THE ALLIANCE.
PU3LISHE0 EVERY SATURDAY MORNING.
ALLIAHCE PUBLISHING CO.
BOHANNAN BLOCK,
Lincoln, - - - Nebraska.
J. BURROWS, :
J, M. THOMPSON,
: . Editor.
Associate Editor.
All communications for the paper should
be addressed to THE ALLIANCE PUBLISH
ING CO., Hud nil .matters pertaining to the
Farmers' Alliance, includitgr subscriptions to
t he pape, to the Secretary.
EDITORIAL.
LANDLORDISM AM) CAPITALISM.
An -'article in the Journal of United
Labor for Nov. 21, tinder the above
caption, grazes the truth, in regard to
capitalism so very closely that it is sim
ply a Avonder that the writer fails to
perceive the exact relations of money
capital to rent. The writer says "land
lordism "exacts tribute from industry
by claiming possession of the soil and
charging an increasing rental accord
ing as the demand becomes more ur
gent. Capitalism docs the
same thing by inflating the volume of
credit capital, which, rather than cur
rency, is the means of exchange. And
the two are inextricably interwoven so
-that it is impossible to separate their
operations or say that any particular
act of spoliation is to be credited to the
one rather than the other." Now right
in the conclusion of this sentence is
where the writer errs. Instead of be
ing inextricably interwoven, one of
these powers comprehends and governs
the other. A clear perception of this
fact, and a clear knowledge as to which
is the controlling power, will open a
clear view of the only true remedy.
- Money capital embraces all other
kinds of capital, It embraces capital
in land, houses, merchandise, because
it constitutes the only legal agent into
which these other kinds of capital can
be transmuted. All other kinds of cap
ital can be changed into money and
stored for future use. Money capital
represents all other kinds of capital, be
cause it commands all other kinds.
This being true, the use. money at any
time commands determines the use or
rent other kinds of capital will com
mand. Thus, instead of being "inex
tricably interwoven," money is seen to
tand apart, and be actually the con
trolling power. If this is true, the con
trol of interest will control rent or the
use of money in its transmuted form.
The writer, in what follows, grazes
this fact so closely, that it is strange
that it escaped him. He instances the
case of the speculator in laud who has
"made" $100,000. He then asks: "Has
he called into existence anything that
did not previously exist? Yes $1 00,000
have been added to the volume of credit
capital. It matters not whether lie re
ceives gold or paper money or ot her land
values in exchange, or.as in most eases, a
slip of paper giving him a credit on a
bankers book, there i.s just that amount
-of capital additional available for pur
poses of trade or investment. Invested
in a bank, a railroad or factory, or lent
'out at interest, these dollars may yield
their owner several times the amount
of the original investment." All of
which is very true; but however the
$100,000 may be invested, it is the rate
of interest which money commands that
determines the return to its owner.
The pregnant fact is that this $100,000
of credit capital, while a representative
of money, is not itself money, and by
being called into existence through an
increase of values, has rendered actual
money relatively just $100,000 scarcer.
While it is absolutely immaterial, so far
as renters or .producers are concerned.
whether the income from this $100,000
goes- to capitalists in the form of inter
est or- rent, it is true that its amount is
fixed by interest.
Interest can be controlled in only one
way, and that is by the rate which the
sovereign power issuing money con
sents .-hall be received. Volume' of
money regulates the burden of interest
through ju ices, not through a nominal
rate. lint interest controls the use of
all fornix of wealth which money com
mands. Interest controls rent, and
largely fixes wages of labor and trans
portation charges. Credit capital, con
stantly expanding by land speculation,
stock-watering, mortgages and other
forms of debt, or in any manner, is do
ing its mischief by causing contraction,
thus lowering prices ami values, and
constantly increasing the share interest
takes from labor through the increased
purchasing power of money. The rem
edy is to increase the purchasing power
of labor. This can be done by re-in-forcing
labor with an increase of actual
money fairly proportioned to increased
credit capital, the saute to be issued by
the government direct to the people at
cost of issue on land security.
The fundamental principle of our
; land system is ownership by the state
through the right of eminent domain,
never relinquished. The state is the
only power that issues money. Why
should not the state make one of these
sovereign powers rest upon the other,
and make land the basis of money?
Every debt drawing interest is a form
of credit-capital. It is performing one
function of money, viz: accumulation
by interest, but cannot perform either
of the other functions, viz: effect ex
changes or liquidate debts. Its exist,
ence increases the necessity for more
money, and at the same time lessens
the relative supply. Every dollar of
credit capital that is created creates a
need for more money. This process of
the creation of credit capital lias been
going on with accelerated - pace, until
there are thirty thousand millions
of such capital, transmuting the earn
ings of labor into .interest at the rate of
eighteen hundred millions a year, and
by the same process continually re
transmuting this -interest into credit
capital.
Csesar Jolinslng's 'Pinion.
De Preserdlnt is talkhr hout eheup nurcar
an free rye-
Pat's what-he's Hinifin" tariff dug risrlit in le
po' man's eye. .
I needs er jroorl, warm overcoat, warm socks
an' shirts an' shoes:
Jes' frimme cheap bed-blankits, an I'll do
widout de booze.
I's tired uv bein taxed fer sheets, spoons.
ski Hits, forks an' mug?
Somehow hit don't look right to keep free
whisky in taxed jugs. .
I's tired uv restin" on taxed cheers, an' on er
tariff bed
Free whiskey ain gwine 'put no hat on dis po
nigger's head.
Gimme cheap sugar an' bacon, an corfy, den
I'll try
Ter pay my debts an' worry long widout the
untaxed rye. '
All dat 1 eat an w'ar is taxed :but ef I had ter
choose.
I'd put de taxes down on close an' put 'em up
on booze. "
William G. Eggleeton.
ELM WOOD FARMERS' ALLIANCE
YS.
THE 31. P. R. R. COMPANY.
This was a case in which the Mo. Pa
cific Railroad Co. refused to allow Elm
wood Alliance to erect an elevator at
Elmwood. It was taken before the
State Board of Transportation on com
plaint of Elmwood Alliance, was tried
at Elmwood before the Secretaries of
the Board, and upon their report the
Board ordered that the prayer of the
plaintiffs be granted, and that the M. P.
Company give said plaintiffs room and
track privileges for an elevator at Elm-.
wood on tne same terms as are given
the other Elevators at that place, with
in ten days.
Now comes the M. P. Railroad Co..
and, and having lawyers hired by the
year, and in pursuance with the usual
custom of railroad corporations to tire
out complainants, and harrass them by
delays and appeals, and discourage
them with visions of fees and costs, and
appeals to the. Board of Transportation
for a re-hearing of this case before the
full Board, and asks the suspension of
the order until such re-hearing can be
had. At the former hearing all the
commissioners M ere present except At
torney General Loose. The alleged
grounds for asking for a re-hearing are
as follows:
1st. Findings and order not sup
ported by sufficient evidence.
2nd. Findings and order contrary to
law and evidence.
'3rd. Board has no authority inlaw
to act upon things and oircunstatices and
conditions in expectancy, or to provide
by an order for possible future condi
tions. 4th. The order of the Board will not
secure to complainants the remedy de
sired, and only adds burdens to respon
dent without securing the relief sought.
The hearing of the argument for a re
Iieariug is set for Jan. 8th. If a re-hearing
is then denied, the road will proba
bly carry forward-its policy of delay by
taking the case into the courts.
We hope Elmwood Alliance will stay
with this case until it is taken to a suc
cessful issue. If the funds of that Alli
ance are not sufficient for that purpose,
we would favor making an appropria
tion from the treasury of the State Alli
ance to aid them.
It is necessary to down this railroad
interest which peddles out elevator
privileges and takes stock in grain-buying
companies, thus acquiring a direct
interest in depressing the price of grain
at local stations. It is necessary that
competition in buying and selling grain
should be absolutely free, and if the
present law will not make.it so, more
law should be enacted.
Observe the?,third claim in the motion
for a re-liearing.
Just What Was Done at St. Louis.
From the loose statements put forth
by the press, and by some parties who
seem to be interested in making a false
impression as to the facts, there seems
to be clanger that a wrong impression
as to what was actually done at St.
Louis may arise. We deem it proper
therefore to make a short statement of
the actual facts.
First, there was no organic union of
the Northern and Southern Alliances
effected. Kansas, having two state or
ganizations, Avas, by vote of the National
Alliance, permitted to join the South
ern Alliance. It is stated that Dakota
also joined the southern body. This is
not true. No such action by Dakota
had been taken previous to the adjourn
ment of the National Alliance. Any
action alter would he the- unomcial ac
tion of individuals, and Avould have no
force until sanctioned by a state meet
ing. That Mr. Wardall joined, and
Avas appointed a member of the execu
tive committee of the southern body, at
a salary of $2,000, there is no doubt.
But the State Alliance of Dakota will
not leave the northern organization.
Second. As to the color line, the
Southern Alliance amended its constitu
tion, leaving eligibility as far as it re
lates to race, to each state; but refusing
to admit colored delegates to the na
tional meeting.
Third. The eligibility clause in the
southern constitution was amended by
leaving out the Avord "country", before
"mechanics," thus opening that organ
ization to all occupations, instead of
confining it to farmers, as heretofore.
This amendment effectually destroys
that society as a distinctively farmers'
association. The National Alliance is
not prepared to do this. The farmers
and the mechanics and laboring men of
our cities and toAvns cannot be profita
bly united in the same society. While
their community of interest Is suffi
ciently the same to enable them to
unite on a general declaration of polit
ical principles, a mixing of these two
classes in one society Avould be harmful
to both. It is safe to assume that the
members of the National Alliance will
not yield the distinctive feature of their
society as a farmers' organization The
Knights are in one field of work, and
the farmers in another; and they will
accomplish much more good by co-operating
on general lines than by joining
each other's societies.
Fourth. The question ot salaries did
not come up in the National Alliance
meeting. That society has not been
Paying its officers salaries. There is
much to be said on both sides of that
question. In some directions salaried
officers can perhaps do better work.
But as a rule work that is done for the
love of a good cause is the most effective.
When large salaries are paid some men
will accept office for the sake of the
salary who. will -be an injury to the
cause. There are quite a number of
gray-haired men iu the country who
went through the Grange movement
which was at its height about twenty
tive years ago. Drunk with numbers
and apparent power, the enthusiastic
Grange conventions voted large salaries,
and engaged in enormous business en
terprises. These were necessarily placed
in the hands of men unused to handling
large capital, and as a rule proved dis
astrous failures. We saw $150,000 ac
cumulated at Washington, and dropped
into a hole. The hole is still there.
The Southern Alliance voted a large
sum to its officers as salaries, and also,
we are informed, voted allowances to
its organizers, to be collected by them,
or ppid by the states, which will aggre
gate, with officers' salaries, $50,000 or
upward per year.
The statement that there 'was a debt
of $T5,000 on the Southern Alliance,
arising from its exchange operations.
and the fact that Texas had refused to
ratify the union, had much influence in
inducing delegates to the National Al
liance to hesitate before forming an or
ganic union; though" it is certain every
delegate ezcept those from Iowa and
Minnesota went there with that inten
tion. But for co-operative work on politi
cal lines the Northern and Southern
Alliances and the Knights of Labor are !
one body. They have agreed upon an
identical declaration upon the great
questions of land, money and transpor
tation, which they recognize embrace
almost all questions. While retaining
their autonomy as distant organiza
tions, there Avill hereafter be no rivalry
except as to which shall do the best
work for reform. Uniting their efforts,
and agreeing in their methods, they
will form a new power in the govern
ment of this country. If their plans are
practically carried out, the test in the
election of the next congress will be
fealty to the people and to certain well
delincd measures and lines of action. in
stead of fealty to party. And with a
congress elected in this manner avc may.
look for some legislation for the people.
The following, from the Journal of the
Knights of Labor, fairly expresses the
hopes excited by the new alliance:
"Never before was the future so full of
hope. With fidelity to convictions, all we
ever hoped for is now within our reach. We
have formed an alliance with a body who are
earnest, honest, intelligent, and who believe
as thoroughly as Ave in the great principle's
upon which our Order is founded, and for the
carrying out of which it exists. Our allies
are not fair-weather friends, not new con
verts, but men of deep and well-rooted con
victions; men who "know their rights, and
knowing, dare maintain." They are men
who can be depended upon to do their full
part in the struggle. Let us see to it that we
too do ours."
"SILVER'S DE3IA'D. "
Under the above caption the Chicago
Herald attacks the proposition made by
the St. Louis convention for the free
coinage of silver with a ferocity that is
quite surprising, or Avould be surprising
did avc not know that the Herald is
owned and controlled by a national bank
millionaire. When this is knoAvn its rab
id utterances on the siher question are
easily accounted for. It talks about
the desire of the silver men to add 20
per cent to the value of their product
at public expense. This amounts to a
square admission that making the coin- :
age of silver free Avould enhance its
value 20 per cent. Good enough. The
friends of silver claim that the main
cause of depression in its value Avas its
demonetization, and that its restora
tion to its old place Avould restore its
value to par with gold. Its enemies
have denied this, except in such un
witting cases as the above. Says the
Herald:
"The effect l" free coinage
w.uild be to inflate the currency immediately,
to drive gold and its equivalent our of circu
lation, to increase prices, to promote specu
lation, to lessen the purchasing value of a
dollar, and eventually to precipitate bank
ruptcy for multitudes of men."
Well, most of the above is pretty
good. The scare-croAv of silver driving
gold out of circulation is getting thin.
But avc have been having contraction,
and the country has been brought to
the verge of ruin. Let us try a little
expansion. We have had low prices,
and under Ioav prices the farms are
mostly mortgaged, and the nation thir
ty thousand millions in debt. Let us
try higher prices. We have had the
purchasing power of the dollar indefi
nitely increased, and the -result is disas
ter. Let us now increase the purchas
ing poAver of products and labor, and
see if prosperity will not folloAV. Mil
lionaire bankers and gold-bugs Avill
froth and foam, but the results Avill be
the same. If more multitudes reach
bankruptcy under free coinage than
there have under restricted coinage,
the country will indeed be bad off. But
we think the multitudes are Avilling to
take the chances.
The Chicago Herald says: -"It
is a peculiarity of republicanism that it
shields its rogues. Insisting on the sternest
penalties for democratic villians, it provides
rich rewards for its own."
The times must be getting badly out
of joint when a democratic organ ad
mits that there are ''democratic vil
lians.'' But we are not prepared to deny
it. And there is certainly no doubt
about the "republican rogues.-' The
people ought to protect each from the
other, aud the Australian ballot is
I about the thing to do it with.
BULLION CERTIFICATES.
Tlie following is the recommendatio
of the secretary of the treasury upon
the silver question, ' made in response to
the public demand that silver be re
stored to its old place in our monetary
system:
"Issue treasury notes against deposits of
silver bullion at the market price of silver
when deposited, payable on demand in such
quantities of silver, bullion as will equal in
A'alue , at the date of presentation, the num
ber of dollars expressed on the face of the
notes at the market price of sih er; or in gold,
at the option of the government; or in silver
dollars at the option of the holder. Repeal
the compulsory feature of the" present coin
age. . . .
Upon an analysis of the above the
points that Avill strike the reader are,
1st. That the coinage of silver would
be stopped.
2nd. That silver would be a com
modity only, and cease to be money.
3rd. That the value of this commod
ity would be measured in gold.
4th. That neither the certificate nor
the bullion would be legal tender.
5th. Thai the amount of legal tender
silver would remain limited by the vol
ume already coined.
It Avill be observe tV' that the plan of
redemption proposed is in exact accord
with the above facts. It does not con
template redemption with the same
amount of silver deposited, but ix sil
ver AT ITS VALUE AT DATE OF REDEMP
TION, MEASURED BV GOLD.
Making silver a commodity, with a
continually varying 'value, upon which
a holder could realize at any hour at
any mint or U. S. assay office, would at
at once transform it into one of the
prime articles of speculation, and op
tions in silver would become more plen
tiful than options in wheat or corn. In
this case the certificates Avould take the
place of warehouse receipts, represent
ing a variable quantity of silver, one
amount to-day and another amount to
morroAv. The option of the govern
ment to redeem them in gold would not
necessarily keep them at par with gold;
though the obligation to so redeem them
would.
While the secretary holds out the idea
that this scheme would result in an in
crease of currency, that is not necessa
rily the case. The provision that they
may be received for customs and all
public dues, andre-issued -wheu so re
ceived, sufficiently guards that point.
It is likely that the current business of
the treasury- would enable it to take all
the bullion offered without increasing
the volume of certificates beyond the
present point, bullion - being made ex
changeable for gold at the option of the
treasury, or dollars at the option of the
depositor. This last provision, makes
present silver certificates available to
handle bullion. So no increase of cur
rency need take place.
These bullion certificates would not
be money. They would not perform
the one great function which is be
stoAved upon money bylaw,' viz: pay
debts. Gold avouLI remain the debt
paying standard, supplemented by the
silver dollars now in existence. The
scheme simply makes the U. S. the de
positary and holder of silver bullion, to
account for on demand. It will not
satisfy the silver men, and offers noth
ing to that far greater class Avho de
mand more money. The wheat raisers,
the corn raisers and the cotton raisers
have just as much light to demand that
the government shall become a deposi
tary and insurer of their products, and
issue certificates upon them in dollars
at market rate.s, as have the silver rais
ers, and such certificates would be as
much money in the one case as the
other.
This scheme is so lame and unstable,
and so certain to result in bull and bear
interests in the silver market, that the
secretary proposes that discretion be
vested in him to arrest operations when
necessary. . '
While apparently so plausible, a care
ful examination shows that the 'propo
sition practically gives to the gold bugs
all they haAe been lighting for. It de
monetizes silver, stops its coinage, and
leaves gold the sole and only standard
of Aalue, Avhile offering no relief to
the country by an increased volume of
money. It is a dead give-.iAvay to Wall
Street, and effectually disposes of the
pretense that Mr. Wiudom is friendly
to silver.
Death of Ron. R. B. Harrington.
Hon. It. B. Harrington, of Beatrice,
died of consumption at Richmond, Ya..
on Friday, Dec. 0, 1880.
Mr Harrington was one of the oldest
and beat known residents of Gage Co.
He held many offices of trust and honor.
He was for several years Receiver of
the Beatrice land office, and was State
Senator from Gage county.
To say he possessed the confidence
and esteem of all men is not enough.
Those who kneAv him best loved him
most. He Avas a noble, upright, honest
man. He had a quick contempt lor all
shams, and despised all wrong. Dining
the Avar we had known and frequently
seen our then honored President, Mr.
Lincoln. Becoming intimately ac
quainted with Mr. Harrington long
afterward, Ave were struck by his strong
resemblance, in person and character, to
Mr. Lincoln. The resemblance in many
particulars was marked and striking.
We are proud to know that we- could
call Mr. Harrington friend. When Ave
took his hand at our parting, j ust before
he started for Virginia, we knew that
we were standing at the portal were
saying goocl-bye to one Avho was about
to enter in, and whom we should never
more see upoA earth. We pause now in
the selfish struggle and ceasless strife of
this wrong life in 'which men -and
brothers are trampling each other iii
their eager rush after false gods, lo drop
a tear to the memory of a 3ian, and to
almost envy him the peace of the sleep
that knows no waking.
In answering advertisements ahvays
mention The Alliance.
IESS OF PRES. BURROWS.
Delivered at the Annual Meeting of the
National Farmers Alliance, Held
at St. Louis, Bee. 3rd, 1SS0.
Again Ave are met together as repre
sentatives of our different state organi
zations, to survey the field of our past
labors and draw from their results les
sons for our future guidance, and per
haps encouragement for our future en
deavors. The progress that has been made in
organization in the past year, while not
nearly so great as it should haA e been,
is sufficiently encouraging to show that
our society is receiving the approval of
the intelligent portion of the agricul
tural class, and to warrant the continu
ance of our efforts to mobilize and cen
tralize our influence for the advance
ment of its interests. New- state organi
zations have been formed in Ohio,
Washington.-', nnd, Colorado. The
Alliance : has been reorganized in
Illinois on a basis that prom
ises to give that great state a dis
tinctively farmers' organization com
mensurate with the magnitude of its
agricultural industries. Ncav Alliances
have been chartered in California, Ore
gon, Pennsylvania, Indiana, New York
and Missouri, and only a little effort is
required to secure state organizations in
those states.
It must be noted that all this organi
zation has been purely voluntary, and
that, the National Alliance has not em
ployed any national officers in proselyt
ing work. This fact shows a readiness
of the agricultural class to unite for its
oavii welfare which is certainly a good
augury for future success in organiza
tion. Looking over the field from another
standpoint, wo find there has been no
advance in material prosperity since
our last annual meeting. The prices of
agricultural products continue so Ioav
that there is but little incentive to con
tinued production. Values of all kinds
of property have continued to shrink,
until it has become hazardous to make
neAv investments in any kinds of busi
ness. With continually shrinking val
ues hoarded money pays a better return
than money invested. This fact, by im
peding neAv enterprises, interferes with
the employment of labor, intensifying
competition in the labor market and
throwing idle hands upon the public or
upon charity for support, thus at the
same time consuming accumulated cap
ital, and arresting production. A con
tinual shrinkage of values also increases
the burden of interest and debt, while
diminishingthepoAverof the producer to
pay. In fact, with prices continually
shrinking the liquidation of debt be
comes almost imiossible. The fund for
the payment of interest and debt by the
farmer must come from the margin of
production over nece'ssary consumption.
If shrinking values entirely' wipe out
that margin the fund is destroyed. That
that margin has ' been entirely
Aviped out there is no manner of doubt.
In the case of our public debt it can be
shown that it will take move of the pro
ducts of labor, measured by the present
prices of those products,"' to pay that
debt now than it would m 1865. On
August 1, 18(55. our national debt was
2,680 millions of dollars. On July 1,
1888, it was 1.705 millions, showing the
payment of 975,G00,000. During this
twenty years we have paid over 1 .800 mil
lions of intere ton this debt. With all
this enormous outlay we are startled
Avith the information that our debt is
larger now tthan Avhen avc; thought it
Avas the largest in 18G5. But such i
indubitably the fact. In dollars it is
smaller. But measured in any of the
products of industry Avith which pro
ducers buy dollars, it is larger. It
would take more bushels of corn or
Avheat, more pounds of pork or beef,
more tons of bar Iron, or more bales of
cotton, to pay the debt to-day than it
Avould have taken in 1865. The condi
tion of affairs that has made this true of
our public debt makes it true also of all
private debts. It is not so much the.
nominal number of dollars as the price
of products or labor Avith Avhich the
producer buys the dollars that deter
mines the burden of debt.
The transportation problem has as
sumed some new phases, but it still re
mains unsolved. On the side of the
people the concensus of opinion is enor
mously in favor of government control,
more or less absolute. There is no
doubt whatever that a sentiment in fa
vor of absolute ownership of the roads
by the government is rapidly gaining
ground. In this direction the adding of
stringent criminal provisions to the in
terstate commerce law, and the increas
ing exercise of large powers by the in
terstate commission are in response to
this growiug public sentiment. The de
mand that the law should be repealed
finds no echo among the people, who on
the contrary" are rapidly advancing to
the point Avhen government oAvnership
xv i 11 be demanded.
On the part of the corporations the
tendency to cover railroad properties
with enormous blanket mortgage's, in
which are included every possible form
of debt which may be funded, is a point
er in the same direction. These debts,
when funded into bonds, become as
much a taxing power, draw their enor
mous revenues as directly from the pro
ducers of the nation, form as untrans
ferable a load upon the labor of
the country, as "do the munici
pal, state or national taxes imposed
solely for governmental purposes. Add
to this pregnant fact, the other, that as
soon as they leave the hands of their
issuers they go into the possession of in
nocent holders aiid assume the sacred
character of vested rights, and the mo
tives of their issuers, and their instinct
ive apprehension that a great change is
to take place in the transportation
problem, may be partially.' fathomed.
Railroad combinations Avhich will far
surpass iir magnitude any of the past
are undoubtedly contemplated. With
this phase of the question the public
has become familliar. But after all that
has been said about Avatered stocks, it
is doubtful if the public fully appreci
ate, the enormously increased taxing
power which may be still deAeloped byr
greater combinations, and fastened up
on our posterity under the delusive pro
tense f vested rights and innocent
ownership. It is for us to sound the
alarm, and Avarn the people of their
still greater danger, and to demand of
congress prompt action to prevent this
increased incubus of taxation from be
ing loaded upon our children and our
children's children.
The land question, is still with us.
The unexampled rush of land-seekers to
Oklahoma when it Avas opened to set
tlement, partially shows the extent of
the land starvation .which is felt by our
farming and laboring people. Of all the
unearned land which are said to be for
feited by the railroads and recovered
by the government, very few acres in
deed can be obtained by the settler for
a home Avithout a lawsuit with a corpo
ration. In almost all these cases the
railroads have, carried' the contest for
A DDI
these lands into the c ourts, hoping to
gain by legal chicane the empire they
tailed to steal outright. Congress should
at once establish an authority upon
which the duty of forcing all forfeitures
of lands to a rapid and final decision,
should be mandatory, to the end that
these lands shall be open to the set
tler under the homestead law.
We should reneAv our former declara
tion that no alien should be permitted
to hold land in the United States.
But if agricultural land is to be held
in Hrge quantities, it makes little prac
tical difference whether.it is held by
aliens or citizens. The principal evjj
resulting from such holdings is the forc
ing of would-be tillers of the soil to the
outskirts of civilization, or dooming
them to a life of servitude to pay a debt
contracted in the purchase of a home.
It is unquestionably the duty of the gov
ernment to see that honest citizens who,
desire to bo tillers of the soil are not
deprived of that right by unjust and
liberty destroying monopolies. This is
a duty the government owes lo poster
ity as Avell as to citizens of the present
time, for it is undoubtedly true that a
virtuous, industrious and free agricul
tural population is the only basis for a
progressive and endurinr civilization.
lEvery man desiring to till the soil, and
to make a home thereon, should be per
mitted to own 80 acres of land free of
all taxation and execution for debt.
Holdings in excess of that amount
should be taxed cumulatively until own
ership of agricultural land above a
reasonable amount would become im
possible. This principle should be es
tablished and have universal applica
tion as soon as possible.
It has been proposed to usher in the
millennium, solve the labor problem,
give profitable employment to all who
desire it, renovate and rejuvenate so
ciety, and advance civilization to yet
nobler heights, by the confiscation of
rent through taxation, at the same time
that all created wealth is to be exempt
from taxation. With many shallow
thinkers, and with many people in our
towns and cities who arc; taken with
the idea of exemption from taxes of all
personal property, this proposition has
gained much favor. But it is worthy of
note that no trained political economists,
and feny men of great intellectual cul
ture or achievement, have espoused it.
And it is also worthy of note that Her
bert Spencer, the great apostle upon
whom the proposer of this panacea for
all economic and social ills mainly
leaned in the elaboration of his theories,
has quite lately entirely repudiated the
application made of them.
Rent has no existence separate from
labor. It is, in fact, annually created
by labor. To the man who pays rent,
and expec ts always to pay it, it may
make little difference whether he pays
it to the public or to a landlord. But to
the small land OAvner, who comprises
within his ; own person lxth capitalist
and laborer, ami who as his own land
lord is the receiver of the rent paid by
himself, it will, make a vast difference
whether this rent is confiscated by the
state or left in his own pocket.
To exempt the creations of labor
from taxation, in the interest of the la
borer, while tour-nit hs ot such pi
ducts are absorbed ny the capitalist a
soon as created, and must under oitr
competitive system and the comiK'titjve
system proposed by Mr. George, con
tinue to be so absorbed, would be of
very doubtful benefit or rather would
be of undoubted lenelit to the capitalist.
To argue that because- taxation never
has proi lured human happiness, it never
will, would perhaps not be fair in this
era of progi-ess and change. But, as
far as heanlfrom to date, taxation has
at I lest been considered a necessary
evil, and human happiness has never
been predicated upon it. To increase
taxation so as to fully absorb the total
revenue of one of the prime factors of
production, viz: land, does not in my
opinion offer sufficient promise? of para
dise to commend it to my approval A
caref ul analysis of an exclusive tax up
on land values will show that the bur
den of this tax will rest tin ally upon the
actual tillers of the soil.
As representatives of the class which
nominally holds in its posession the
land of the nation, and which produces
annually the largest proportion of the
wealth of the nation, it is our duty to
aseertaiu the cause for the continually
increasing concentration of wealth in.
the hands of a comparatively small
number and for the fact that the great
middle clasa wh-ieh is the true manistay
of popular government, is fast disap
pearing, and that Ave are rapidly be
coming a nation of a few very rich and
a great many very oor, people. This
important tact is attracting the atten
tion of the very best minds ef this age.
In this connection I must again refer to
the money question, which is of the
most tmnscendent importance, and
really embraces all economic questions
which are attracting public attention at
this time. The land question is the
money question, as rent is only interest
upon capital in other forms than mon
ey, the labor question is the money
question, as an adequate supply of mon
ey Avouhl stimulate enterprise, employ
labor, and raise wages,' and thus pre
vent strikes and lockouts. The trans
portation question is largely embraced
in the money question, localise interest
on plant ami on debt forms the largest
fixed charge of railroad corporations.
By the demonetization of silver by
the Latin Union, Germany and the Uni
ted State's a large volume of this metal
was deprived of its money quality, and
Avas relegated to the domain of com
modities. By the appreciation of U. S.
bonds a large contraction has been
caused in the volume of our national
bank currency. This contraction has
been tangible and absolute, and can be
stated in dollars. But the relative con
traction caused by increased and im
proved appliances for production, by
more rapid communication, and by the
removal of obstacles to trade, has been
much greater. Every removal c.f an
obstacle to commerce, ewery improAvd
machine Avhich makes production more
rapid and easy, has created a use and a
necessity for more money. But while?
these improvements have been going
on, while this necessity has been cre
ated, the volume of money has been
growing less. If proof of this fact Avas
needed it might be found in the statis
tics of business failures. These aggre
gated in 1865, six hundred and thirty
tAvo, representing a loss of 17 millions
of dollars. In 1888 they aggregated 10,
670, representing a loss of 124 millions.
Or by the shrinkage in the value of
farms and agricultural property, which
will amount for the past tAventy years
to 5.000 millions of dollars. Or by the
enormous debt, estimated at 50,000
millions, Avhich now hangs like a pall
over the nation.
This contraction of the volume of
money has- been in the interest of the
handlers of money capital. As A'alues
have receded the purchasing poAver of
money has advanced. With every de
pression of price, interest, or money de
rived '.from lixed incomes in any form,
will command more of your Avealth.
Remember, with all handlers of money
capital, or receivers of lixed incomes,
the purchasing power of money is a vi
tal point. But Avith all producers,
whether by agriculture, manufactures,
arts, professions, or day wagers, the
purchasing poAver of products is the vi
tal point. The first-named class buy
Avealth with money, the second-named
class buy money with wealth.
The contraction of (he money volume
means the robbery of the producer and
laborer, and the enriching of the money
lender.
The control of the money volume of a
country means" the control of the labor,
of that country.
The . power 'to fix -'"interest, and the
power to depress prices, means a power
to tax never possessed by tin? most au
tocratic government on the face of the
earth. . : - .
The poAver Jo issue? money and regu
late its value is the highest sovereign
power that can ho exercised.
The government of the United States,
as far as one species of our money is
concerned, viz: national bank notes,
which form an important part of onr
circulating medium, has farmed out
this sovereign poAver to a monopoly.
It has thus conferred upon this mo
nopoly, an enormous taxing power.
This taxing power has been confenvd
by law, ami by hnv alone can it be
taken aAvay. -
Production of late years has so enor
mously increased as to require a greatly
increased volume of money to effect ex
changeis. The demand for the use of
the precious metals for other purposes
tbau for coin has also largely inemtsat
while the supply . remains normal. If
would seem therefore that the supply
of those, metals would-never again be
adequate alone to furnish an amount
of money equal to the, demands of the
commerce of this country, and the
world.
But more money- is demanded by Un
people. The silver convention held in
this city last week was simply an inci
dent growing out of this demand.
IIoav shall this additional money be
issued, and of what shall it consist
Land is noAV the ultimate security of
all loans of money, and is the ultimate
basis of all bonds, whether municipal,
state or national. The productions of
land form the basis of the taxing power
upon Avhie;h the 'credit of nations U
founeled. Money based upon first
mortgage on land, with its issues prop
erly limited, would 'possess two indis
pensable requisites for good money, viz:
stability and an imperishable and
reasonably unchangeable basis of value.
This money should be issued direct to
the people? who could give the adequate
land security, at cost of issue, as now to
national banks on bond security, and
should be legal tender for all debts
public and private.
The coinage of gold and silver should
be free and unlimited.
From the foregoing I Avould deduct?
the folloAving measures, viz:
Abolish land monopoly by a cumula
tive tax.
Supply money at cost, by amending
the? law which iioav renpiires the? govern
ment to loan money to bankers at one
per cent on bonds, so that loans cm
small landed estates can be? obtained at
the same rate.
Supply transHrtation at cost by gov
ernment ownership of railroads.
Let the fanners of this nation unite
on these three measures, to the exclu
sion of all minor ones, and vote for tn
men for congress who are not im.kpcjkp
to make tlu'se? measures the first and
dominant legislation in congress.
A SIGNIFICANT CHANG M.
List Aveek Mr. Powdcrly's paper came
to us as "The; Journal of United Labor."
This Aveek it comes as "The Journal of
the 'Knights of Iabor." This is a silent
but very expressive protest against the
proposed union of the Southern Alli
ance and the Knight int one organic
body, which was invited by the former
when they. made; all mechanics eligible
to membership. Mr. Powde rly 'know
very well that the mechanics and la
boring men of our toAvns cannot le
profitably organized in the' same society
with the farmers; and he takes thi
effectual method of showing that his
paper is the organ of the Knight.' only,
andiiet of any new amalgamation.
Mr. Powde?rly has a reputaliem for
havingquitea level head.
National Ranks.
The following front the report of tba
comptroller of the currency shows the
condition of the national banks at
the present time. National banking
seems to be a very satisfactory kind of
business to the bankers:
On October 31, 188 there were in ex
istence o,3B national banks, possessing
an aggregate capital of ?;U20.17I,:J05.
The last report of condition exhibited
their resources and liabilities on Sep
tember 31), 1880. The number reporting
at that time was 3,-90, having a capital
of $(12,584,00.; surplus, $107,301,761;
undivided profits, $S4,ScVJ,Kt;; gross
deposits, including amount due banks,
$1,05(,9;,1(0; loans and discounts, $1 ,-S0-,7:!J,73i).
The amount of circulation
outstanding was S2(,6(2.732, of which
S131, 383,33 1 was secured by United
States bonds, and the remainder, $72,
2.79,;02., was represented by deposit of
lawful me-ney in the Tieasury deposited
to retire it. Within the year 211 banks
were organized, having an aggregate
capital of $21,240 000. Only two nation
al banks failed during the year.
".NOPROXIIIS.
The Kxcutive Committee, at a meet
ing held at Lincoln. Dec. 17. to make
arrangements for the annual meeting,
decided to recommend that no proxies
be admitted to the annual meeting, and
that Delegates present be entitled to
cast the vote their respectivejAlliunces
are entitled to.
This recomentlaliou is right, and Avill
undoubtedly be adopted. Proxies aie
the tools of corrupt politicians. Many
a convention has been entirely swamped
and corrupted by them. Thev are sim
ply an expedient for concentrating
large power in the hands of an individ
ual.. When the railroad power of this,
state wanted to control the late republi
can convention, it naturally resorted to
proxies; and two hundred aud eighty
men voted in that convention, of course
for the railroad candidate. The State?
Alliance wants nothing to do with
proxies. .
JOB PRINTING.
Tim Ai.liaxc K Pi n. Co. has just add
ed to its outfit a ucav Gordon jobber,
and is now prepared to do all kinds of
ioh Avork in a tasteful manner. We
have just printed a ucav edition of the
ritual for the State Alliance Avhich for
neatness cannot be excelled. Send us
your jobs, and Ave aa'cII print them m
good as the best, and as low as the law
ost." Do not send money by postal notes.
They are no safer than stamps. Postal
notes lost cannot be traced or recovered.
Send by express or money order, regis
tered letter or bank draft.
