The farmers' alliance. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1889-1892, December 21, 1889, Image 2
THE ALLIANCE. PU3LISHE0 EVERY SATURDAY MORNING. ALLIAHCE PUBLISHING CO. BOHANNAN BLOCK, Lincoln, - - - Nebraska. J. BURROWS, : J, M. THOMPSON, : . Editor. Associate Editor. All communications for the paper should be addressed to THE ALLIANCE PUBLISH ING CO., Hud nil .matters pertaining to the Farmers' Alliance, includitgr subscriptions to t he pape, to the Secretary. EDITORIAL. LANDLORDISM AM) CAPITALISM. An -'article in the Journal of United Labor for Nov. 21, tinder the above caption, grazes the truth, in regard to capitalism so very closely that it is sim ply a Avonder that the writer fails to perceive the exact relations of money capital to rent. The writer says "land lordism "exacts tribute from industry by claiming possession of the soil and charging an increasing rental accord ing as the demand becomes more ur gent. Capitalism docs the same thing by inflating the volume of credit capital, which, rather than cur rency, is the means of exchange. And the two are inextricably interwoven so -that it is impossible to separate their operations or say that any particular act of spoliation is to be credited to the one rather than the other." Now right in the conclusion of this sentence is where the writer errs. Instead of be ing inextricably interwoven, one of these powers comprehends and governs the other. A clear perception of this fact, and a clear knowledge as to which is the controlling power, will open a clear view of the only true remedy. - Money capital embraces all other kinds of capital, It embraces capital in land, houses, merchandise, because it constitutes the only legal agent into which these other kinds of capital can be transmuted. All other kinds of cap ital can be changed into money and stored for future use. Money capital represents all other kinds of capital, be cause it commands all other kinds. This being true, the use. money at any time commands determines the use or rent other kinds of capital will com mand. Thus, instead of being "inex tricably interwoven," money is seen to tand apart, and be actually the con trolling power. If this is true, the con trol of interest will control rent or the use of money in its transmuted form. The writer, in what follows, grazes this fact so closely, that it is strange that it escaped him. He instances the case of the speculator in laud who has "made" $100,000. He then asks: "Has he called into existence anything that did not previously exist? Yes $1 00,000 have been added to the volume of credit capital. It matters not whether lie re ceives gold or paper money or ot her land values in exchange, or.as in most eases, a slip of paper giving him a credit on a bankers book, there i.s just that amount -of capital additional available for pur poses of trade or investment. Invested in a bank, a railroad or factory, or lent 'out at interest, these dollars may yield their owner several times the amount of the original investment." All of which is very true; but however the $100,000 may be invested, it is the rate of interest which money commands that determines the return to its owner. The pregnant fact is that this $100,000 of credit capital, while a representative of money, is not itself money, and by being called into existence through an increase of values, has rendered actual money relatively just $100,000 scarcer. While it is absolutely immaterial, so far as renters or .producers are concerned. whether the income from this $100,000 goes- to capitalists in the form of inter est or- rent, it is true that its amount is fixed by interest. Interest can be controlled in only one way, and that is by the rate which the sovereign power issuing money con sents .-hall be received. Volume' of money regulates the burden of interest through ju ices, not through a nominal rate. lint interest controls the use of all fornix of wealth which money com mands. Interest controls rent, and largely fixes wages of labor and trans portation charges. Credit capital, con stantly expanding by land speculation, stock-watering, mortgages and other forms of debt, or in any manner, is do ing its mischief by causing contraction, thus lowering prices ami values, and constantly increasing the share interest takes from labor through the increased purchasing power of money. The rem edy is to increase the purchasing power of labor. This can be done by re-in-forcing labor with an increase of actual money fairly proportioned to increased credit capital, the saute to be issued by the government direct to the people at cost of issue on land security. The fundamental principle of our ; land system is ownership by the state through the right of eminent domain, never relinquished. The state is the only power that issues money. Why should not the state make one of these sovereign powers rest upon the other, and make land the basis of money? Every debt drawing interest is a form of credit-capital. It is performing one function of money, viz: accumulation by interest, but cannot perform either of the other functions, viz: effect ex changes or liquidate debts. Its exist, ence increases the necessity for more money, and at the same time lessens the relative supply. Every dollar of credit capital that is created creates a need for more money. This process of the creation of credit capital lias been going on with accelerated - pace, until there are thirty thousand millions of such capital, transmuting the earn ings of labor into .interest at the rate of eighteen hundred millions a year, and by the same process continually re transmuting this -interest into credit capital. Csesar Jolinslng's 'Pinion. De Preserdlnt is talkhr hout eheup nurcar an free rye- Pat's what-he's Hinifin" tariff dug risrlit in le po' man's eye. . I needs er jroorl, warm overcoat, warm socks an' shirts an' shoes: Jes' frimme cheap bed-blankits, an I'll do widout de booze. I's tired uv bein taxed fer sheets, spoons. ski Hits, forks an' mug? Somehow hit don't look right to keep free whisky in taxed jugs. . I's tired uv restin" on taxed cheers, an' on er tariff bed Free whiskey ain gwine 'put no hat on dis po nigger's head. Gimme cheap sugar an' bacon, an corfy, den I'll try Ter pay my debts an' worry long widout the untaxed rye. ' All dat 1 eat an w'ar is taxed :but ef I had ter choose. I'd put de taxes down on close an' put 'em up on booze. " William G. Eggleeton. ELM WOOD FARMERS' ALLIANCE YS. THE 31. P. R. R. COMPANY. This was a case in which the Mo. Pa cific Railroad Co. refused to allow Elm wood Alliance to erect an elevator at Elmwood. It was taken before the State Board of Transportation on com plaint of Elmwood Alliance, was tried at Elmwood before the Secretaries of the Board, and upon their report the Board ordered that the prayer of the plaintiffs be granted, and that the M. P. Company give said plaintiffs room and track privileges for an elevator at Elm-. wood on tne same terms as are given the other Elevators at that place, with in ten days. Now comes the M. P. Railroad Co.. and, and having lawyers hired by the year, and in pursuance with the usual custom of railroad corporations to tire out complainants, and harrass them by delays and appeals, and discourage them with visions of fees and costs, and appeals to the. Board of Transportation for a re-hearing of this case before the full Board, and asks the suspension of the order until such re-hearing can be had. At the former hearing all the commissioners M ere present except At torney General Loose. The alleged grounds for asking for a re-hearing are as follows: 1st. Findings and order not sup ported by sufficient evidence. 2nd. Findings and order contrary to law and evidence. '3rd. Board has no authority inlaw to act upon things and oircunstatices and conditions in expectancy, or to provide by an order for possible future condi tions. 4th. The order of the Board will not secure to complainants the remedy de sired, and only adds burdens to respon dent without securing the relief sought. The hearing of the argument for a re Iieariug is set for Jan. 8th. If a re-hearing is then denied, the road will proba bly carry forward-its policy of delay by taking the case into the courts. We hope Elmwood Alliance will stay with this case until it is taken to a suc cessful issue. If the funds of that Alli ance are not sufficient for that purpose, we would favor making an appropria tion from the treasury of the State Alli ance to aid them. It is necessary to down this railroad interest which peddles out elevator privileges and takes stock in grain-buying companies, thus acquiring a direct interest in depressing the price of grain at local stations. It is necessary that competition in buying and selling grain should be absolutely free, and if the present law will not make.it so, more law should be enacted. Observe the?,third claim in the motion for a re-liearing. Just What Was Done at St. Louis. From the loose statements put forth by the press, and by some parties who seem to be interested in making a false impression as to the facts, there seems to be clanger that a wrong impression as to what was actually done at St. Louis may arise. We deem it proper therefore to make a short statement of the actual facts. First, there was no organic union of the Northern and Southern Alliances effected. Kansas, having two state or ganizations, Avas, by vote of the National Alliance, permitted to join the South ern Alliance. It is stated that Dakota also joined the southern body. This is not true. No such action by Dakota had been taken previous to the adjourn ment of the National Alliance. Any action alter would he the- unomcial ac tion of individuals, and Avould have no force until sanctioned by a state meet ing. That Mr. Wardall joined, and Avas appointed a member of the execu tive committee of the southern body, at a salary of $2,000, there is no doubt. But the State Alliance of Dakota will not leave the northern organization. Second. As to the color line, the Southern Alliance amended its constitu tion, leaving eligibility as far as it re lates to race, to each state; but refusing to admit colored delegates to the na tional meeting. Third. The eligibility clause in the southern constitution was amended by leaving out the Avord "country", before "mechanics," thus opening that organ ization to all occupations, instead of confining it to farmers, as heretofore. This amendment effectually destroys that society as a distinctively farmers' association. The National Alliance is not prepared to do this. The farmers and the mechanics and laboring men of our cities and toAvns cannot be profita bly united in the same society. While their community of interest Is suffi ciently the same to enable them to unite on a general declaration of polit ical principles, a mixing of these two classes in one society Avould be harmful to both. It is safe to assume that the members of the National Alliance will not yield the distinctive feature of their society as a farmers' organization The Knights are in one field of work, and the farmers in another; and they will accomplish much more good by co-operating on general lines than by joining each other's societies. Fourth. The question ot salaries did not come up in the National Alliance meeting. That society has not been Paying its officers salaries. There is much to be said on both sides of that question. In some directions salaried officers can perhaps do better work. But as a rule work that is done for the love of a good cause is the most effective. When large salaries are paid some men will accept office for the sake of the salary who. will -be an injury to the cause. There are quite a number of gray-haired men iu the country who went through the Grange movement which was at its height about twenty tive years ago. Drunk with numbers and apparent power, the enthusiastic Grange conventions voted large salaries, and engaged in enormous business en terprises. These were necessarily placed in the hands of men unused to handling large capital, and as a rule proved dis astrous failures. We saw $150,000 ac cumulated at Washington, and dropped into a hole. The hole is still there. The Southern Alliance voted a large sum to its officers as salaries, and also, we are informed, voted allowances to its organizers, to be collected by them, or ppid by the states, which will aggre gate, with officers' salaries, $50,000 or upward per year. The statement that there 'was a debt of $T5,000 on the Southern Alliance, arising from its exchange operations. and the fact that Texas had refused to ratify the union, had much influence in inducing delegates to the National Al liance to hesitate before forming an or ganic union; though" it is certain every delegate ezcept those from Iowa and Minnesota went there with that inten tion. But for co-operative work on politi cal lines the Northern and Southern Alliances and the Knights of Labor are ! one body. They have agreed upon an identical declaration upon the great questions of land, money and transpor tation, which they recognize embrace almost all questions. While retaining their autonomy as distant organiza tions, there Avill hereafter be no rivalry except as to which shall do the best work for reform. Uniting their efforts, and agreeing in their methods, they will form a new power in the govern ment of this country. If their plans are practically carried out, the test in the election of the next congress will be fealty to the people and to certain well delincd measures and lines of action. in stead of fealty to party. And with a congress elected in this manner avc may. look for some legislation for the people. The following, from the Journal of the Knights of Labor, fairly expresses the hopes excited by the new alliance: "Never before was the future so full of hope. With fidelity to convictions, all we ever hoped for is now within our reach. We have formed an alliance with a body who are earnest, honest, intelligent, and who believe as thoroughly as Ave in the great principle's upon which our Order is founded, and for the carrying out of which it exists. Our allies are not fair-weather friends, not new con verts, but men of deep and well-rooted con victions; men who "know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain." They are men who can be depended upon to do their full part in the struggle. Let us see to it that we too do ours." "SILVER'S DE3IA'D. " Under the above caption the Chicago Herald attacks the proposition made by the St. Louis convention for the free coinage of silver with a ferocity that is quite surprising, or Avould be surprising did avc not know that the Herald is owned and controlled by a national bank millionaire. When this is knoAvn its rab id utterances on the siher question are easily accounted for. It talks about the desire of the silver men to add 20 per cent to the value of their product at public expense. This amounts to a square admission that making the coin- : age of silver free Avould enhance its value 20 per cent. Good enough. The friends of silver claim that the main cause of depression in its value Avas its demonetization, and that its restora tion to its old place Avould restore its value to par with gold. Its enemies have denied this, except in such un witting cases as the above. Says the Herald: "The effect l" free coinage w.uild be to inflate the currency immediately, to drive gold and its equivalent our of circu lation, to increase prices, to promote specu lation, to lessen the purchasing value of a dollar, and eventually to precipitate bank ruptcy for multitudes of men." Well, most of the above is pretty good. The scare-croAv of silver driving gold out of circulation is getting thin. But avc have been having contraction, and the country has been brought to the verge of ruin. Let us try a little expansion. We have had low prices, and under Ioav prices the farms are mostly mortgaged, and the nation thir ty thousand millions in debt. Let us try higher prices. We have had the purchasing power of the dollar indefi nitely increased, and the -result is disas ter. Let us now increase the purchas ing poAver of products and labor, and see if prosperity will not folloAV. Mil lionaire bankers and gold-bugs Avill froth and foam, but the results Avill be the same. If more multitudes reach bankruptcy under free coinage than there have under restricted coinage, the country will indeed be bad off. But we think the multitudes are Avilling to take the chances. The Chicago Herald says: -"It is a peculiarity of republicanism that it shields its rogues. Insisting on the sternest penalties for democratic villians, it provides rich rewards for its own." The times must be getting badly out of joint when a democratic organ ad mits that there are ''democratic vil lians.'' But we are not prepared to deny it. And there is certainly no doubt about the "republican rogues.-' The people ought to protect each from the other, aud the Australian ballot is I about the thing to do it with. BULLION CERTIFICATES. Tlie following is the recommendatio of the secretary of the treasury upon the silver question, ' made in response to the public demand that silver be re stored to its old place in our monetary system: "Issue treasury notes against deposits of silver bullion at the market price of silver when deposited, payable on demand in such quantities of silver, bullion as will equal in A'alue , at the date of presentation, the num ber of dollars expressed on the face of the notes at the market price of sih er; or in gold, at the option of the government; or in silver dollars at the option of the holder. Repeal the compulsory feature of the" present coin age. . . . Upon an analysis of the above the points that Avill strike the reader are, 1st. That the coinage of silver would be stopped. 2nd. That silver would be a com modity only, and cease to be money. 3rd. That the value of this commod ity would be measured in gold. 4th. That neither the certificate nor the bullion would be legal tender. 5th. Thai the amount of legal tender silver would remain limited by the vol ume already coined. It Avill be observe tV' that the plan of redemption proposed is in exact accord with the above facts. It does not con template redemption with the same amount of silver deposited, but ix sil ver AT ITS VALUE AT DATE OF REDEMP TION, MEASURED BV GOLD. Making silver a commodity, with a continually varying 'value, upon which a holder could realize at any hour at any mint or U. S. assay office, would at at once transform it into one of the prime articles of speculation, and op tions in silver would become more plen tiful than options in wheat or corn. In this case the certificates Avould take the place of warehouse receipts, represent ing a variable quantity of silver, one amount to-day and another amount to morroAv. The option of the govern ment to redeem them in gold would not necessarily keep them at par with gold; though the obligation to so redeem them would. While the secretary holds out the idea that this scheme would result in an in crease of currency, that is not necessa rily the case. The provision that they may be received for customs and all public dues, andre-issued -wheu so re ceived, sufficiently guards that point. It is likely that the current business of the treasury- would enable it to take all the bullion offered without increasing the volume of certificates beyond the present point, bullion - being made ex changeable for gold at the option of the treasury, or dollars at the option of the depositor. This last provision, makes present silver certificates available to handle bullion. So no increase of cur rency need take place. These bullion certificates would not be money. They would not perform the one great function which is be stoAved upon money bylaw,' viz: pay debts. Gold avouLI remain the debt paying standard, supplemented by the silver dollars now in existence. The scheme simply makes the U. S. the de positary and holder of silver bullion, to account for on demand. It will not satisfy the silver men, and offers noth ing to that far greater class Avho de mand more money. The wheat raisers, the corn raisers and the cotton raisers have just as much light to demand that the government shall become a deposi tary and insurer of their products, and issue certificates upon them in dollars at market rate.s, as have the silver rais ers, and such certificates would be as much money in the one case as the other. This scheme is so lame and unstable, and so certain to result in bull and bear interests in the silver market, that the secretary proposes that discretion be vested in him to arrest operations when necessary. . ' While apparently so plausible, a care ful examination shows that the 'propo sition practically gives to the gold bugs all they haAe been lighting for. It de monetizes silver, stops its coinage, and leaves gold the sole and only standard of Aalue, Avhile offering no relief to the country by an increased volume of money. It is a dead give-.iAvay to Wall Street, and effectually disposes of the pretense that Mr. Wiudom is friendly to silver. Death of Ron. R. B. Harrington. Hon. It. B. Harrington, of Beatrice, died of consumption at Richmond, Ya.. on Friday, Dec. 0, 1880. Mr Harrington was one of the oldest and beat known residents of Gage Co. He held many offices of trust and honor. He was for several years Receiver of the Beatrice land office, and was State Senator from Gage county. To say he possessed the confidence and esteem of all men is not enough. Those who kneAv him best loved him most. He Avas a noble, upright, honest man. He had a quick contempt lor all shams, and despised all wrong. Dining the Avar we had known and frequently seen our then honored President, Mr. Lincoln. Becoming intimately ac quainted with Mr. Harrington long afterward, Ave were struck by his strong resemblance, in person and character, to Mr. Lincoln. The resemblance in many particulars was marked and striking. We are proud to know that we- could call Mr. Harrington friend. When Ave took his hand at our parting, j ust before he started for Virginia, we knew that we were standing at the portal were saying goocl-bye to one Avho was about to enter in, and whom we should never more see upoA earth. We pause now in the selfish struggle and ceasless strife of this wrong life in 'which men -and brothers are trampling each other iii their eager rush after false gods, lo drop a tear to the memory of a 3ian, and to almost envy him the peace of the sleep that knows no waking. In answering advertisements ahvays mention The Alliance. IESS OF PRES. BURROWS. Delivered at the Annual Meeting of the National Farmers Alliance, Held at St. Louis, Bee. 3rd, 1SS0. Again Ave are met together as repre sentatives of our different state organi zations, to survey the field of our past labors and draw from their results les sons for our future guidance, and per haps encouragement for our future en deavors. The progress that has been made in organization in the past year, while not nearly so great as it should haA e been, is sufficiently encouraging to show that our society is receiving the approval of the intelligent portion of the agricul tural class, and to warrant the continu ance of our efforts to mobilize and cen tralize our influence for the advance ment of its interests. New- state organi zations have been formed in Ohio, Washington.-', nnd, Colorado. The Alliance : has been reorganized in Illinois on a basis that prom ises to give that great state a dis tinctively farmers' organization com mensurate with the magnitude of its agricultural industries. Ncav Alliances have been chartered in California, Ore gon, Pennsylvania, Indiana, New York and Missouri, and only a little effort is required to secure state organizations in those states. It must be noted that all this organi zation has been purely voluntary, and that, the National Alliance has not em ployed any national officers in proselyt ing work. This fact shows a readiness of the agricultural class to unite for its oavii welfare which is certainly a good augury for future success in organiza tion. Looking over the field from another standpoint, wo find there has been no advance in material prosperity since our last annual meeting. The prices of agricultural products continue so Ioav that there is but little incentive to con tinued production. Values of all kinds of property have continued to shrink, until it has become hazardous to make neAv investments in any kinds of busi ness. With continually shrinking val ues hoarded money pays a better return than money invested. This fact, by im peding neAv enterprises, interferes with the employment of labor, intensifying competition in the labor market and throwing idle hands upon the public or upon charity for support, thus at the same time consuming accumulated cap ital, and arresting production. A con tinual shrinkage of values also increases the burden of interest and debt, while diminishingthepoAverof the producer to pay. In fact, with prices continually shrinking the liquidation of debt be comes almost imiossible. The fund for the payment of interest and debt by the farmer must come from the margin of production over nece'ssary consumption. If shrinking values entirely' wipe out that margin the fund is destroyed. That that margin has ' been entirely Aviped out there is no manner of doubt. In the case of our public debt it can be shown that it will take move of the pro ducts of labor, measured by the present prices of those products,"' to pay that debt now than it would m 1865. On August 1, 18(55. our national debt was 2,680 millions of dollars. On July 1, 1888, it was 1.705 millions, showing the payment of 975,G00,000. During this twenty years we have paid over 1 .800 mil lions of intere ton this debt. With all this enormous outlay we are startled Avith the information that our debt is larger now tthan Avhen avc; thought it Avas the largest in 18G5. But such i indubitably the fact. In dollars it is smaller. But measured in any of the products of industry Avith which pro ducers buy dollars, it is larger. It would take more bushels of corn or Avheat, more pounds of pork or beef, more tons of bar Iron, or more bales of cotton, to pay the debt to-day than it Avould have taken in 1865. The condi tion of affairs that has made this true of our public debt makes it true also of all private debts. It is not so much the. nominal number of dollars as the price of products or labor Avith Avhich the producer buys the dollars that deter mines the burden of debt. The transportation problem has as sumed some new phases, but it still re mains unsolved. On the side of the people the concensus of opinion is enor mously in favor of government control, more or less absolute. There is no doubt whatever that a sentiment in fa vor of absolute ownership of the roads by the government is rapidly gaining ground. In this direction the adding of stringent criminal provisions to the in terstate commerce law, and the increas ing exercise of large powers by the in terstate commission are in response to this growiug public sentiment. The de mand that the law should be repealed finds no echo among the people, who on the contrary" are rapidly advancing to the point Avhen government oAvnership xv i 11 be demanded. On the part of the corporations the tendency to cover railroad properties with enormous blanket mortgage's, in which are included every possible form of debt which may be funded, is a point er in the same direction. These debts, when funded into bonds, become as much a taxing power, draw their enor mous revenues as directly from the pro ducers of the nation, form as untrans ferable a load upon the labor of the country, as "do the munici pal, state or national taxes imposed solely for governmental purposes. Add to this pregnant fact, the other, that as soon as they leave the hands of their issuers they go into the possession of in nocent holders aiid assume the sacred character of vested rights, and the mo tives of their issuers, and their instinct ive apprehension that a great change is to take place in the transportation problem, may be partially.' fathomed. Railroad combinations Avhich will far surpass iir magnitude any of the past are undoubtedly contemplated. With this phase of the question the public has become familliar. But after all that has been said about Avatered stocks, it is doubtful if the public fully appreci ate, the enormously increased taxing power which may be still deAeloped byr greater combinations, and fastened up on our posterity under the delusive pro tense f vested rights and innocent ownership. It is for us to sound the alarm, and Avarn the people of their still greater danger, and to demand of congress prompt action to prevent this increased incubus of taxation from be ing loaded upon our children and our children's children. The land question, is still with us. The unexampled rush of land-seekers to Oklahoma when it Avas opened to set tlement, partially shows the extent of the land starvation .which is felt by our farming and laboring people. Of all the unearned land which are said to be for feited by the railroads and recovered by the government, very few acres in deed can be obtained by the settler for a home Avithout a lawsuit with a corpo ration. In almost all these cases the railroads have, carried' the contest for A DDI these lands into the c ourts, hoping to gain by legal chicane the empire they tailed to steal outright. Congress should at once establish an authority upon which the duty of forcing all forfeitures of lands to a rapid and final decision, should be mandatory, to the end that these lands shall be open to the set tler under the homestead law. We should reneAv our former declara tion that no alien should be permitted to hold land in the United States. But if agricultural land is to be held in Hrge quantities, it makes little prac tical difference whether.it is held by aliens or citizens. The principal evjj resulting from such holdings is the forc ing of would-be tillers of the soil to the outskirts of civilization, or dooming them to a life of servitude to pay a debt contracted in the purchase of a home. It is unquestionably the duty of the gov ernment to see that honest citizens who, desire to bo tillers of the soil are not deprived of that right by unjust and liberty destroying monopolies. This is a duty the government owes lo poster ity as Avell as to citizens of the present time, for it is undoubtedly true that a virtuous, industrious and free agricul tural population is the only basis for a progressive and endurinr civilization. lEvery man desiring to till the soil, and to make a home thereon, should be per mitted to own 80 acres of land free of all taxation and execution for debt. Holdings in excess of that amount should be taxed cumulatively until own ership of agricultural land above a reasonable amount would become im possible. This principle should be es tablished and have universal applica tion as soon as possible. It has been proposed to usher in the millennium, solve the labor problem, give profitable employment to all who desire it, renovate and rejuvenate so ciety, and advance civilization to yet nobler heights, by the confiscation of rent through taxation, at the same time that all created wealth is to be exempt from taxation. With many shallow thinkers, and with many people in our towns and cities who arc; taken with the idea of exemption from taxes of all personal property, this proposition has gained much favor. But it is worthy of note that no trained political economists, and feny men of great intellectual cul ture or achievement, have espoused it. And it is also worthy of note that Her bert Spencer, the great apostle upon whom the proposer of this panacea for all economic and social ills mainly leaned in the elaboration of his theories, has quite lately entirely repudiated the application made of them. Rent has no existence separate from labor. It is, in fact, annually created by labor. To the man who pays rent, and expec ts always to pay it, it may make little difference whether he pays it to the public or to a landlord. But to the small land OAvner, who comprises within his ; own person lxth capitalist and laborer, ami who as his own land lord is the receiver of the rent paid by himself, it will, make a vast difference whether this rent is confiscated by the state or left in his own pocket. To exempt the creations of labor from taxation, in the interest of the la borer, while tour-nit hs ot such pi ducts are absorbed ny the capitalist a soon as created, and must under oitr competitive system and the comiK'titjve system proposed by Mr. George, con tinue to be so absorbed, would be of very doubtful benefit or rather would be of undoubted lenelit to the capitalist. To argue that because- taxation never has proi lured human happiness, it never will, would perhaps not be fair in this era of progi-ess and change. But, as far as heanlfrom to date, taxation has at I lest been considered a necessary evil, and human happiness has never been predicated upon it. To increase taxation so as to fully absorb the total revenue of one of the prime factors of production, viz: land, does not in my opinion offer sufficient promise? of para dise to commend it to my approval A caref ul analysis of an exclusive tax up on land values will show that the bur den of this tax will rest tin ally upon the actual tillers of the soil. As representatives of the class which nominally holds in its posession the land of the nation, and which produces annually the largest proportion of the wealth of the nation, it is our duty to aseertaiu the cause for the continually increasing concentration of wealth in. the hands of a comparatively small number and for the fact that the great middle clasa wh-ieh is the true manistay of popular government, is fast disap pearing, and that Ave are rapidly be coming a nation of a few very rich and a great many very oor, people. This important tact is attracting the atten tion of the very best minds ef this age. In this connection I must again refer to the money question, which is of the most tmnscendent importance, and really embraces all economic questions which are attracting public attention at this time. The land question is the money question, as rent is only interest upon capital in other forms than mon ey, the labor question is the money question, as an adequate supply of mon ey Avouhl stimulate enterprise, employ labor, and raise wages,' and thus pre vent strikes and lockouts. The trans portation question is largely embraced in the money question, localise interest on plant ami on debt forms the largest fixed charge of railroad corporations. By the demonetization of silver by the Latin Union, Germany and the Uni ted State's a large volume of this metal was deprived of its money quality, and Avas relegated to the domain of com modities. By the appreciation of U. S. bonds a large contraction has been caused in the volume of our national bank currency. This contraction has been tangible and absolute, and can be stated in dollars. But the relative con traction caused by increased and im proved appliances for production, by more rapid communication, and by the removal of obstacles to trade, has been much greater. Every removal c.f an obstacle to commerce, ewery improAvd machine Avhich makes production more rapid and easy, has created a use and a necessity for more money. But while? these improvements have been going on, while this necessity has been cre ated, the volume of money has been growing less. If proof of this fact Avas needed it might be found in the statis tics of business failures. These aggre gated in 1865, six hundred and thirty tAvo, representing a loss of 17 millions of dollars. In 1888 they aggregated 10, 670, representing a loss of 124 millions. Or by the shrinkage in the value of farms and agricultural property, which will amount for the past tAventy years to 5.000 millions of dollars. Or by the enormous debt, estimated at 50,000 millions, Avhich now hangs like a pall over the nation. This contraction of the volume of money has- been in the interest of the handlers of money capital. As A'alues have receded the purchasing poAver of money has advanced. With every de pression of price, interest, or money de rived '.from lixed incomes in any form, will command more of your Avealth. Remember, with all handlers of money capital, or receivers of lixed incomes, the purchasing power of money is a vi tal point. But Avith all producers, whether by agriculture, manufactures, arts, professions, or day wagers, the purchasing poAver of products is the vi tal point. The first-named class buy Avealth with money, the second-named class buy money with wealth. The contraction of (he money volume means the robbery of the producer and laborer, and the enriching of the money lender. The control of the money volume of a country means" the control of the labor, of that country. The . power 'to fix -'"interest, and the power to depress prices, means a power to tax never possessed by tin? most au tocratic government on the face of the earth. . : - . The poAver Jo issue? money and regu late its value is the highest sovereign power that can ho exercised. The government of the United States, as far as one species of our money is concerned, viz: national bank notes, which form an important part of onr circulating medium, has farmed out this sovereign poAver to a monopoly. It has thus conferred upon this mo nopoly, an enormous taxing power. This taxing power has been confenvd by law, ami by hnv alone can it be taken aAvay. - Production of late years has so enor mously increased as to require a greatly increased volume of money to effect ex changeis. The demand for the use of the precious metals for other purposes tbau for coin has also largely inemtsat while the supply . remains normal. If would seem therefore that the supply of those, metals would-never again be adequate alone to furnish an amount of money equal to the, demands of the commerce of this country, and the world. But more money- is demanded by Un people. The silver convention held in this city last week was simply an inci dent growing out of this demand. IIoav shall this additional money be issued, and of what shall it consist Land is noAV the ultimate security of all loans of money, and is the ultimate basis of all bonds, whether municipal, state or national. The productions of land form the basis of the taxing power upon Avhie;h the 'credit of nations U founeled. Money based upon first mortgage on land, with its issues prop erly limited, would 'possess two indis pensable requisites for good money, viz: stability and an imperishable and reasonably unchangeable basis of value. This money should be issued direct to the people? who could give the adequate land security, at cost of issue, as now to national banks on bond security, and should be legal tender for all debts public and private. The coinage of gold and silver should be free and unlimited. From the foregoing I Avould deduct? the folloAving measures, viz: Abolish land monopoly by a cumula tive tax. Supply money at cost, by amending the? law which iioav renpiires the? govern ment to loan money to bankers at one per cent on bonds, so that loans cm small landed estates can be? obtained at the same rate. Supply transHrtation at cost by gov ernment ownership of railroads. Let the fanners of this nation unite on these three measures, to the exclu sion of all minor ones, and vote for tn men for congress who are not im.kpcjkp to make tlu'se? measures the first and dominant legislation in congress. A SIGNIFICANT CHANG M. List Aveek Mr. Powdcrly's paper came to us as "The; Journal of United Labor." This Aveek it comes as "The Journal of the 'Knights of Iabor." This is a silent but very expressive protest against the proposed union of the Southern Alli ance and the Knight int one organic body, which was invited by the former when they. made; all mechanics eligible to membership. Mr. Powde rly 'know very well that the mechanics and la boring men of our toAvns cannot le profitably organized in the' same society with the farmers; and he takes thi effectual method of showing that his paper is the organ of the Knight.' only, andiiet of any new amalgamation. Mr. Powde?rly has a reputaliem for havingquitea level head. National Ranks. The following front the report of tba comptroller of the currency shows the condition of the national banks at the present time. National banking seems to be a very satisfactory kind of business to the bankers: On October 31, 188 there were in ex istence o,3B national banks, possessing an aggregate capital of ?;U20.17I,:J05. The last report of condition exhibited their resources and liabilities on Sep tember 31), 1880. The number reporting at that time was 3,-90, having a capital of $(12,584,00.; surplus, $107,301,761; undivided profits, $S4,ScVJ,Kt;; gross deposits, including amount due banks, $1,05(,9;,1(0; loans and discounts, $1 ,-S0-,7:!J,73i). The amount of circulation outstanding was S2(,6(2.732, of which S131, 383,33 1 was secured by United States bonds, and the remainder, $72, 2.79,;02., was represented by deposit of lawful me-ney in the Tieasury deposited to retire it. Within the year 211 banks were organized, having an aggregate capital of $21,240 000. Only two nation al banks failed during the year. ".NOPROXIIIS. The Kxcutive Committee, at a meet ing held at Lincoln. Dec. 17. to make arrangements for the annual meeting, decided to recommend that no proxies be admitted to the annual meeting, and that Delegates present be entitled to cast the vote their respectivejAlliunces are entitled to. This recomentlaliou is right, and Avill undoubtedly be adopted. Proxies aie the tools of corrupt politicians. Many a convention has been entirely swamped and corrupted by them. Thev are sim ply an expedient for concentrating large power in the hands of an individ ual.. When the railroad power of this, state wanted to control the late republi can convention, it naturally resorted to proxies; and two hundred aud eighty men voted in that convention, of course for the railroad candidate. The State? Alliance wants nothing to do with proxies. . JOB PRINTING. Tim Ai.liaxc K Pi n. Co. has just add ed to its outfit a ucav Gordon jobber, and is now prepared to do all kinds of ioh Avork in a tasteful manner. We have just printed a ucav edition of the ritual for the State Alliance Avhich for neatness cannot be excelled. Send us your jobs, and Ave aa'cII print them m good as the best, and as low as the law ost." Do not send money by postal notes. They are no safer than stamps. Postal notes lost cannot be traced or recovered. Send by express or money order, regis tered letter or bank draft.