the farmers' condition. r It covers a broad field and nothing that can advance the welfare of the farm or the farmers is foreign to it. Naturally, purposes so extensive cannot be de scribed in detail in a word. They ex clude reformation in economics, v the discrimination of principles calculated to encourage and foster- agricultural pursuits and to secure to those en gaged in them their just share of the returns frpm the soil, the educator of the agricultural classes in just ideas of government, , opposition to monopoly, the inculcator of -the belief in the dig nity and worth of the pursuit of agri culture, the discussion of all topics re lating to the farm, whether directly as n tne case oi crops, grasses, feeding, breeding, etc., or more remotely as in the case of transportation, markets, supply and demand, and the like. ; The principle of co-operation in purchasing is one to which the alliance devotes much attention, and with good results, and it seeks by every legitimate means to so influence legislation as to secure justice from railroads and transporta tion companies, to abolish special priv ileges to the few, to prevent food. adul terations injurious alike to the consum er and producer, ,to increase markets at home and abroad, and to crush out such combinations as tend to destroy legitimate trading under the laws of competition and supply and demand. With these purposes in view, the Na tional Farmers' Alliance has organized State Alliances in ten of the states of the Union and has in process of organ ization five other states, with numerous local Alliances in still Other states, where the body is not yet strong enough to warrant state organization The plan of organization consists of the National Alliance at the head with state organizations auxiliary to it, and then in turn have subordinate Alliances organized under their jurisdiction, both county and local The officers of the Farmers' alliance are as followa: President H. L. Loucks, Clear Lake, South Dakota. Vice President J. H. Powers, Cor nell, Nebraska. Secretary August Post, Moulton, Iowa. Treasurer J. J. Furlong, Austin, Minnesota. Lecturer N. B. Ashby, Des Moines, Iowa. Thus far it is almost wh oily located in the northern states, and . its head quarters and business office is at Moul ton, Iowa. Its methods are non-partisan. It be lieves thJt however interested individ uais, proiessionai ooiiucian ana some partisan leaders may feel, the vast majority of the people of all parties want to do right. It believes that the alliance principles are right and only need agitation and discussion to com mend them to the masses of all par ties. . . The following is section 1 of article XII of the constitution of the Iowa Farmers' alliance, and is practically thV same as is contained in the , consti tutions of nil, of the state bodies organ ized under the auspices of the National Farmers' alliance: "ARTICLE XII. See. 1. This organization is strictly non-partisan in its methods. It is recommended, however, that , each member use his utmost influence in the political party of his choice to secure the nomination of andidates for con gressional or legislative honors, com mitted to alliance principles." This principle of non-partisanship has never been abandoned, even .tem porarily, and in Iowa where it has per hapt accomplished most, it has never il ad a political ticket in the . field. At the annual meeting in September, 1890, it formulated a number of legis lative demands, quite a number of which were complied with at the last session of the legislature, as, for ex ample, in the passage of the law au thorizing and requiring the making of joint tariffs upon railroad tariffs, the reduction of legal contract interest to 8 per cent, the passage of a t school text and book law," the law against trusts trade conspiracies, and many others. Upon the same non-partisan lines the alliance was chiefly instrumental in ee- ; curing ai the hands of the previous egislature the adoption of our previ- ous system of railway control, which includes an elective railway commis sion with power to fix rates, a system which however combatted when first proposed, no one would now be willing to abandon unless for something very clearly shown to be better. ' I have thus given a hasty and some what incomplete outline of the Na tional Farmers' alliance and its ob jects, and plan of organization, in re sponse to many requests for inlorma- tion regarding it. In various parts of the country the necessity that is felt or organization has led to the forma tion of a number of other organizations upon diverse plans, having a variety of objects and pursuing almost as many different methods of work. What is written above is intended as a brief de scription, although necessarily quite imperfect, of what the National Farm ers' alliance is in these respects, lnose who may desire further information will be supplied with copies of the con stitution and proceedings of . meetings heretofore held upon sending me their address with a request for the same. August Post, Secretary Nat'l Farmers' Alliance, Moulton, Iowa. Does Farming Pay? The facts in this article are con densed from an address by Burt Stew art of Macon county, 111., published in the Chicago Express. Mr. Stewart is a member of the Illinois bureau of la bor statistics, and speaks from authen tic information. The evidences that farming does not pay, are tnat larms oy means oi saie, but mainly through the pressure of the mortgage, are passing out of the hands of actual farmers who are rapidly be ing gathered into cities. Forty -two counties in Illinois have lost popula tion since the census of 1880, : while our city population- has increased in the last ninety years from 3.3 per cent to 33.3 per cent of the whole popula tion; and during7 the last fifty years tenant farmers in Illinois have in creased from none to 115,000. 'The average rate of interest on farm mortgages is 7 per cent; but , the best day Illinois ever saw, her property only increased 3 per cent. Manifestly it is only a question of time and that not long, when lazy usurers will own all things. Even for the farmers who are not as yet in debt, the compensation, in the form of the price they get for their products, is fixed by the market which is controlled by the necessities of the men who must sell at any price in or der to pay usury. ' In our boasted increase of wealth the f armemnd laborer have no . part. In one respect we have made more pro srress than any nation in history. We have made more millionaires in twenty five years than the whole world beside has made in six hundred years. 4 'We have made more tenant farmers in Illi nois in fifty years than there are in Scotland and Wales, after two hundred years of mismanagement there." The great means of all this robbery and wrong is, and has been: draining the WEST INTO EAST J UN MONEY MARKETS The annual wealth production of our whole country is $1,300,000,000, of which exactly one-half is produced in the west: $470,000,000 in the middle states, while $125,000,000, or less than one-tenth, is produced in the east, and yet the east has 45 per cent of the cap ital of the country Why is it that western farms are so encumbered with eastern mortgages? 'I tell you," said Mr. Stewart, "it is because all the commercial, industrial, financial and legislative tiling is so laid as to drain the west and the south into the east. First the whole process of commercial machinery is to drain the agricultural districts for the benefit of the towns, then to drain the towns into the large cities, and lastly to converge all channels of wealth ultimately into the eastern centers. Why should Chi cago banks have to call on New York York for money t to move Illinois crops?" The writer fails to give the real an swer to his specific question, which is our government's paternal care for New York grain and stock" gamblers, embodied in the national banking law; but in general terms he says: I will just say that the " legislation of this country in relation to money matters, the bonds, the tinkering with silver, and the present infamous fight against free coinage, all national bank legislation has made millionaires in the east and depressed the people of the west. All our exchange and board of trade systems do the same. It is an alarming fact that last year, while your farmers of Illinois lost $10,000,000 on corn $800,000,000 . of money were shuffled into the tills of Wall street; into the pockets of men who never did a day's productive labor in their lives. One eastern insurance company, the Connecticut Mutual Life, holds $5,000, 000 in mortgages on Illinois farms, and draws an annual usury of $350,000 on the same. In one year, 1887, New York mortgages for the sum of $112, 465 were placed on 6,400 acres of1 Logan county farms, and other eastern states encumbered 5,509 acres more; making in all 11,909 acres. ; , Not only is interest on a vast incal culable amount of debt . drawing the lifA-hlnnri nut Sf fh WAct tnt tVia an a 1 but exhorbitant freight rates constitute far the greatest drain in the same direction.-:.; -.: j- : : "7 cv- r "Let us suppose you raise forty bush els of corn to the acre in t Illinois; it costs you $6.75 per acre to get, that corn to the seaboard; in other vords, the railroads get $270 out of . every forty acres of corn you raise; the com mission men, board of trade and ele vator men, get $230 while you get from $350 to $400. In other words you get $400 for raisins: forty acres of corn and oilier men get $500 for about one week' work hauling and selling it.' According to the report of the inter state commerce commission, just pub lished, the gross earnings of our rail roads were f 6,200 per mile, and tho net earnings $2,087 per mile for 1888. As compared with the depressed con dition of agriculture, this, when you consider the wastefulness of tne enor mous salaries and fees paid to an army of officials; clearly indicates the mon- trous robbery of the system". TWELVE APOSTLES OF HE FORM. A Suggestion as to How the Tariff Can toe Reduced, Ie.sjite the Re publican Senate. . Et. Loirs Republic. Senator Cockrell's hearty approval of the Republic's plan of tariff reform is another gratifying evidence of its feasibility and popularity. Though we have heard publicly from men like Messrs. Vest. Cockrell and Springer, we have heard nothing except 'hearty commendation of the plan, nor do we expect anything elsj except from those who are either openly or secretly in favor of maintaining the Mckinley tar iff of abominations. The plan is so simple that it can be understood at once ; by all, even by those who have never considered the tariff question as a whole. It involves nothing more than a number of separ ate bills, each dealing with a single article of trade now controlled by mo nopolies. No general bill will be in troduced. Each of these separate bills would stand on its own merits, just as did the single bill which put quinine on the free list, broke down the quinine monopoly, and reduced the price of the drug from prices ranging as high as $4 an ounce to prices ranging as low as 40 cents. In suggesting a somewhat indefinity number of such anti-trust bills we spoke of "a dozen separate measures," and Congressman Springer christened them for us as "The Twelve Apostles of Reform." Below we give them, ten tatively; .:'V-- v'; .; . 1. Free binder twine, 2. Free cotton ties. 1 3. Free worsteds for men and wo men's clothing, 4. Free agricultural implements and edged tools. 5. Free blankets. 6. Free coal. 7. Free tin and tin plate. 8. Free silver-bearing lead ore to re establish our trade with Mexico. 9. Free lumber. 10. A reduction to the "revenue only" basis on table and kitchen ware. 11. Free white lead and paints. 12. Free barbed wire and wire rods for fences. We doubt if a single one of these bills could be defeated by the senate. The republican senators from western states have learned a great deal sines the McKinley bill was framed. Penn sylvania would, of course, resist the free coal bill, but New England would support it. So, too, would Illinois and Ohio, if it contained a reciprocity clause, giving our western coal a chance to get into onr section of Can ada in exchange for giving New En gland free coal from Nova Scotia.. The white lead trust, the binder t .?ine trust, the edged tool trust, and the other monopolies thus attacked would. of course, use their combined influence against each and all of the bills, but failing of the sectional support they are reinforced by on a general reform measure, they would not be able to de feat the strong western demand for re form. , So we send out these twelve apostles on their reform mission, confident that their work will not be a fruitless one. The best part of the plan, however, is that it prescribes nothing except that each article shall be dealt with in its own bill. The Bank Villainy. The national banks are based on non-taxable, interest-bearing bonds, and these are the national debt. ; Pay the debt and the present banking sys tem is undermined. The debt has been twice paid by the wealth produc ers. The banks had $750,000,000 of it refunded in 1870, and prevented . the payment until 1879, thus mortgaging the earnings of those unborn. The bond incerest oh this debt supports an aristocracy of money which is worse than any aristocracy of blood. The banks are determined that the debt in full shall never be paid. The federal government only having' delegated to these banks the special prerogative of issuing the paper currency, they con trol the money of the country; keep interest high by stringency and wage9 low to bold labor in slavery. The Alliance declares against this usurpation and demands a reconstruc tion of the financial system; that tho debt thall be paid and the bond inter est stopped. " A Pretty Severe Hailstorm. ALBUQUERQUE, N. M., Nov. 23. wora nas been received here from oeveu jjuura, in me uauinas moun tains, that four sheep herders were killed recently by a hail storm. Six- teen ouiers ana 16,000 head of sheep are missing, 'ihe messenger says it was. the severest .hailstorm in tho mountains ever known. . Tho capacity of the Columbus, neo., creamery wiu do enlarged and soon tho output will reach 2,000 pounds ft a ay. ' 9 For the Farmers' Alliance. FREEDOM'S TREE. ' By Mary Baird Finch, Plant, farmers, plant sweet ; freedom's tree For all the dwellers afterjme; But let its fruits be not the reds That rained upon oar children's heads. And laid them low iu southern beds. 'Neath cypress trees. ' O. farmers, plant fair freedom's tree Whose boughs may reach f rOij sea to sea. And wbse green leaves shall hold no stain Of greed, and crime, and wat t and pain. Else war's red fruit may touch the plain a near our trees. For The Farmera' Alliance. FARMPRS' INSTITUTES, AGAIN. By Chancellor C. E. Bessey. If.it is the intention of those interested to secure the passage of a law providing for the holding of Farmers' Institutes, it is necessary that steps be taken at an early day to bring about so desirable an action by the legislature just elected. Somebody must start the matter, and further, somebody must, keep it going. I wish to do my share by making a few suggestions as to the kind of law we need, and trust that others will join in the discussion and agitation. Through a peculiarity in our state constitution we can not have any one appointed directly as superintendent of institutes. Some or tne present oincers or boards must be authorized to holo institutes, and these officers or boards may be authorized to appoint a . proper acrent or superintendent. mere are several ways in .which this might be done. The law might empower any state officer, to hold institutes: or it might authorize the State Board of Ag riculture, or the State Board of Horti culture, or the Regent of the State Um versitv. or the Director of the Experi mental Station. There are doubtless other ways in which the desired result misrht be reached, out these will serve as suggestions. . XII VV lilt; lil'V IS U.3 lunung. "Section 2. The Board of Regents of the State Umversitv is hereby author? ized to hold institutes for the instruc tion of citizens of this state in the vari ous branches of agriculture, touch in stitutes shall be "held at such times and at such places as said board may direct. 1 he said board shall make such rules and regulations as it nlay deem proper for organizing and conducting such in stitutes, aud may employ an agent to perform such work m connection there with as they shall deem best. The course of instruction at such institutes shall be so arranged as to present to those in attendance the results oi tne most re cent investigations in theoretical and practical agriculture, section a. r or tne purpose mention ed in the preceding section the said board may use such sum as it may deem proper, not exceeding the sum of twelve thousand dollars ic nay one year from the general fund, and such amount is hereby annually appropriated for that purpose " . . It is not likely that the people ot -Ne braska are yet ready to use profitably so large a sum, and so it will doubtless be better to name a smaller sum ior tne first. With two or three thousand dol lars each year, much good could be done, especially if care be taken to keep down heavy expenditures for salaries. If the superintendent of institutes were at the same time an office with other employment there need be no great ex penditure for his salary, especially as his active duties would not last more than five or six months of each year. He would need clerical help, but this again need not call for much outlay. One thousand dollars a year ought in any case to cover all salaries. be divided in this wayr Let the com munity provide the hall free of expense, including fuel, lights, etc.. Let the state, fuud provide for traveling ex penses and hotel bills for those who are employed to lecture or give instruction. Let it be arranged that no man is to be paid for such work at his home insti tute. but if he is called to another one let him be paid his expenses just as cer tainly as the professors or professionals If plain farmer Jones is asked to go to a neighboring institute to read his pa per or to talk on pome subject of which he is master, let him be promptly paid just as would be done if Prof. Brown were to render a like service. Liet the matter be so arranged as to bring out as much home talent as possible, and this can only be done by treating all the . i . ta. f te .1 nome laieut aiiKe. , it is manuesiiy mi possible to attempt to pay every man for work done in the institute held at his home, hence it is better to deal alike with all, and not pay any one except those from other localities. 1 think that all who consider this matter carefully will agree with me in this. In general, it will be but to simply pay the expenses of those who are em ployed, ... but in some cases it will be necessary to pay something for the in structoi's time, in this, ereat care must be exercised or the fund will be very rapidly used up by professional lecturers. Uenerally the men who have the most to say of value are not the ones who will offer themselves for pay. It will be found that the best men will be difficult to get, and generally if thev consent to give instruction they will do so for nothing, only , asking that their expenses be covered. Occasion ally however, those good men can not afford to work for nothing, and ought to be paid. . 1 will recur to this topic again, and submit a rough draft of a bill covering the foregoiug suggestions In the meantime I should be glad to receive suggestions froha those who have thought of this matter. ' - Overdone It. The ProKres8iTe Farmer, Mt. Vernon, 111. The old man was very snre that he had not. faith enough to bring rain by prayer, and so be set the old woman to praying for it. The night after there came such a flood as to almost wash his farm away. Surveying the ruins next morning he turned to his wife, ' Old woman this is just line you. i ou never can undertake anything without over doing it!" The farmers overdid it on the 4th. Thev proposed to turn out enough of the "ins" and put in enough of the "outs ' to show wnat tney coma do and give themselves the balance o: Dower. But ge whiz I they almost turn ed the whole thing oustide in and inside out. When they all get to congress, the farmers will have to look away up to find the democrats and away down to find the republicans. They overdone it a little. V : VI More Reciprocity Quackery. Chauncy M. Depew's addition to the how-not toio it reciprocity dodge is to the effect that an international line of steamers to run between the United States and South America should be es tablished aud operated "under the most liberal and intelligent government assist-, auce." In other and plainer words, Dr. Depew would subsidize steamships. Our foreign commerce is hopelessly haudicapped by protective tariff taxes in the interest of monopoly. Every where on earth the story is the same. The nations of the world buy of us only as they are compelled to. Our naviga tion laws vex and destroy such com merce as the tariff leaves unscathed. The obvious remedy for a situation so clearly the result of unwise laws and so manifestly injurious to our own interests is the reformation of the system that places us at so serious a disadvantage. This system is the outgrowth of years of the grossest selfishness and injustice nn thH ii'irf. the part of favored interests. 1 o give these interests a monopolized home market the hoclv of the oeou e have been denied adequate foreign markets, aud such foreigu commerce as they have developed has sprung up only as the barriers of monopoly could be beaten down or evaded. . To defeat, if possible, the rising de maud of the people for reform, Mr. Blaine proposes to give the country a little foreign commerce in certain direc tions a commerce that shall be carried on subject to the veto of , the executive power at Washington, but he nowhere promises to remove a monopoly tax or to take a step in the direction of freer intercourse with the wealthy nations that now take- and must continue to take the great mass of our products that are to be sold abroad. Humorously euouKh. Dr. Depew supplements the quackery with more quackery. After little commerce that will not interfere with his friends, the monopolists, Dr. Depew would have the United States government hire ships to carry it. All such suggestions demoustrate the lamentable iguoranceof our public men with the rudiments of sound economy. Comtuerce that must be sustained by public taxes is not worth having. Commerce that Jim Blaine or Matt CJuay can boss or control is not worth having. To be profitable, commerce must be pontaneous and free, lhe sagacity of the people themselves will guide them unerringly. Take down the bars. Chicago Herald. Against Protection and Plutocracy New York Times. Mr. Thos. B. Reed was elected speaker of the house in the present congress by a majority of 7. When the house ad- ourued the dictator had succeeded in making that .majority 24. When the house meets an Lecem ber, loui, Mr Heed. if he is the candidate of his party or speaker, will be defeated by a major- ity of at least 70. That is the response ' X. - a I I 1 I . oi me couutry to nts insoieni cnaiienge to accept a house of representatives which he thanked God was no longer a deliberative body. It is the answer of the country, also, to the tariff policy of the republican party, put upon the stat ute book just in time to be voted on by the people, and to the force bill post poned "until after the elections." it is not so much the reversal as the indig nant repudiation of the "popular ver diet." which Mr. Hiscock claimed had been given in advance in favor of the McKiuley bill. It is the rebuke of the nation to the party managers who had set up the golden calf of monopoly and called on the people to bow down and worship it. It is the notice to Mr. Har rison and his administration tnat me government of the Unitad States cannot be bought with money or with patron- age more than once by the same pur- chaser. In this revolutionfor it is nothing less New York takes a part jroportioned to its population and its great interests. The delegation, which tu the present congress was eignteen . . republicans to fifteen democrats, in the next will be twenty democrats to lour- teen republicans, a change more than sufficient to wipe out the legitimate ma jority of the republicans in the present house. The President and Silver Coinage. L. O. ef fere in The National View. There can be no doubting the fact that President Harrison has said time and again that he had an earnest de sire to put gold and silver bullion on a parity, lhat he thinks he means it l have no doirbt. and if he does he can accomplish it by simply saying so in a message to congress. - He should be aware of these facts that in 1S73 our silver bullion bore a premium of about 3 per cent; from 1873 to 1890 England purchased our silver bullion at an average of about 95 cents an ounce, and coined it into rupees in India at about $1.35 an ounce, thus giv ing England about 40 cents on each ounce advantage over our "farmers in the production of cotton and wheat in India for the European market, which not only nxed the price of those com modities in' European markets, but in our home markets as well. There is but one action on our part which will put a stop to this great in justice to our people, and that is to place silver back where it stood in 1873 free and unlimited coinage. If Presi dent Harrison wishes to put silver on a parity with gold; if he wishes to bene fit the people of this country; if he wishes the people to have any faith in the pledges of the republican party, he will recommend congress, at its session this winter, to pass the free coinage bill. will he do it? The Silver Corner. The Iowa Tribune. The great silver gambling hell estab lished in New York city by the Iniqtii tous silver bill that passed the present congress, has mowed down its first list of victims, extorting from them neaily $750,000. As soon as another crop of victims are wanted a corner will be made and the white metal will be nut up again. The same congress that has tried to kill the Louisiana Lottery gam bling scheme, has established . another to take its place in New York equally as oaa. Some motives still to acts impel. Though consequences make us shudder, You take red rum and backward spell. Ana iavor it, you lavor murder, a. c. b. The organs of smell in the turkev vul ture and carrion crow are so delicate that they can scent their food for a dis tance ox forty miles. I A More Needed Reform. Holdkege, Neb., Nov, 17, 1800. Editor Alliance: In your issue of November 15 appeared an article en titled "A Much Needed Reform," writ ten by " Independent n of Central City. I do not. wholly agree with the gentle man. His first statement is probably correct. The battle on tho amendment was a drawn . battle and may be re newed as soon as either party feel pre pared. lhe temperance people just have their mettle sharpened and are impa tient for another fny. and if they use wisdom they will follow up the advan tage just gained with redoubled vigor. His second statement is true so far as class legislation is concerned. Wherein 1 disagree with the gentle man is in amending the diocumo law. For tho sake of argument we will admit that theSlocumb law should be amended. But to so amend it to place the revenue derived from saloon licenses into the county school fund I would most earn- cstly. emphatically, most stren- ,IBl First, because the saloons and their influences are corrupting. This is ad mitted by the saloon keepers and their speakers. Hence the money derived therefrom is also corrupting. becond, because the school is tho safeguard of any - state or, . nation. therefore, we can neither conscien tiously nor by principle contaminate nor defile the purity of our public schools by corrupt influences without tainting or corrupting the , very bona and sinew of a republican government. viz: the -school boys and girls, upon whose shoulders the government in time falls. And by so placing this corrupting in fluence into our public school fund, the education and unconscious influence of ll s'owiyanu impercepi my grows ana fastens its corrupting self upon the peo- thereby setting its deep set .fangs of iniquity deeper and deeper into our public morals and purity. mit if the olocumb law is to be amend ed, by all means so amend it that the towns and cities granting licenses may bo, taxed the expense of the saloon pro duct, viz: the keeping of paupers, prose cuting criminals; keeping jails and peni- icuiinwcs aim iiii-ii luiinuuauis, a Jiuru- by our county schools at least escaping the corrupting influence and the com munities at large be freed from the ex penses beforre mentioned. lhe proper thing for the next legis lature to do is to pass a statutory, iron clad, prohibitory law. t irst, because there were men who favor prohibition who voted against both amendments because thev were opposed to placing the amendment in the constitution. And of those few thousands who were neutral thereby defeating the prohibitory amendment would, as a whole, when it came to sus taining such a law, vote to sustain it. oecona ii tne oiocumb law was so amended as to place the revenue de rived from saloon licenses into the I . m a . . m . i coupty school fund the liquor men would set up the argument that we have so amended the presentliauor law so as to place the revenue in the county schools as well as the city schools, there- by giving the public schools of this state an advantage given in do other state in this union, ana the cry would be set up in other states to the great detriment of prohibition. lhe saloon must go and it had as well go from our rum cursed state of Ne raska this winter as any other time E. P. Montgomery. THE BATTLE NOT OVER. Geeley Center, Neb., Nov. 14, lgDO. Lditor Alliance: As election- is over 1 thought 1 would write you. Whilfi wa wnn n crrnnri vwtnrtr t Im hat. tje ia not enjed. Our enemies are only resting. I would say to my brothers, iet us educate ourselves upon "Labor" and "Capital." that we may better pro- tect our families and homes. I believe it tne duty of every farmer in Nebraska to subscribe for The Alliance at once. It has shown itself to be clean and able in its devotion to our cause during the memorable campaign which Nebraska has passed through. Remember that the entire press of the state was turned against The Alliance, each paper in turn heaping slander and abuse upon its editor. Yet with all the vile slander and abuse heaped upon it The Alli ance stands to day the ablest defender and educator of the toilers and tillers of Nebraska. Remember, fellow farmers. that this paper must derive its support from the farmers of this state, ana as it is drawing to the close of the old year. . you look around you for reading matter for the coming year. Why not sub scribe for a paper that advocates the principles for which the masses are striving to-day? In behalf of our cause 1 would respectfully ask the secretary of each Subordinate Aliince in this state to act as canvassing agent for his Alliance. Remember, iu clubs of five you get the paper for 80 cent. I know you will say, "Times are hard." So they are; but In no other way can we make them better than to educate our selves upon the causes which produce them. I would suggest the following method of canvassing; Bring the matter before your meeting and earnestly re quest ono member of each family to give their name, taking money of course. if they have it. But say to those who do not have it on that evening that you will call for it at some stated time. sending for papers as soon as you get a club of five names. Remember, brothers. the 1 bushel of wheat, or bushels of corn or bushfl of potatoes will get Tn$ Aliiance for one year. I believe we can get 25,000 yearly subscribers to TnE Alliance by January 1st, 1891. Let us try. Fraternally, II. J. Hall; Sec'y Belfast Alliance No. 1709. The Way It will Work. Graxt, Ne., Nov. 15th, 1890. Editor Alliance: As the old say ing is there is never any great loss but there is same small gain. If the old Jarties try to defeat the people's choice or governor through fraud it will tend to hastei their downfall. Thousands of honorable men voted with the old par ties In this election. But the attempt of the old party leaders to defeat the Will of the people at the ballot box by fraud in such cities as Omaha cannot fail tc cause the scales to drop from the eyes and off will come the old party shackles, and they will take their place in tie independent ranks and when the brgle calls in U2, one hundred and fifty thousand Independents will respond. sod fraud and corruption will be wiped tut of Nebraska, and, we hope, the - 'nation, . ' Yours Fraternal Iv, J. B. Osleb. I, V V 3- ' nLi V V X -7-. ",7') "nVV - '