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VOL. XIV.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, OQT. 23, 1902.
NO. 22.
DOLLARS AND DEBTS
Enormous Debt the Great Problem Rite
and Fall of Value A Problem That
Requires Hard TbinkLng
Editor Independent: I regret that
It apears necessary to continue the dis
cussion of "value."
Suppose we change the statement
from the abstract use of value in the
proposition "Value cannot rise or fall"
to a concrete use of the word in a
statement "Value of corn cannot rise
or fall," and I am inclined to the opin
ion that it -will be difficult to con
vince the average business man that
there is not some nonsense somewhere.
It will not do to answer that value of
corn cannot rise or fall, but price of
corn can, for it is admitted repeatedly
that price is "value expressed in mon
ey," and if the substitution be made so
that the statement becomes "Value of
corn cannot rise or fall, but the value
of corn expressed in money can," it
ought to be sufficient exposition of the
absurdity.
But let us look at it in another way.
If value can be "expressed in money,"
it can be expressed in anything that is
subject to exchange Of course, value
expressed in anything else than money
will not be called price, but it would
fe an expression of value neverthe-
ess. Now, suppose the proposition ap
ppars in this form: "Value of com
expressed in wheat cannot rise or
fall, but the value of corn expressed
in money can." Is there any doubt
about this proposition being absurd?
Is it not clear that value of corn ex
pressed in wheat or in any other ex
changeable commodity can rise and
fall just as certainly as when ex
pressed in money? Value is not a
thing, not even the quality of a thing,
but only a relation between things.
It is a relation in a limited sense at
that, that is, "in exchange." No other
kind of relation enters into it, or has
anything to do with it.
The whole trouble is in not distin
guishing between the abstract and the
concrete use or the word "value," and
in the failure, apparently, to under
stand that there is no economic dif
ference between the value of money
and the value of wheat, corn or oats;
that the value of money is subject . to,
and grows out of, precisely the same
economic laws as the value of any com
modity. Every commodity has some
conditions and relations that are pe
culiar to it, and that, possibly, do not
apply to anything else; so money has
some qualities and conditions that are
peculiar to it, but the basic economic
principles that govern the value of
money are in no way different from the
principles that govern the value of
wheat, corn, oats or any other com
modity. I had thought it was already agreed
that, expressed abstractly, "value is a
relation in exchange," and that price
is "value ex-pressed in money." Price
must always be a concrete expression
of value. It is difficult for me to un
derstand how there can be "any" ex
pression of value except in the con
crete; that is, applied to things.
Why will any one assert that we
"have to say gold falls or rises in
value," if it is not true? What par
ticular idea is struggling for expres
sion that requires a new word?
How can the "price" (value ex
pressed in money) of gold be fixed by
law? If the "value of gold expressed
in money" (that is, its price) is legal
ly fixed, then it must be that its rela
tion to something must be rendered
unchangeable. Gold and money are
not synonyms because money is made
out of gold, any more than silver and
spoons are synonyms because spoons
are made out of silver. What is the
something to which gold by law has a
fixed relation a "legal price" a legal
value expressed in money? If money
on one side of exchange and commod
ities on the other are alone considered
without any reference to anything else,
and there is a change of relation, it
can not be determined which has
changed, money or commodities. No
difference whether commodities go up
or money down, it would still be cor
rect to say "prices rise," because price
is value expressed in money. Money
is the fixed point in the mind, no dif
ference what may be the fact.
Nevertheless, if viewed in another
way with a standard of comparison
a third element it may be and often
is true, that the change has taken
place in the money and not in the com
modities. I repeat, gold and money are not
synonyms. The value of gold as a
commodity is the value of one thing;
the value of money made out of gold
is the value of another thing. We
ought not to allow ourselves to be
confused because 25 8-10 grains of
standard gold uncoined are equal in
value to 25.S grains of coined gold, or
the fact that 412.5 grains of uncoined
silver are not the equal in value of
412.5 grains of coined silver. Has sil
ver a legal price? Has uncoined sil
ver a fixed value; that is, a fixed rela
tion in exchange to anything what
ever? But coined silver has. It is not,
therefore, the value of silver that has
been fixed, but the value of money
made out of silver.
The values of uncoined silver and of
coined silver are not equal, but the
value of uncoined gold and of coined
gold are1' equal. To express it an
other way, the commodity value and
the money value (coinage value) of
silver are not equal, but the commod
ity value and the money value (coin
age value) of gold are equal. It
would be absurd to talk about the val
ue of money expressed in money. It
is, therefore, clear that money, or gold
and silver as money, cannot be said
to have a price.
The axiom "Things that are equal
to the same thing are equal to each
and coined silver are equar in value,
other" is applicable here. Coined gold
because by Jaw they sustain the same
fixed relation to the same "something"
and to which uncoined gold and un
coined silver do not sustain any fixed
relation.
Now, what " is this something? It
is debt. Debts are, in a certain sense,
fixed. No difference what changes may
occur in the relations of money and
commodities, or in the relations that
cocmoiUtii'B Gusrain to each other in
exchange, debts are not changed In
t?.o n-.ii'il.er of units of account, that
is, dollars. The law has made coined
gold and coined silver a legal tender
for debts. They are not precisely the
same Ftandards of payment, nor stand-
ard3 of payment for the same debts,
but they are each standards of pay
ment for a sufficient amount of in
debtedness to give them fixed and
equal legal values with relation to
debt, and, therefore, with relation to
each other. The uncoined metals are
not fctamiards of payment and, there
fore, have a value that may be ex
pressed in money.
Of course "free coinage" explains
the fact that a gold coin containing
a mulliple of 25.8 grains of standard
gUd will buy as much uncoined gold
as is contained in the coin.
It is sometimes difficult to under
stand just what some writers mean
by "free "coinage," they speak of it in
such a loose and uncertain way. If by
"free coinage" it is meant only that
the government coins-free of expense
to the owners of It all of the metal
brought to its mints, then free coin
age has no more to do with the value
of gold than the changes of the moon.
If coined and uncoined gold are of
equal value, It must depend upon two
things in addition to being coined
free of charge. The gold'When coined
must be legal tender, and the possibil
ity of coinage must be unlimited so
that there is a free opportunity for ev
ery ounce of gold in existence to be
come legal tender. Every coin that
drops from the mints must be a
"standard of payment of debts."
With all courtesy to gentlemen who
so express themselves, it strikes me
forcibly that talk about gold or silver
' having a fixed legal price which can
not rise or fall without changing the
laws of free coinage" is exceedingly
loose and inaccurate. Legal tender
laws have quite as much to do in the
matter of keeping coined and uncoined
gold in the same relation in exchange
as the free coinage laws. -
Of course, if 25.8 grains of stand
ard gold in the coin have certain debt
paying power, and all gold can be con
verted into coin. .freu from expense,
then all gold in-or -out-of coin will
have not only the same debt-paying
power, but the same purchasing power,
or the same value in exchange. So it
is that, if 412.5 grains of standard sil
ver in the coin have the same debt
paying power as 25.8 grains of gold in
the coin, then these two coins will also
have the same purchasing power, or
value in exchange; but, if a large part
of silver in existence cannot be con
verted into legal, tender by coinage
free of expense, then it follows that
coined silver and uncoined silver can
not have the same debt-paying power,
and. of course, cannot have the same
purchasing power or value in ex
change. Neither uncoined gold nor
silver can have a fixed legal price in
any true sense, nor can coined gold
or silver be said to have a price, for
the coined metals are legal tender
money, and "price of money" would
be ridiculous. It follows, therefore,
that any such expressions as "legal
price of gold" or "legal price of silver"
are wholly incorrect from the stand
point of economics or glossology.
The relation that exists between
money and commodities cannot be de
termined with any approximation to
accuracy without taking into consid
eration debts. Debts constitute the
third element in the problem, the
"something" that serves as a point of
reference, of comparison, when we at
tempt to determine the relation of
money to commodities. Here another
thought forces itself upon the econ
omist, and he is compelled to recog
nize the Important fact that, while for
the purpose of determining the rela
tion between money and commodities
debt is the fixed point of comparison,
the fact Is that debts in amount are
not fixed at all, but are increasing at a
rate so tremendous that a thoughtful
student of the situation can hardly fail
to be appalled at the rapid Increase
of the ratio that existing money sus
tains to existing debts. Every in
crease of debt means an increased de
mand for the "standards of payment,"
and debts become not only an import
ant element in determining the de
mand for money and its value In ex
change, but the most important ele
ment, because to procure money to pay
debts, and the Interest on debts, com
modities must be sold, and at forced
sale at that.
During the last twelve months, the
bank credits alone of national, state
and private banks have Increased not
les3 than 5500,000,000, and yet some
men seem to think that debt is a mat
ter of no consequence in the economic
conditions of this country. It will be
found, sooner or later (soon, I am
afraid), to be a matter of consequence
not only to the United States, but to
every nation on the map of civiliza
tion. FLAVIUS J. VAN VORHIS.
Indianapolis, Ind.
ANOTHER SECOND ANSWER
According to the returns on the in
come tax in - Great Britain, either
Rockefeller, Carnegie or Vanderbilt is
worth more than any fifteen of the
richest dukes, princes, barons or mer
chant princes in all the United King
dom. The British government has not
allowed so many "special privileges"
or given away so many franchises as
the republicans have since they have
had control of this republic
Attorney General Proa Frightened
Amende Hie Opinion Regarding
Mutual Insurance
It is notorious, that republican state
officers have Always been hostile to
mutual insurance. They have always
"stood up", for old-line insurance, and,
worst of all, they have supported non
resident companies as against Nebras
ka companies. As to the mere question
of abstract right, of course, no one
ought to deny any man the .'lege
of insuring his property or his life in
any company or association author
ized to do business in Nebraska that
would be an unwarranted interference
with the right to contract. As an
economic proposition, however, it can
not, be denied that it is good policy to
"stand up for Nebraska" and Nebras
ka institutions; therefore, good busi
nebs policy for. Nebraska people to in
sure their lives and property in home
organizations. As between fraternal,
mutual, and stock concerns, that is a
matter for every man to decide for
himself after making investigation.
The state's duty is simply to guard
its citizens against being imposed upon
by fraudulent concerns not to select
the particular companies or kind of in
surance. Mutterings of discontent are heard
fiom time to time that the present
insurance department is secretly
throwing its influence in favor of not
only particular kinds of insurance, but
also in favor . of "pet" companies.
Proof of this is difficult to obtain be
cause of the republican policy. of con
cealment and "star chamber" pro
ceedings. Except what they choose to
voluntarily disclose, republican state
officers are prone to regard the pub
lic records as their own private prop
erty. Recent developments of a laughable
yet withal startling nature have come
to light. At a school meeting in Dou
glas county the question of insuring
the school house came up. Some
doubted the right to insure in a mu
tual company, and the matter was re
ferred to State Superintendent Fowl
er. He is turn referred it to the at
torney general. Corporal Prout it is
an extravagance to call him "general,"
the rank is too high scratched his
shining pate and from the Innermost
recesses of his ego evolved the follow
ing, which was printed in the State
Journal of Friday, June 27, 1902, on
page 5, column 5:
"I beg to say that school district
officers have the power to insure
school district property. Mutual flre
insurance companies are authorized
and recognized by the statutes. One
taking out a policy, however, be
comes by that act a member of the
company and assumes other duties
and responsibilities which are not
within the ordinary powers and du
ties of school districts, and while there
is no statute- forbidding such action
on the part of the school district, still
I doubt the advisability of or exped
iency of their becoming a member of
such corporation. I would advise,
therefore, that if they desire to insure
the district property, they take a pol
icy in an old-line company, pay ; the
premium on it and subject themselves
to no other liability." ...
. Naturally this was hailed with de
light by the old-line people. . Why
shouldn't they feel glad to have the
attorney advise old-line insurance for
school houses? It would have great
weight except in Gage and Lancaster,
where Prout is known. So they print
ed excerpts from Prout's "opinion" and
advice and scattered them like .the
leaves of the forest
With the usual result in such cases
the story got twisted and the rumor
got out that the insurance depart
ment had made a ruling against insur
ing school houses in mutual compa
nies. J. Y.-jM.. Swigart, secretary of
the Nebraska Mutual, heard the rumor
from D. W. Burd, of the Nuckolls
County Mutual, and went after the au
ditor. We quote the auditor's reply
from Farm and Town for August:
ANOTHER LIE NAILED.
J. Y. M. Swigart, Sec'y, Nebraska
Mutual Insurance Co., City. Dear Sir:
I am just in receipt of yours of the
16th inst and note that you say Mr.
D. W. Burd of the Nuckolls County
Mutual has heard that we have made
a ruling that farm companies cannot
insure country school houses. This is
not so as this department has never
made any ruling on this question and
need not as the- law positively says
that such companies can write school
houses and contents. Yours truly,
CHARLES WESTON, ,
Auditor Public Accounts.
H. A. BABCOCK,
Dept Insurance Dept.
Still further investigation by the
mutual people brought out the real
facts. Prout was the lad who was lag
ing for the old-liners. Then Chair
man Tjindsay heard of the trouble and
he held a seance with Prout. The pet
tifogger from Gage was frightened.
The woods are full of mutual insur
ance people. "I will sign anything you
write," he promised. And they wrote.
This is what they wrote and Prout
signed:
Lincoln, Sept. 15, 1902. Hon. Wm.
K. Fowler, Superitendent of Public In
struction, Lincoln, Neb. Dear Sir: I
am informed that exception has been
taken to the opinion rendered by this
department in answer to your request
therefor of June 23, 1902, as to the
legality of a school district insuring
school houses in mutual fire insurance
companies. Since my attention lias
been called to the matter I have taken
it up carefully and desire to say that
in my opinion there can be no ques
tion as to the, authority of a school
district to insure-their property in a
mutual company if they so desire, and
that the liabilities assumed by them
are the same as that of any individual
member of the company. ' They sub
ject themselves - only, to the liability
for their pro rata share of the losses
and expenses of the . company under
the mutual insurance laws of 1891 and
1897; and to the amount of the prem
lum contract or deposit note Under the
law of 1873.
The laws upon our statute books con
trolling mutual insurance companies
seem to have been prepared with care,
and the safeguard thrown around the
memberships of ; such companies are
probably as complete and secure as
those of any state where mutual in
surance companies are operated.
. It is my opinion, therefore, that
there is nothing in our statutes to pre
vent a school board' from insuring
school property in a mutual Insurance
company organized and operated under
the laws of this state, if. they" so de
sire: Very-respectfully,
; F. N. PROUT,
, . Attorney General.
The year 1902 is unique in the his
tory of ""Nebraska. The people have
not forgotten the "second answer"
made by the state' board of equaliza
tion in thejmandamus suit brought by
Edward Rosewater the railroad tax
case: Tha second answer was writ
ten by the Railroad attorneys, approved
by Prout ind sworn to by Weston.
Prout acquired the. second-answer hib
it thti.. He couldn't break away from
it when he feared that the mutual in
surance people might, vote for Judge
Broady.,
It is noticeable, however, that Prout
has - not withdrawn , his . advice. . He
simply says that, there . is, nothing in
ouv statutes to prevent insuring school
property ik a mutual company any
layman . krifows . that; , but his advice
still, standslthat the school board "take
a policy in?an old-line company." His
hostility tq mutual companies is as
great . 'as it ever was, - but influenced
by political fear, he signs a wishy
washy, second answer Intended to
catch votes.
Vote for Judge Broady and be spared
th mortification of such squirming in
the future. .
; Claud Smith
J. D. Anderson, one of the leading
citizens and old settlers of .Dawson
county,; writes about the fusion nomi
nee for x superintendent" of public in
struction as. follows: :
"I shall vote for him, and while that
is true, I jmustsay that if he is elected
the state will gain what Dawson coun
ty will loose. ' v I have been - on the
school board in my district up to two
years ago find by : that-mans often,
with Smith ever since 1876 and I am
free to, say that-Mr. Smith has done
more for the schools and school chil
dren than all the other superinten
dents "put together, I shall be very
sorry to part with -him if he leaves
Dawson county." -
Never Has an Opinion
The Lincoln Star is a genuine old
line republican of the mossback sort
That sort of a republican never has an
opinion of its own, or for that matter
of anybody else, upon any question of
public interest. Not a candidate for
congress on the republican ticket in
this state can be induced to say whe
ther he will vote for or against the
Fowler bill when it comes before the
house for final action. But the Star
outdoes them. The pressing' question
I. ef ore the people of this state in this
election. is whether the railroads are
paying too much or too little revenue
into the state treasury. Upon that im
portant question the Star, says:
"We wish to take this opportunity
to state that if any one can point to a
paragraph or word in the Star which
in any manner indicates that the rail
roads are paying either too much or
too little revenue into the treasury, we
will buy The Independent a new dic
tionary." There you have it without evasion, or
equivocation. It is following the pol
icy of the party leaders. Never make
a statement to the people upon public
questions in which they are inter
ested as to what your policy will be if
elected. That will only make trouble
for vou in the future.
Mr. Byxbe of Fort Morgan, Colo.,
sends a clipping from the Farm and
Tribune, which claims that the re
cently formed Harvester trust is going
to be a great benefit to, the farmers,
and wants to know if that is a fact.
According to the trust defenders there
was never yet a trust formed upon any
other than philanthropical principles,
bUt The Independent takes no stock in
such declarations. The article "contra
dicts itself, for in it occurs this state
ment: . "Bitter competition between
manufacturers and their selling agents
has made the business unprofitable."
That statement is ridiculous in more
ways than one. The American people
that is that portion of them who
have liorse sense will hardly nelieve
that these immensely wealthy com
panies, have been doing business at a
loss, or that the elimination of compe
tition among them will tend to lower
prices to the farmer. The mullet head
republican will probably believe even
after he is forced to pay ten or fif
teen dollars more for a harvester than
he ever did before.
The railroads have tried for years
to get a law passed by congress abol
ishing ticket brokers and failed. At
last they have . got a judge-made law
to that effect. A judge in the District
of Columbia issued an Injunction
against 33 licensed ticket brokers in
Washington forbidding them to buy
and sell tickets. Government by in
junction takes on new phases every
month, and every Injunction granted
Is for the benefit of corporations
either railroads or. trusts. -,
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP "
Mr. Qulnbj Dlaeuaaes GoTernment Owner
. P Ceal Mine-favor the
Single Tax Remedy
Editor Independent: Just now there
is considerable talk of the government
ownership of the mines. I will not no
tice the insincerity of such mounte
banks as David B. Hill in advocating
this movement, but I desire , to meet
the honest and sincere advocates of
this reform, and call to mind a few
points worth considering. '
Do those who talk of the government
ownership of mines stop to consider
what it means? Is the government
ownership of mines desirable or nec
essary? Need the people wait for such
a thing and go to the enormous ex
pense and delay involved in the ac
quirement of them?
I believe that every thoughtful per
son will recognize, notwithstanding
the present apparent unanimity of sen
timent on this question, that it would
still require a long time to prepare
the people for such a change. For, af
ter all, waves of sentiment among the
people are very fickle, and. what we
thought was unanimous turns out to be
only a temporary spasm. After the
sting of the coal trust is allayed by a
soothing balm in the matter of re
duced prices consequent upon a set
tlement of the strike, it will be found
that many who now squeal will adapt
themselves to the old rut again, and
declare with Baer that the Lord gave
the monopolists these mines, and they
have a right to speculate upon the
agony of mankind.
So by the time public opinion , be
comes sufficiently enlightened for this
reform and the United States congress
is composed of statesmen and pa
triots, at least a decade will have
passed, and still no relief. After this
the people would wait for the slow
grind of" government in condemning
and purchasing the properties, and the
further contest through the courts in
settlement of, the details involved. Af
ter all this . agony the people would
have for their pains an enormous debt
for future generations to pay, unless
the hard money people become awak
ened by that time, and let the govern
ment purchase the mines with green
backs. .
Then after the purchase were accom
plished we would have another regime,
or rather the present regime with ac
celerated motion, of political graft and
crookedness,'. unless forsooth we could
in addition to educating the people on
the government ownership and money
questions also persuade them to adopt,
the Initiative and referendum the
only means of checking official cor
ruption. . Oh, Lord, I see the finish of
the question. I only see it in imagin
ation for, though I am but a young
man now, I will never live to realize
it It is too far in the future.
Now, I will not attempt to check the
progress of the ownership question
without attempting at least to suggest
a remedy in place of that, which will
afford complete relief to the people.
Under the present system of taxa
tion it is more profitable for the coal
barons to keep the mines idle half the
time than it is for them to operate
them. We, in this enlightened age, by
our system of taxation, -fine people for
being good and enterprising, and we
offer a premium on laziness and sordid
greed. Then the church folks wonder
why the people are not good and virtu
ous. When a man corners the earth we
salaam to him, and when he begins to
put up buildings and other improve
ments we tax we fine him. If he
keeps the earth idle and, le ts the land
go to waste, we will not only lower his
taxes lessen his fine but we will soon
pay himahiglr premium for the right
to exercise bur divine right to the
use of the earth. Of speculation in
human need and gambling upon the
afflictions of the human family, we
make virtues. The lord of the land
lies on beds of ease and taxes us for
the use of the land of the Lord, while
we can show as good a title as he.
If he improves the earth and employs
labor thereby and stimulates . prog
ress, and does just what we want him
to do, we fine him.
We are here in the paradoxical posi
tion of putting a premium on indol
ence and greed and fining people for
doing that which we want done. By
this means -we check production and
enterprise, and thereby reduce oppor
tunities for the employment or labor.
The tendency is to narrow more and
more the field of employment for men,
and widen more and more , the field of
speculation for sharks. It ought to
be a self-evident fact that if a tax on
dogs prevents the increase of the
canine family, a tax on houses ana
food and clothes will result in less of
these.
Now, a tax on the value of monopoly
holdings in the earth will operate just
the same way that is, it will check
the rise of the values of speculative
coal fields and other natural resources
and thereby" check the monopoly of
them. If the government today were
to levy a tax upon the full rental val
ue of the coal fields or any other spec
ulative properties, it would at once re
sult in opening these fields to legiti
mate enterprise, for those who had the
use of them could not afford to leave
them idle. ;
Without any stretch of the constitu
tion congress today has the power to
levy a tax upon the speculative value
of the antracite coal fields and all
other holdings in natural resources.
If this were done the monopolists
would at once discover that their own
best interest lay in the operation of
all of the mines to their fullest ca
pacity. They would soon discover that
they could not get men enough to
work them. They would therefore not
only accede to all that the miners now
ask, but they would be happy to make
even more liberal concessions to them.
All the water would at once be
squeezed out of their trust stocks and
their monopoly privilege forever end
ed. This could be accomplished with
out expense or cost to the people if the
government possessed statesmanship
and honesty. . It would afford an ef
fectual and complete relief to the peo
ple. ;
On the other hand the purchase of
the mines would not only be a long and
tedious process, but after all were over
it would only be a transfer of masters,
for instead of the coal barons we
would have bond barons. All who are
familiar with our financial history
woUld prefer the greed of the coal
barons to the Insidious manipulation
of government by the bond sharks.
The mere agitation for government
ownership would soon manifest itself
in an enormous increase in the value
of these holdings. The owners would
at once put up the price of coal and
millions would be made by the stock
gamblers in the manipulation of coal
property stocks. So not only 1 would
the undertaking be a costly one, but
the fact that the government was in
the field as a purchaser would send the
values of these properties soaring sky
wards, and a few millionaires would
spring from . the attempt to purchase
these holdings.
The exact contrary would result from
the imposition of a tax upon the mar
ket values of these mines In their nat
ural state, regardless of improvements.
The natural resources would fall in
value, while the improvements, being
to that extent relieved of the burden of
taxes, would rise in value. The higher
the tax the lower would fall the spec
ulative values of these holdings, until
no monopoly of them would or could
remain. '
And in regard , to the relations be
tween operators and miners, where
now we see-starving men competing
with each other to see who can come
the nearest to starvation and still live
to enrich the monopolists, we would
see a competition among the operators
to see who could offer the miners the
best inducements to labor.
Consider which of these two plans
would be the cheapest, most just, roost
expedient and wise.
LAURIE J. QUINBY.
, Omaha, Neb. ? ' i
BETTER WAKE UP
' Enthusiastic Readers
Whenever The Independent gets for
the first time into the hands of earnest
workers for humanity they are always
enthusiastic over it, and every once in
a : while the subscription . list takesa
notion-to stretch- out Such has been
the case lately and those who have
received it for the first time are send
ing their rejoicings over having found
such a paper. .
Mary Freeman Gray, state superin
tendent of the Peace and Arbitration
society of California, Writes: "En
closed please find fifty cents for the
five cards. I have sold one and will
sell the other four soon or else give
them to those who will appreciate The
Independent You are doing a good
work and I am most assuredly in
hearty sympathy with your efforts."
Mr. J. P. Philippls of Belvidere, 111.,
writes: "I received the cards and en
close fifty cents in payment of the
same. You are engaged in a great,
worthy, and needed work and I wish
you success in educating the people to
vote right" .
Wm. A. Miller, of Cherry Run, W.
Va., writes: "I am much pleased with
your paper and think that you are do
ing good work for the restoration of
the better days of the republic. The
destinies of this country look omnious,
but a genius may spring from the
'temple of liberty' and hurl the pow
ers of greed from their usurped power.
Any that are contributing to that end
should be numbered among the bene
factors of humanity." .
Scores of other letters of like tenor
are coming into The Independent
office these days, and for that matter
almost every day in the year.
Judge Broady .
Editor Independent: The fuslonists
of Nebraska may well feel proud of
the work accomplished at the Grand
Island convention. It would seem that
no better selections . could have been
made; and it is to be hoped that the
fusion voters will show their appre
ciation by going to the polls on the
4th of next month and electing the
entire ticket ,
One candidate, especially I feel it not
only a pleasure, but a duty, to recom
mend to the populist voters of Ne
braska!. In 1891 I was the nominee of
the people's party for the office of jus
tice of the supreme court. Judge J. H.
Broady, our present nominee for at
torney general, was nominated by the
democrats for the same position, but
purposely filed his ' declination, after
It was too late to fill the vacancy.
This action by Judge Broady, in the
Interest of the populists, met the bit
ter opposition of a portion of his own
party and denunciations of the re
publicans. Judge Broady is an able, conscien
tious lawyer and should receive not
only the solid vote of the fusion forces,
but of every citizen who is interested
in laving the legal affairs of the state
looked after by a thoroughly compe
tent man. J. W. EDGERTON.
Grand Island, Neb.
It Is said that the president has ex
pressed' himself pretty freely in pri
vate concerning the deception of the
men that led him to publicly declare
that there was no tariff on anthracite
or petroleum. He has a hard crowd
around him. Knox deceives him in re
gard to prosecuting criminally the
trust magnates. Root deceived him
about the conduct of the war In the
Philippines. On all sides he Is sur
rounded by. deceivers. . i r
I the Sherman Law to be Used to Sappreae
Labor Trnete and CapitalUtte
r Treste to Escape
Editor Independent: The coal
strike Is practically ended. It has been
a noble struggle for human freedom
on the part of the miners. -
On the part of the operators It has
been a great fight for the right to do
as they please with the mines, which
they call "their property."
On the part of the miners it was a
fight for the interest of labor, on tho
part of the operators a fight for the
iuuiest of capital.
At one time the conflict threatened
to destroy New York the eastern and
the middle states, which would havo
eventually extended to the west and
youth, and therefore the whole coun
try would have been swallowed up
in one vast ruin the millionaire and
the laboring man all perishing to
gether. Happily we have escaped destruc
tion. But what next?
, The president has appointed an arbi
tration commission, and, as the men
go tc work, the commission is to ad
just all differences between the min
ers and the operators. This is all
very well for the miners and oper
ators, but where do the rights of the
general public come in?
The miners want work and the oper
atorsthe railroads and coal compa
nies wno are all one want their capi
tal employed, so that the one can get
wages and the other Interest and divi
dends and the commission is to de
termine the terms and conditions upr
on which the two can work together.
It is some relief to the general pub
lic to know that while the various
differences between labor and capital
are being adjusted, the miners are to
go to work at once and we are to have
coal. But what guarantee havo w
that next week or next month there
will not be a strike in some other de
partment of labor and some other nec
essary of life cut off? Is It not time
to be considering whether there ! not
some law or method by which a strike
can be prevented, or if there is one,
the parties thereto cannot be brought
into court at once before some trib
unal, which shall have power to order
that the strife or strike shall cease
and that all the matters in difference;
shall be adjusted before they reach
such alarming proportions as we hava
just witnessed? If there is not, then
our republic threatens to be a failure.
Thinking men are fast coming to the
conclusion that labor Is becoming so
powerful through the unions and capi
tal so powerful on account of Ita ag
gregations . that the, very existence of
the government and society are threat
ened. The danger is not In a capital
istic trust merely, but in what is al
leged to be a labor trust as. well.. In
fact, any man must be blind who can
not see that we are fast drifting into
another civil war, more destructive
than the war of 1861-65, unless some
thing is done. .
Let us look at a few facts developed
by the recent struggle.
David Willcox is the general coun
sel of the Delaware & Hudson com
pany. This company is the "owner
of large coal properties in Pennsyl
vania together with a considerable
system of railroads running from the
coal regions of Pennsylvania into th
states of New York and Vermont, and
is engaged in the business of pro
ducing anthracite coal In Pennsyl
vania and shipping the same over said
roads into other states." This in the
way Mr. Willcox describes the busi
ness of his client There are several
other railroads who are doing the
same kind of business, having th
same kind of capital, and the several
companies together owning all the coal
properties and all the railroads that
carry coal to market They there
fore constitute a monopoly of coal
so far as ownership of the capital Is
concerned.
Mr. Willcox, after describing the
business of his own company in a let
ter to the president last June, which
has been recently published (October
10, 1902.) said:
"The association known as the
united mine workers of America is an
association composed of a large num
ber, of miners and laborers engaged
throughout the country in mining an
thracite and bituminous coal and em
ployed by the owners of said mines.
This association has its headquarters
In the state of Pennsylvania and In
the localities where are situated the
collieries of this company. Its gen
eral purpose is to dictate all the terms
of the contract of employment be
tween producers and employes en
gaged in mining, preparing and ship
ping all the bituminous and anthra
cite coal of the country, and to en
force its orders and directions by
whatever means may be most effectual,
including strikes not confined to its
own members alone, but in which
are compelled to join, as far as possi
ble, all other persons similarly em
ployed." Such Is the description which Mr.
Willcox gives us of the united mine
workers' association. He next states
the facts which led up to the great
strike of May 8, 1902; and concludes
his letter by insisting that "these
facts show that the united mine work
ers' association and all of its members
constitute a combination or conspir
acy in restraint of trade and com
merce among the several states and
also an attempt to monopolize the la
bor necessary in supplying coal found
in one state to the markets of other
states and thus to monopolize this part
of the commerce among the several
states." -
He says further:
"The , courts have, already many
