Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The farmers' alliance. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1889-1892 | View Entire Issue (March 1, 1890)
THE FAKMERS A1.1.1AJNCE: LINCOLN, JNEJ3., SATURDAY, MAR. 1, 1890.
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING.
-i BY TILE
ALLIAEE PUBLISHING GO.
Lincoln, - - - Nebraska.
J. BURROWS, : : : Editor.
J. M. THOMPSON, Business Manager.
" In the beauty of the lillies
Christ was born across the sea,
With a glory in his bosom
That transfigures you and me.
As He strove to make men holy
Let us strive to make men free,
Since God is marching on."
Julia Ward Howe.
Laurel crowns cleave to deserts,
And power, to him who power exerts."
44 A ruddy drop of manly blood
The surging sea outweighs."
A NEW PREMIUM.
A Souvenir -for Old Soldiers.
This is a Cabinet Photograph of Gen
erals Sheridan, Merritt, Torbert, Davies
and Gregg, taken in the field in the
Shenandoah valley. .Gen. Sheridan is
standing in front of his tent, the other
Generals on either side. This picture
was reproduced by Noble, of Lincoln,
in the highest style of the art, from the
original now in the possession of Mr.
Burrows. As a staff officer of the 2d
Brig., Cav. Corps, Mr. Burrows fre
quently met these Generals, and he pro
nounces the likenesses perfect, the best
he has ever seen. This is a historical
picture, the only one of the kind obtain
able, and will be furnished only as a
premium to The Alliance.
The Farmers' Alliance one year and
the above splendid photograph, $1.50.
The pic ture alone 5s worth twice the
The Next Legislature?
What shall it be? Will you haye it
made up of machine politicians who are
-what they are for - what there is in it?
who swing with every changing breeze,
and are all things to all men, and have
no principle, no stability, and no sin-,
cere devotion to any cause? There "are
plenty of such men. The3T are the flot
som that comes to the surface. They
are blatant and noisy and aggressive in
their professions, but treacherous and
unreliable in their performances. It is
time this subject was being considered;
it is time the right men were being
looked up and consulted about, and
means provided for bringing them out.
A good principle to tie to, now-a-days,
is that the office should seek the man
and not the man the office. The men
who lay their wires for positions as a
rule should not have them. Good men
;are modest. Good men are thoughtful
;and quiet, and are not watching for op
portunities to toot their own horn.
Experience is a good thing. If there
are men who have . been to the legisla
ture, and have made a good record
on the side of the people, send them
again by all means. Let us have the
benefit of their experience, as well as
the fact that they have gone through
the ordeal of temptation without being
scathed. We know but little of the
virtue that has never been tempted.
There are in every precinct in this
state a certaiu few individuals who
have been in the habit of fixing up the
precinct delegation to the county con
vention, and then going to the conven
tion and fixing up a trade between a
few precincts to control its action.
Everybody knows these men, and
everybody knows that their influence is
used in the interest of the corrupt ele
ment. They go to the county seat and
get their orders from the ring, and are
perpetuating the riug rule of the old
panics year oy year, bpot them this
year. We have no use for them. Se
lect your own representatives.
And the senate look out for the sen
ate. Seventeen senators control that
body. The railroads have found it
pretty easy to control seventeen sena
tors. Keep the Howes and Funks and
Ransoms at home, and vote for no man
for senator whom you do not absolutely
know to be straight. It is time you
were thinking about it.
Method of Operation in Co-Operative
There is much desire through the Al
liance for co-operative effort in busi
ness lines. Many enterprises are talked
of, such as mills and elevators, more
frequently the latter. There are a few
Alliance co-operative stores in the state; i
but as far as we can learn none of them
are operated on the correct co-operative
principle. It is generally thought
that the store is the most difficult of the
enterprises earned, when in fact it is
the easiest, and should be the primary
move, leading to the others. We have
asked some who were talking of build
ing an elevator or a mill why they did
not start a co-operative store, and they
replied, "We are. not strong enough yet
we'll start that by-and-by." Now the
fact is that the capital that would build
one mill would start twenty co-operative
stores, and the capital that would
build one elevator would start half-a-dozen;
while the benefits of the store
would be much more general and
equally distributed among the mem
bership than those of the other enter
prises. We will first try to give a clear idea
of the true co-operative principle of co
operative merchandizing. The store is
started oa the joint-stock principle.
The shares should be put at $5 each.
No person not a member of the Alliance
should be - allowed to own shares, and
they not more than ten each. A cer
tain rate of interest is agreed upon
which the share capital may receive.
This should not be over 7 or 8 per cent.
In this particular the share-holders are
on an exact equality. They receive the
same rate of interest on their shares.
The man who has $50 in shares receives
interest on $50. The man who has only
$5 receives interest on only $5. Now
we will suppose the store has been
started and done business for one quar
ter, or three months. The books must
now be squared, an inventory taken,
and the profits divided. To ascertain
the profits expenses must first be ascer
tained and paid. These consist of goods
bought, rent, fuel, light, insurance, pay
of store-keeper and assistants, if any,
and interest on share capital. These
all belong to the expense account and
must be paid before there are any
profits. After these are paid the profit
remaining is divided among the share
holders in proportion to their trade at the
store. That is to say, each share-holder
receives the profit on the goods he has
bought. To illustrate this point clearly,
suppose A has $50 worth of shares,
and buys only $10 worth of goods dur
ing the quarter, while B has onlv $5
worth of stock and buys $100 worth of
goods. A would receive interest on $50
and the profit on $10, while B would
receive interest on $5 and the profit on
$100. It will be, seen that A and B are
on an exact equality as to their interest,
and that their profit depends on their
own trade. Tt will also be seen that
this principle tends to induce trade,
and not induce any effort to monopo
lize the shares, as there is no induce
ment to invest money for the profit, as
it can only draw the agreed upon per
cent. . It will also be seen that this is
pre-eminently the plan to put the poor
man on an equality with the rich one.
They are in fact on an absolute equality.
LITTLE CAPITAL NEEDED.
It needs but very little capital to start
a co-operative store. This fact arises
from the ease of the1 purchasing system
of the present day. All kinds of goods
are sold by commercial travelers right
in the stores of merchants, by sample.
Goods can be bought in this way nearly
every day, so only a small stock is
needed to start with. Thirty and sixty
days' time is considered the same as
cash, though even these bills may be
discounted for actual cash at a small
Trade is capital. Suppose twenty-five
members of an Alliance wish to start
a co-operative store. They need a
store-room, fixtures, and money enough
to pay freight and running expenses for
two months. If each of these twenty
five members will trade at the store, and
pay for their goods when they buy them,
good business management makes the
success of the store certain. With fifty
members we would ask no other capi
tal tha.n their assured trade.
THERE MUST BE NO TRUST.
This is an essential to success. The
business must be ready pay, either cash or
its equivalent. . This makes it necessary
for the store to deal in truck, which is a
great disadvantage, but unavoidable in
the country. With Alliance agencies in
Omaha, Lincoln and Denver this disad
vantage will be partly neutralized.
THERE MUST BE NO CUT IN PRICES.
It would be extremely bad policy to
start a store in a country town, and un
dertake to undersell or injure the other
merchants. This Would tend to excite
enmity and demoralize trade, and there
would be no compensating advantage.
The better the prices at which goods
were sold the more profit for the share
holders. If members of the Alliance
wanted the benefits let them become
share-holders, one share entitling them
to all benefits. If non-members of the
Alliance want the benefits let them join.
In a store of this kind there would be
some trade from outsiders. The profit
on this trade goes to the stock-holders;
so there would be no gain by destroy
ing this profit by selling goods at cost.
Neither would there be any gain in
selling goods to members at less cost
than to others, as the total profits are
divided among-the members, and each
gets all the profit on his own trade. If
there was no cut in prices the other
merchants would be apt to say, "Well,
there must be room here for another
store, or these men would . not start
one; and if there is room some one else
will start one if they don't, so I guess it
is all right." But if prices were cut en
mity would be engendered, profits
wiped out and nothing gained.
OTHER ENTERPRISES WILL FOLL6W.
If a store is started in a small way
with a stock of staple dry goods, gro
ceries, boots and shoes, hats and caps
and clothing proportioned to its mem
bership, and is made successful, other
branches of trade will soon be added
For coal only a shed and scales weuld
be necessary. The implement agency
would soon be attached. Then would
come the lumber department and the
grain-shipping department, until the
establishment embraced every branch
f it. m i
oi me iarmers trade, ana in every
branch the members would have the profit
on their own trade, and thus come as near
eating their cake and keeping it as pos
This hasty sketch is already too long,
though much remains to be said. We
will recur to the subject, or explain any
part of it when requested.
Government Ownership of Railroads.
President T. B. Blackstone, of the
Chicago & Alton railroad, in his anuual
report to the stockholders, recommends
that the national government shall ac
quire the ownership of all the railroads
in v the U. S. which are used for inter
state traffic, and operate the same at
such rates as will pay operating ex
penses, interest on cost and repairs
Many of the people have been advocat
ing the same thing. As intelligent rail
road men study this question more of
them will be of the same mind with
I3PThe Farmers' Alliance is the
oesi aavertising medium in the west.
"Grievances of Farmers."
The Bee of Feb. 20 has an editorial
containing a lot of vague generaliza
tions as to the "grievances of farmers,"
and what they should do to redress
them. In this case it gets down to busi
ness close enough to object to some
specific propositions for the relief of
the people. It says:
"Such a proposal, for example, as that the
government shaltfoan money to the farmer
disc? edits the Intelligence of those who make
It. That is not a i unction of government,
and, if it were, its operation could not be con
fined to the farmers."
The Bee shows an entire misappre
hension as to the nature of the proposi
tion. Does the government lend money
to bankers on bonds? The Bee will say
no, it issues money on bond security.
Very well, that is just what it is asked
to do on land security. The govern
ment issues metallic' money. It buys
gold, giving a dollar for the gold that a
dollar contains, and coins it into mon
ey, or . it coins it free for the owner.
Now, if the farmer or artizan wants
that gold dollar he must give a dollar's
worth of labor, expressed in wheat or
corn or some other product, for it, and
thus when it gets into circulation it has
cost two dollars one dollar in taxes to
pay for its material, and one dollar in
abor; at the same time there isn't
a business man in the community who
does not prefer the government paper
dollar. But the belief in intrinsic value
money is so ingrained in human nature
hat we make the concession to it of
consenting that money when primarily
issued by the government may be a
representative of actual intrinsic value,
and that it may be issued upon land
that is represent land values and draw
a small annual interest from the pro
ducts of land. Hence we ask that
money be issued on mortgages, at cost
of issue, or not over two per cent an
nual interest, in sufficient volume to
hold interest at that point, and that no
other money except coin be issued.
The Bee alludes to the objection that
this would be class legislation. This is
true, but in a verv different sense from
what the Bee supposes. It would im
pose upon the owners of land the bur
den of furnishing the circulating medi
um of the country. This burden would
amount to two per cent per annum, and
would be drawn directly from the till
ers of the soil. A land owner borrows
money on mortgage, and uses it gener
ally only once. He pays a debt, or
builds a barn, or buys some stock or
more land. If he is a good, manager
the added capital pays the added inter
est. But it more often happens that
the benefit is merely temporary and
the burden continuous.
If money was issued upon land at
cost of issue, the burden would be light,
and it would be continually shifting
from one land-owner to another. Fi
nally when prosperity had settled all
over the land, and all were out of debt,
a new basis for money would have to
be formed, or else government would
have to resort to purely credit money,
which it ought to and could issue now,
without passing through a vale of tears
and blood to reach it.
No man of sense now supposes that a
money based upon coin alone will ever
again be adequate to do the business of
the world. Land is the only other
thing which affords a general, unfailing
and invariable security. It is better
than coin, inasmuch as it annually re
produces wealth, while coin or metal
The Bee says lending money is "not a
function of government." Isn't it, in
deed? It loaned or issued $300,000,000
to the national banks at one per cent.
It loaned $65,000,000 to the Union Pa
cific railroad, and then consented that
its security should be impaired by a
second mortgage. A grave senate com
mittee now proposes to extend this
loan for fifty years, at a lower rate, and
to extend the Central Pacific loan for
75 years, at two per cent. The differ
ence is that in all these cases monopo
lists get the benefit, while in the case of
the loans on land the people would get
it. The "functions" of the government of
the U. S. are periodically imposed upon
it by law; and the function of issuing
money on land security may be im
posed just as well as issuing it upon
bond or railroad security.
Twenty years ago the government
sold bonds and bought $100,000,000 of
gold with the proceeds, and locked it
up in the treasury. We have paid by
taxation over $100,000,000 interest on
those bonds, and the gold we bought
with them might just as well have been,
in the deep sea. Suppose, instead of
those bonds, the government had loaned
$100,000,000 to the people on land secur
ity, at two per cent. The government
would have received $2,000,000 a year in
terest, and the money would have been
doing beneficent work among the peo
ple in exchanging products and paying
wages from that day to this. Can the
Bee see the difference?
When money shall cease .being made
an instrument of oppression, and be
brought back to its legitimate use as an
instrument for exchanging wealth, will
prosperity return to our land, and not
Silver Dollars as a Basis
There is pretended to be great anxi
ety just now for a basis for national
bank notes. The premium on bonds
has reached so high a point that it is
not profitable to use them for that pur
pose. That is, they bring a great many
more dollars by selling them to the
government in advance of maturity
than they do to be in the treasury as
security. Mr. Windom has proposed
to use silver bullion as a basis for bank
notes; and some distinguished lights in
congress, among them our own Geo.
W. E., have proposed to issue a new
two per cent bond especially for the
use of bankers; and Senator Farwell, of
Bl., who is a good judge of dry goods,
has proposed to use the stocks and
bonds of corporations as security for
bank bills. ;--V?,: ; -;r J'
' Now isn't it a little singular that with
all this anxiety about a basis for bank
ing, no one has proposed that the na
tional banks should issue bills secured
by silver dollars deposited with the U.
S. treasurer? And isn't this fact evi
dence that the anxiety of the national
bankers to -restrict the volume of cur
rency so that the greatest possible
amount of wealth can be packed into a
dollar, is much greater than their anxi
ety to find a safe basis for banking.
National bank bills based on silver dol
lars deposited with the IT. S. treasurer
dollar for dollar with the issues, the
banks to continue as now under the
strict supervision of the treasury de
partment, would be popular money.
While we are deadly hostile to the U.
S. issuing its money in any form
through a corporation, if we must have
such money let us have it on a solid
basis where we can get good silver dol
lars for it when we want them.
As for the banks, wouldn't it be a
pretty soft snap for them to be able to
take seventy-two cents worth of silver
to the mint and get a silver dollar for
it, and then be able to get them changed
into national bank bills endorsed by
Uncle Sam? Of course the snap
wouldn't last long, as silver would soon
be at par under such an arrangement.
Silver would come here from abroad,
too, we have no doubt, and some of our
surplus productions be moved with it,
and our idle labor employed, and the
price of corn and everything else ad
There are two obstacles to this plan.
One is that the banking class want to
keep money scarce. The other is that
the bankers have got used to sucking a
government teat, and they want some
special legislation by which they can
get something they don't earn can get
something by gift of the people. Think
of men like our George, worth three or
tour hundred thousand dollars, father
ing a scheme by which the government
should give him as a free gift ten thous
sand dollars on every hundred thousand
his half-dozen banks have deposited as
security. The infant industry business
isn't a circumstance to such cheek as
this. But let the national bankers bank
on silver dollars, by all means, if they
must have a new basis.
Secretary Garber's Letter.
"Acting for the board of transporta
tion," as he says, Secretary Garber has
written a remarkable letter to our Alli
ance friends of Hamilton county. We
agree with what he says against "co
ercing the railroads into a reduction of
interstate rates by threats of annihilat
ing local rates." We do not think that
plan would work, nor that it ought to
be tried. But we believe that lower lo
cal rates should be made. We believe
that justice demands that, without any
regard to the through rate. This is
what Secretary Garber says about it:
- "Our transportation board has
undisputed power to' fix local rates, and its
sworn duty is to regulate and maintain the
rates with utmost justness to the shipper, to
the limit of allowing1 a fair return upon the
capital lkoitim atk ly investkd In railroads.
If local rates are excessive and extortionate,
beyond the limit above mentioned, then it is
the sworn duty of the board to reduce them;
a duty which cannot be evaded by passing: be
yond its Jurisdiction, and, in consideration of
a cessation of unjust exactions on through
traffic, permit a continuance of local extor
That is pretty nearly solid. By the
first sentence of above extract the
board admits that capital not "legiti
mately invested" is not entitled to any
return. We had not expected a board
constituted as this one is to reach such
a conclusion. But we accept it as quite
satisfactory. Ihis narrows the matter
to the question whether capital '-legiti
mately invested" is receiving more than
a fair return. We are willing to join
the issue right on this point. The roads
have been built for the bonds. These
represent the amount of capital "legiti
mately invested." Nqw they are stocked
for an additional amount equal to the
bonds, and that is water, and repre
sents capital that has never been in
vested. But the rates are adjusted, not
only to pay a fair return on" all this
bogus capital, but to pay extortionate
salaries, on room expenses, an enor
mous load of free passes, (the board of
transportation having its share,) extra
ordinary election expenses to eontro
or defeat the will of the people, judi
cial decisions and an army of law of
ficers. This results in making Nebraska
rates 100 to 350 per cent higher than
Iowa rates, and in wholesale robbery of
the people of this state.
Now the question arises, docs the
board of transportation know this?
Everybody else knows it, and unless
we assume that .the board is composed
of an extremely dull set of numbskulls
it must be assumed that it knows it.
What then? Why, Secretary Garber
says "it is its sworn duty to reduce
them." J ust so. That's just what the
people say. Why don't the board do
it? Just because corporation influence
in that board is stronger than an official
oath.- That's the size of it. We might
as well get down to the bottom facts
while we are.about it. ,
The construction of the second sen
tence of Mr. Garber's letter is note
worthy. "If local rates are excessive
and extortionate, beyond the limit above
mentioned," etc. In the opinion of the
board, then, the rates may be "exces
sive and extortionate" up to the limit of
what it may choose to consider a "legiti
mate investment" of capital. If this is to
be the rule of action, the opinion of the
board on the interstate business is im
portant to the people of this state. But
there is great danger of a divergence at
this point. The U. P. people think
$105,000 a mile a legitimate investment.
TheB. &M: folks think $50,000 about
right. The people think the actual cost
of the road, with oil rooms, free passes,
figure-head presidents, and Pullman
dining car junketing trips dispensed
with, much nearer the figure. Law will
have to regulate it, or the government
own and operate the roads.
Mortgage Sales. ';
The Industrial Age, of Duluth Minn.,"
of Feb. 15, contains thirty-two adver
tisement of mortgage sales of lands.
The Real Cause of Hard Times.
The effort of certain papers which
are devoted to the money power to ig
nore the actual cause of the present in
dustrial depressien leads them into.
some peculiar positions. The Omaha
Bee of a late date says:
Everybody who has considered the matter
at all knows that the chief cacse of agricul
tural depression is the po:icyof the railroads.
w&icn are leajruea to exact tne last inm mar
the traffic will bear. Four and five years ago
corn was carried from points in Nebraska to
Chicago at fourteen cents a hundred where
now the rate is twenty cents and upward.
.. When the corporations exact from
the farmer a bushel and a half of grain for
carrying one bushel to market it is inevitable
tnat agriculture win oe depressed, mere are
other minor causes, but the one mainly ac
countable for the existing condition of the
agricultural interest is the unjust and un
reasonable railroad charges for transporta
tion. So loner as these are made with refer
ence to supplying the greed of the corpora
tions and meeting tho demands of excessive
capitalization agriculture must suffer.
Now, as the Bee well knoAvs, we do
not feel disposed to under-estimate the
effect of railroad extortions upon the
welfare of the west. They constitute
certainly an important element in the
problem of prosperity. They go a long
ways towards destroying tho margin
of profit of producers upon which the
commercial welfare of every communi
ty rests. But that they constitute the
"chief cause of agricultural depression"
we entirely pnd utterly deny. In the
first place the Bee is well aware that,
while corn may have been carried to
Chicago for 14 cents a hundred for a
short time, for any lengthy period rates
from Nebraska . east have never been
lower than they are now. Second, the
term "agricultural depression" used by
the Bee is a misnomer. The depres
sion embraces all classes and callings
except simply one the money-lending
profession. ' If the depression was
caused solely by high rates on agricul
tural products, city merchants who de
pend on local or city trade would not
be measurably affected. Freight with
them is an element of price, and they
care little whether it is high or low so
they are not discriminated against in
favor of their competitors. But these
people are feeling the depression quite
as much as the farmers, and failures
among them aie occurring every day.
Now, there have been times since the
war when there was great prosperity
among western farmers when freights
on all kinds of goods averaged quite as
high, in fact, higher, than at present
of the depression, as the Bee says, why
did they not have the same effect then
as now? The average freight chai'ge
per ton per mile in 1870 was 2.005 cts
In 1887 it was .974 cts. This is an aver
age reduction of about 1.25 cts per ton
per mile, or 51.43 per cent. Now
the Bee will not deny that the
iarmers were quite prosperous
in 1870 as compared with the
present, while according to" the
Bee's theory they should have been in
the very slough of despond, and would
have been, if freight rates were the
"chief cause" of financial depression
une or two onei comparisons may
open the Bee's eyes to some important
facts. The following table shows the
lowest prices in the New York market
of the products named for the- years
1870 and 1887. We have no official ta
bles later than '87; but it is well known
that prices now are lower than in that
year, which would make a still greater
Butter.... 18 uyt
vorn . . 7 85
Cotton 15 9?
'iour... 4 50 1 80
Bar Iron, per ton 70 00 47 00
Scotch Pig Iron 31 00 19 00
Lard 13 yx
oats 52 30
Mess Pork 20 00 12 00
Liverpool Salt 2 40 75
Wheat 1 40 78
Here is an average shrinkage in price
of over 40 per cent, while there has
been an average reduction in freight
rates of 51.43 per cent. According to
the Bee, freights being the "chief
cause" of business depression, the
shrinkage in rates should have made a
corresponding increase of prices. But
they have not done so, and it is. appar
ent that there is some other cause more
potent and general in its operation to
which we must attribute tho "agricul
tural depression." This cause will be
found in the enormous increase of
wealth and business in proportion to
monejr. The ratio of this increase has
been such as to effect an enormous con
traction of the money volnme in the
period we have named. A shrinking
volume of money brings falling prices,
stagnation of business, depressed agri
culture, commercial disaster. It is this
cause more than all others combined
that has brought our present calamity
upon' us; and this calamity is to con
tinue until the cause is removed. If the
Bee and papers of its ilk will tell what
they know to be the truth we will reach
a remedy sooner.
The Alliance and the Catholics.
An article is going the rounds of the
Associated Press giving an account of
what is termed a "savage attack" upon
the Alliance by Bishop L.M.Fink, of the
diocease of Kansas, which is said to
have been read in all the churches. If
the whole letter is as unjust as one sen
tence of it is, its correction need only
be left to time. , It says, (referring to
the Alliance,) "Its constitution and ritual
virtually set up a farmers' religion and
provide for a farmers' chaplain. " Bishop
Fink is under grave misapprehension in
this matter, and any intelligent Catho
lic member of the Alliance could set him
right. We believe all non-sectarian se
cret societies aim to preserve in their
social forms an adherence to the Catho
lic principles of Christianity. If this is
a ."new religion" then the Alliance may
be guilty. Its constitution, provides, as
an indispensable qualification for mem
bership, that applicants must "be of good
moral character, believe in the existence of
a Supreme Being, be of industrious habits,
and over sixteen years of age." This is
the utmost extent of the "new religion"
of the Alliance. The constitution fur
ther provides "there shall be no politi
cal or religious test of membership."
In the meetings of organized socities
it is well known that some simple cere-
monial forms, with an invocation of the
Divine blessing, conduces to dignity and
good order. These forms are provided
for in- the Alliance ritual. They are
simple and beautiful in a high degree.
A chaplain has a part to perform in this
ceremonial. Where it is possible a
Christian minister is selected as Chap
lain. Where this is not possible a de-
vout church member is selected. And
it often happens that the Chaplain de
parts from the prescribed form of words'
provided in the ritual aud appeals to the
rThrone of Grace in words of his own
choosing. We suppose Bishop Fink be
lieves in prayer; and we hope he be
lieves if prayer is sencere forms of words
amount to little. Wo are quite sure that
if he knew the demoniac nature of the
powers the Alliance is opposing he
would admit that it needs prayinc for.
Below we give the exact form adopted
in the ritual of the Nebraska State Alli
ance: Our HeavenJy Father, we pray Thee to
lead us to revere Thy name and bo guided by
Thy inspirations; aid us to secure the needs of
our daily lives, restraining the tendencies of
our natures to selfishness and greed; enable
us to so live that we shall have no enemies.
and to daily practice charity to all Thy crea
tures; guide us safely through the dangers
and ills of life, and finally save us In Thy
Kingdom : we ask all in the name of Christ
our Lord, Amen,"
We think the above is a broad and
Catholic prayer, and that every Bishop
and every other living sinner might say
amen to it without any serious strain
upon his conscience.
We have now frankly given every re
ligious feature of the Alliance. Sectar
ianism cannot get into it. Partisan pol
itics has no place in it. But both reli
gion and politics, in the broad sense of
the terms, invade it daily. But it has
set up no "new religion," and intro
duced no new forms of worship. If it
can induce men who never enter a
church and there are some to gather
in its halls and listen with uncovered
heads to such a prayer as the above, it
would seem that Bishop Fink should be
delighted to know of it, if his heart is in
the right place.
We have no unkind words for the
Bishop. But his conception of the Alii
ance is' so absolutely false and mislead
ing that we are impressed with the idea
that his motive in assailing it is different
from the one stated, and the complaint
as to tho "new religion" is a mere pre
Brothers of the Alliance, don't tell!
The Alliance is a secret organization.
Its meetings are confidential. It is
supposed that at those meetings discii.8
sions may be free, and that whatever
takes place, there, whatever is said,
whatever resolutions are taken, or
whatever plans or measures are per
fected for work or business, is to be
kept sacred from the outside world. If
we do not act upon this principle, if the
proceedings or conversation or meas
ures of these meetings are reported and
discussed and criticised outside, our
confidence in each other is at once im
paired. Vlfe no longer feel those confi
dential relations which are necessary
between members of the same society.
Not only this, . but we have betrayed
ourselves and our business to those who
are interested in destroying our organi
zation, and have given them a great ad
vantage Over us.
If arrangements are made for goods
if we can save by buying at wholesale,
don't brag about it.' Don't antagonize
local dealers by making statements to
outsiders as to prices, or anything of
the kind. Let all these things be con
fined strictly to the membership. Let
it be distinctly understood, as a matter
of honor, that everything that takes
place in the Alliance meetings is strictly
and sacredly confidential.
Nothing tends so much to disorganize
and demoralize Alliance Work as shar
ing commence witn men who do not
belong to the order. If they are busi
ness men with whom we are competing,
they have no business to know about
our affairs. If they are farmers, let
them join if they want the benefit.
Goldwin Smith and Marion Todd.
Over the signature of "M. L." in the
Chicago Express, Mrs. Marion Todd
criticises Prof. Goldwin Smith's article
on woman suffrage with an incisive
vigor that is refreshing. She takes his
statement that "men and women are
two beings whose spheres are different,
and who are the complements but not
the competitors of each other," as a
text for her article, and completely de
molishes it and the Professor. We
would be glad indeed to publish the ar
ticle entire, and hope some day to have
a paper from which we are not com
pelled to crowd such .gems for want of
space. We give one paragraph:
This philosophy is getting quite clear to us.
We understand more fully the position of the
wife whoso daily lot in life is to meet upon
the door sill her drunken husband whom she
has to take in washing to support. This wife
is not a competitor of the male laundry man
next door, bless your hart, but merely a
complement to her beautiful beast of a hus
band who does her bossing and voting for
her, and looks after interest in publio life so
much better than she could herself. Also tho
woman teacher performing her dally task
better than her brother, is not a competitor,
but will be the complement of some man if
she does not die an old iraid, working for
less wages and rendering superior service.
The Express is greatly improved under
its new management. See advertise
ment in another column.
A Financial Political Economy.
The Executive Committee of the
American Bankers' Association have ap
pointed a Committee to secure the in
troduction of a school finance in our
Academies and Universities. The light
of knowledge on the money question is
breaking in the minds of the people.
They are beginning to see that the men
who control the money control the la
bor and the wealth. They are learning
that the creation and issuing of money
is a vital soverign power of the people,
and cannot be shared or delegated with
out danger to liberty. And this know
ledge of the people is endangering the
power and the wealth, of the money
Kings of Wall and Broad and Lombard
streets. So they propose to put their
vile tenets of a specie basis, and single
gold standard and intrinsic value In
money into text books for our youth,
and inoculate them with tho poison
virus of an old exploded system, so as
to maintain their grasp upon tho wealth
of the people. All right, Gentlemen!
All we ask is study, investigation. The
trouble heretofore has been that the peo
ple did not study for themselves, but
left you to think for them. Set them to
investigating, even with your doctored
up text-books, and progress is all right.
Truth is mighty and will prevail, Be
sides, some text-books giving the actual
truth may be obtained.
The State Agency at Lincoln.
Mr. J. II. Hartley, formerly of Broken
Bow, has accepted the position of Agent
for tho State Alliance at Lincoln, ten
dered him by tho Executive Committee,
and has located at Lincoln to open tho
business. It is intended to make this
agency a medium for the procuring of
all kinds of goods for the different Busi
ness Associations, and also for the indi
vidual members of tho Alliance; and
also a selling agency for all products.
In short, the agency is established for
convenience of the members of the Alli
ance in every direction where their con
venience can be promoted.
Of course, there is a great deal of pre
liminary work to be done before the
agency will bo in complete working or
der; but this will be done as fast as pos
sibleand announcements of business
arrangements made as soon as any aro
Mr. Hartley is a man of large business
experience, of whom all his business
associates speak in the highest terms
We have no doubt the business here will
grow to large, proportions under his
care. The Executive Committee reserve
supervision and control in matters of
importance. The aim of all connected
with the agency is to make it of the ut
most benefit to its members.
Of course our paper will lc the me
dium of communication on business mat
ters; and we trust all members will see
the convenience of becoming subscrib
ers. Corn Rate Notes.
West Blue Farmers' Alliance No. 375
endorses the resolutions of Wabash Al
liance, condemning Gov. Thayer and
commending Gen. Leese.
Claris Jleekly Messenger prints an open
letter to Gov. Thayer asking him why
he delayed so long to ask for reduced
rates, and forcibly reminding him that
the present condition of affairs lias
grown up under Ids rule and that of his
The Fullerton Post prints an incisive
letter, headed "The Governor is too
late." It says of Thayer:
He has been In a position whero he could
have acted with dignity and ctroct. During
all these many years tho people have Iwhmi
shamefully and cruelly robbed, and yet not
one word of rebuke for the wrong or advleo
for righting the wrong has ever escaped bis
Hps. While this merciless. heartless, des
potic greed has been gradually reducing the
farmers to their present condition, this John
M. Thayer has distinguished himself only In
an equal greed for office."
The correspondents pan out about
the same as the public meetings.
The Phelps County Herald says th
governor is having a hard time of it,
and that it is difficult for a man to
serve two masters at the same time.
The Farmers' Voice.
The Editor of the Farmers' Voice, of
Chicago, is a fearless advocate of tho
rights of the people. His paper is now
in its third volume, and is a marked
success, lie appeals for subscribers for
it; and his language may bo applied to
. i e t . ...
l "l - - - - - -
ance, for instance. We copy:
"When The Farmers' Voice can show
a subscription list that rises 200, OOO.tlum
the Banded Monopolists, the political
bosses, and servile Congresses and Leg
islatures will say "why these Hayseeder
mean business after all," and laws for
the benefit of rural Americans ami the
producing masses will come along quit'
natural all of themselves.
But so long as farmers who know t hey
are beingcrushed to the earth by unjust
conditions, are not willing to contribute
two cents a week in order to have their
cause ably, bravely and prcsistently
championed the Banded Monopolists
will be right in declaring that they are
merely first class material out of which
to make cringing slaves.
One good way for true men to show
their sympathy for the great plain peo
ple is to subscrilo for The Farmers'
Voice, which speaks in the interest of a
Government of the people, by tho peo
ple and for the people first, last, and
all the time.
in iiim iiiriiipr IIHIII'IK . . w t I I IflBC J ,
Remarkably Good Sense.
The daily Bee of a late date says:
"Hardly lets absurd is the de
mand that the government should incniaxe
the duties on farm products". Obviously a
country that exports such products, and the
price of which is fixed In a forlgn market,
would not benefit tho producing Industry by
tariff duties, however high."
The proposition to increase duties on
farm products for the benefit of the
farmer has come from the highest re
publican authority, viz: a conclave of
politicians held in the tower of the
Tribune building, New York City. We
are glad to see the Bee repudiate its
party on this point. Now if it will look
up tho "home market" business, which
makes corn 14 cts and harvesters $175,
and will admit that a protective tariff
is a bonus to capital and a fraud on
producers; and if it will take the side
of the people instead of the banks on
the money question, we will have some
hopes for it.
Chicago Gets There.
The voting on the question of the lo
cation of the World's Fair resulted de
cisively for Chicago. Chicago has made
a grand fight for the Fair, and deserves
to win, aside from the fact that she is
the representative city of the country,
and from location, enterprise, wealth
and ability was entitled to it any way
It is hardly likely now that tho enter
prise will be defeated; so in 1892 let us
all be prepared to take an outing to at
tend the World's Fair at the Queen City
of the west and the World.
Bro. Beal as an Editor.
Bro. Beal, President of tho Custer Co.
Alliance is a success as an editor. His
Alliance department in the Leader la
ably edited, and posses much interest.
Powered by Open ONI