THE NEBEASKA INDEPENDENT. Oct. 16, 1902. Zhe Uebraska Independent Lincoln, Tltbraska. LIBERTY BUILDING. 1328 0 STREET. Entered according to Act of Congress at the Fostoffice at Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class mail matter. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. - FOURTEENTH YEAR. $1.00 PER YEAR IN ADVANCE When .making, remittances do not leave money with news agencies, postmasters, etc., !o be forwarded by them. They frequently forget or remit a different amount than was left with them, and the subscriber fails to get proper credit. Address all communications, and make all drafts, money orders, etc., payable to Zbe Utbraska Independent, , Lincoln, Neb. Anonymous communications will not be noticed. Rejected manuscripts will not be returned. The Ticket For Governor W. H. Thompson (Democrat, Hall County.) Lieut. Governor E. A. Gilbert (Populist, York County.) decretory of State John Powers Populist, Hitchcock County.) Audifcr C. Q. De France (Populist, Jefferson County.) Treasurer J. N. Lyman (Populist, Adams County.) Attorney General J. H. Broady (Democrat. Lancaster County.) Commissioner Public Lands and Buflrlings J. C. Brennan (Democrat, . Douglas County.) Supt of Schools Claude Smith (Populist, Dawson' County.) CONGRESSIONAL. First Howard H. Hanks (Democrat, Otoe county.) Second Gilbert M. Hitchcock (Democrat, Douglas county.) Third John S. Robinson (Democrat, Madison county.). Fourth William L. Stark (Populist, Hamilton county.) Fifth Ash ton C. Shallenberger (Democrat, Harlan county.) Sixth Patrick H. Barry (Populist, Greeley county.) Under republican rule a public neces sity is a private snap. The Bee says: "Only a few more annual reviews for the veterans of the Grand Army of the Republic." Not withstanding, the pension list will keep on increasing. The fad of every republican editor is to discuss every problem upon which he'writes no matter how serious the subject may be in a sickly, humorous way. It makes one very tired to have to read such stuff. Some of the manufacturers who de clared most vociferously that they must have a tariff or "the industry would be ruined," have lately found out that the tariff didn't work as they expected. The silence of the Chicago Tribune and several other dailies of that class, when all the people were talking and thinking about the coal strike, Mitchell and Baer, was as profound as that of the inter-stellar spaces of the universe. Morgan organized a steamship trust. .While the project was being promoted all the republican dailies declared that the economies effected would result in a great reduction in trans-Atlantic freight rates. As soon as the trust was organized there was a great ad vance in ocean freights. Ex-Comptroller Dawes in his recent speeches has declared that there will be a panic in 1903. He says: "While we cannot stop it; we can devise a relief." Even if he did devise a means of relief, he could not get the econ omic mullet heads in congress to en act it into law. When the coal barons are as ar rogant, impudent and insulting to a president of the United States as they were the other day in Washington, one can well imagine how they would treat their miners if they could break up the miners' union and become supreme autocrats in the whole mining district It appears from the Washington dis patches that Teddy does not approve of the plan of the "lilly white" repub licans in the south to exclude the ne groes from all participation in party politics. He has removed the United States district attorney in Alabama who engineered the scheme in that state. The Independent has no faith in convening congress in a special session for the purpose of legislating against the trusts or coal barons. The coal barons and the trust magnates might as well be convened as the republi can majority in congress and they would be just as likely to institute reform legislation. The city taxes of the railroads in Omaha have been reduced from $22,000 to ?6,000 in five years. At that rate if Mickey, Prout and Weston are elected it will not be long until the people down there will not only pay all the taxes for the railroads, but will give them a bonus of a few thousand every HURRAH, HURRAH, HURRAH The recognition of the soundness of populist principles' by men of emi nence everywhere during the last few weeks, their adoption into state plat forms of other parties, their promul gation by conventions composed of men distinguished for business abil ity, moral standing and patriotism; re gardless of .party affiliation or - relig ious belief, coming from every section of the union, is enough to make the old populist workers in Nebraska," who studied political economy in sod houses by the heat of burning coal get out and shout until their throats were sore and their voices gone. When "the great stress came upon the" people from, the haughty oppression of capi tal, it was soon, found that there was no place of refuge except' irr populism. The Detroit and Saratoga conven tions, the opinions of many eminent lawyers, the conclusion of honest bus-j iness men, the sermons' of thousands of ministers, the declarations of econ omists and students, the acts and res olutions of labor unions in this and other lands, have all been - testimony to the fact that in populism lies the advancement of the human race and that its rejection means disaster. This being the situation, every pop ulist in Nebraska should be encouraged to get out and work for the success of his principles from now until the last ballot is counted with more energy and enthusiasm than he ever worked before. We have passed through many hard conflicts, traitors have be trayed us, those whom we would have helped to independent lives have mal igned and worked against us, the mon ey power seemed enthroned, the trusts felt that they were; triumphant,' when all at once light seemed to break forth from every corner of the nation and the people began to demand that the principles of populism should become the policies of this people. Govern ment ownership of public utilities, which populists s have, , always advo cated and which., were -derided by the majority, has rall. at biiee' become the slogan of men of all parties, in all sections of the union. "Apply the principles of eminent domain and save us from the greed of trusts and the accumulations of capital," is a cry carried on every breeze, and shouted in every public gathering. Hurrah! Hurrah! and 'again -Hurrah! HARD PRESSED The complete failure of the most tal ented men in the republican party to meet the issues presented in the growth of trWts afcd. the concentra tion of great wealth in the hands of a few men who control both the gov ernment and the industries of the country, shows that the objections to the policies, pf the . republican party are based upon undeniable facts. Sec retary Shaw is a talented man, but he is driven to the most outrageous statements in making his speeches. In Boston he represented the position of the opponents to republican policies to be as follows: "Whoever . .undertakes gigantic enterprises, especially if he is suc cessful, is "a" scoundrel, and who ever finds employment for a thou sand men is a thief, and should he find employment for 10,000 he is a robber." Now if there was anything in the platform of policies of the populist or democratic party that could be suc cessfully attacked, Secretary Shaw would have attacked them and not disgraced himself by asserting that they advocated things that they never thought of advocating. When a man of Secretary Shaw's ability is- driven to such shallow expedients it is little wonder that the whole crew of spell binders are at sea, or that there is not a man among them who would dare to meet an opponent in a joint de bate. They go about the country tell ing their credulous followers that their opponents are advocating the distruc tion of business, that they want to bring disaster, loss and sorrow upon the whole country, that they never re joice in anything but distress and misery, and the simpletons who listen to them believe what they say. Why cannot Secretary Shaw make a fair statement of his opponents' views and then show wherein they are wrong? Why is he cofefpelled to accuse his opponents of believing and advo cating things that they never, believeL or advocated? It is hecause the posi tion of his opponents, in his mind at least, are unassailable. If there was a weak place in the lines of those who oppose republicanism, Secretary Shaw would.be quick to attack there, hut now he is compelled to misrepresent his opponents and then attack his own misrepresentations. All this goes to show that the best of the republican spell-binders are hard pressed. A ViRT GRAVE MISTAKE Popular government, both in this country and England, has run along the same lines.- , When the people's stomachs are fairly well-filled, but few pay any, attention to public affairs and those who- are willing to make any sacrifice to take the time -to look into the way. the governments run, or study out what the result of prevail ing policies may be, are very few in- ,vpnr.. Vnto pr Rtrnicrit. '1 mt two? f ita mrtnhera -with ; fixira JJLJs-j urlnr jsur K t i m es t h a t the great plans for the universal rob bery of the people are "worked out, for, like George' Fred Williams In the late contest in Massachusetts, they get off guard. Franchises and, special privileges are granted.. Taxes are shifted from the property of the rich, placed upon the necessities of life and the poor have to pay them.' .The last four years have been times like that Who has been on guard? Just a few. They are for the most part the men who began the fight against monop oly fifteen or twenty years ago. They are never off guard. This year is called an off year in politics. They say that no one is tak ing a great interest in the campaign. There was never a greater mistake. It is in just such years as this that the corporations and railroad mag nates take the most interest and do their most effective work. The rail road interest in the campaign began long before the conventions met or were even called. While the farmer was busy at his work, hired attor neys of the railroads were applying their utmost energies to getting the republican party into ' such a shape that railroad tools would be nominated and their workers posted so as to push a still hunt. What the railroads want is to get this state into the condition that Aldrich keep3 Rhode Island. They want the legislative, judicial and executive power all under their con trol. They want every appointive offi cer to be one of their tools. They want the senators and congressmen so they may add that much additional strength to their position in Wash ington. These are the sort of years when the corporate power makes its advances. Are you on guard? Are you arranging your work or business so that you will be sure to be at the polls? Will you do anything toward getting all your neighbors to vote? A RUNAWAY CONVENTION The New York dailies begin to say that there was some one in Dave Hilt's convention who was more astute than Hill himself. The whole movement was to "down Bryan," but the New York Sun is forced to remark after viewing the whole matter that "the great anti-Bryan movement ends with Bryan on top." The Tribune says: "The declaration of the demo cratic state convention for the na tionalization of the anthracite coal mines is, perhaps, the most radical piece of platform making ever indulged in by one of the great parties. Before it all other parts of the platform pale into in significance." The stolid Times' makes the most savage thrust-all unconsciously-for af ter declaring that "the platform over steps wise - bounds in advocating na tional ownership," adds: "There is not a word about Bryan, or Bryan's platform, or Bryan's principles. For that let all democrats be duly thank ful." The Springfield Republican remarks that if the convention had demanded the enactment of Bellamy's Looking Backward into law, the Times would probably have said: "There is noth ing about Bryan., or Bryan's prin ciples. For that let all democrats be duly thankful." It also says that "the Saratoga convention got out of hand and ran away from its man agers." From this distance it appears tnat the Hill etfort to down Bryan and "purge the party from Bryanism" has resulted in plunging it into a ranker radicalism than Bryan ever advocated. When the Tribune, Sun, Times and World hereafter attack the "radical ism of Bryan," they will only make themselves ridiculous. The unex pected is always happening. Who would have thought that Dave Hill's convention would turn out to be the most radical thing in the United States; To find anything more radical, one would have to go to the extreme wing of the socialists. And Carlisle, Sim mons, Hornblower, Nixon and Dave, Hill thought that they were running that convention! Both Carlisle and Nixon were fierce in their denunciation of the action of the convention, but David said not a word, although he opposed the resolutions in committee. More than 50,000 veterans took their places in "fame's eternal camping ground" last year, but the pension roll still increases at a more rapid rate. AS the gray-haired veterans assembled In the annual reunions all the papers say that the wavering line of blue was thinner than ever, while the pen sion roll passed the million mark for the first time. ' It's a mighty poor rule that won't work both ways once in a while. fThe railroad companies enjoy the right to condemn and take private property, for private use, but when a company of farmers want to build an elevator on the right of way, it's altogether different. That would be taking pri vate property forcprivate use, with the accent on the "private." But Zim merman, Bremer 'and Gilmc&e, the fu sion candidates ' in York county for legislative honors, promise to work for the enactment of a law which will give other private" corporations the right of eminent domain so far as con- of uipaiu TRUSTS AND IBBI TRADE Whenever 'the: plutocratic dailies unite in making an assertion it seems the whole people are in the habit of accepting It as true without any reser vation and without any investigation whatever. Lately the dailies made the announcement that there were just as many trusts In free trade countries as there were in this. The statement is absolutely false. ; There is not a trust in any free trade country not even one such as axe known in this country. The trusVhere, under shelter of the "tariff, makes it a part of its business to plan and prepare for a reg ular foreign trade to which it sells its goo&sufar below what it sells them to the citizens of this country. It Is able to do' that y on account of the tariff. Withoutthe tariff.lt could not do it. Now there-is not an organization in any. country: that isnotr protected by a tariff that does that sort of bu'sfhes's? In some protection countries the very same thing is done, but In no free trade country. Germany sugar pro ducers, on accountof the bounty which is only another, form of tariff sells sugar to foreign. countries at about half the price that people in Germany are forced to pay, just as the steel trust has been selling' its goods to foreigners. -'n " Now it is safe .to say that .nine tenths of the people have taken the statement made in the dailies as true and firmly believe that all over the world in free trade countries, trusts have been formed that are selling their goods at one price in their own coun try and at a much lower price to those who five outside of the country in which is the home of the trust. A habit seems to have been formed by a large mass ot the American peo ple of letting prominent men do all their' thinking for them. They- never stop to think for a moment over the probable correctness of any statement made by any of their leaders. The re sult is that statements like the above become current. and generally believed in every campaign. - That is why The Independent continues to tell the peo ple that they must do their own think ing. They will be robbed just as long as they allow otners to do it for them. There is no such thing as a trust on the American plan in any free trade country and could not be. DESPICABLE CREATURES Several of the republican dailies have been denouncing the president for "interfering" in the coal strike. They say , that it , is "unprecedented" and entirely outside of his duties. But when Hanna, with a president ' back of him, "interfered" for political pur poses with ' the 'same ' men, these edi tors had not a word' to say. That was for the interest of the republican party and was all right. To a pop ulist it seems that if the president had a right to , "interfere" in Cuba, overthrow one government and set up another, that he has a right to inter fere with a trust in the United States whose poicy, if not interfered with, would produce more distress than ever the Spanish did in Cuba. But why any one should In any way be influenced by what the editors of the republican papers say is past comprehension. They are simply hirelings of the trusts, the same as the corporation lawyers, and say what they are paid for saying. A corporation lawyer struts around and pretends that he is a great man. He Is simply a hire ling, works for the wages he gets, and says what he is told to say by his boss. He is about ' as despicable a creature as the"Wofld ever produced. And as like him as another pea in the pod is the editor of the republican plutocratic daily. A shining example of the whole brood is the editor of the New York Sun. Before this writer would do such work as these men do, he would live in a dugout and subsist on roots. ' HON. W. H. THOMPSON Remember always remember that when Dietrich was the republican can didate, visiting every saloon, making! his great speech, J'Come up gentle men and have something (hie) at my expense," that s4ch distinguished pro hibitionists as Bud Lindsey, Cap Bil lingsley and Elmer .Stephenson organ ized n& "civic federations" to promote good government, and were not at all troubled . about the prospect of making a , beer shop of the state house. They know that the character of W. H. Thompson is unassailable, that in ev ery department: of life, whether as citizen, philanthropist, promoter of honest and ' efficient government, or friend and neighbor, he is the peer of any man in the state. They well know that any attack made directly upon the character, public or private, of W. H. Thompson would only react upon the men who made it and the party to which they belonged. As these men are of so low an order that they do not know how to carry on a campaign except by attacking in some- way the character of the opposing candidates, they .were in desperate straits. Then they invented the indirect attack. They say that' they have a man who is whol ly sanctified for their candidate and that all the wicked men in . the state &arf .Qin&.to .. fiKht . hjm4. and vote, for Thompson. That being, the case, to save the state from the rule of bums, it is necessary for them to organize "civic federations" and other societies to work for "good government' The kind of "good government" that would result from' societies organized under the guardianship, of Bud Lindsey, Cap Billingsley and Elmer Stephenson, any man acquainted with their political record would know without being told. The whole object of the performance is to insinuate that if Thompson is elect ed governor, the state will be run by bums and saloons, which they well know is infamously false. A POLITICAL JUDICIARY Under the judicial system of the United States it is not possible to have any other than a political ju diciary. The president who appoints a judge always appoints one known to be an adherent of his own political party and there is never an exception made to the rule. The appointment of one or two gold democrats is not an exception. The men appointed were in every .essential in agreement with the president. Most of the evils in the government have been brought about by this political judiciary. If men had been appointed not in sympathy with and not brought up in the ser vice of corporation, the trusts would never have attained the prominence and power that they now have. For years only republican corporation law yers have been appointed judges and the attorney generals of the United States have all been selected from that-class. An elective judiciary and United States senate would enable the mass of the people to secure such en actments, and force policies that would in some measure at least secure a gov ernment of the people, for the people and by the people. As it is now, it is a government '.of corporations and trusts for the benefit of the rich. A NECESSITY Senator Lodge says: " "Great corpor ations are a necessity." Let us see about that. Christian civilization has existed for nineteen centuries and un til the last decade of the last; century the world got along without them. What has transpired within the last few years to make them a necessity? The phrase is on every man's tongue. It is one of those "catch phrases" that do such effective work among the un thinking. Where is the proof that such an organization as the Standard Oil trust or the steel trust is a "nec essity?" If they were necessities then the government and society could not continue without them. Who believes that? The next time one of the re publican spell-binders announces that "great corporations" (by which he always means trusts) "are. a necessity," ask a few questions on that subject. Does he think that the crops would refuse to grow, the sun to shine and the rain to fall if the trusts were over thrown? If they are a "necessity," then mankind would disappear from the face of the earth without them. If they are a "necessity," then all good men should pray for the per petuity of the trusts and ask God to send us more philanthropists like Baer and Morgan. Senator Depew, whom the Vander bilts sent to Washington as the spe cial representative of their interests, says that 'the president's action in re gard to tue coal strike was "unprece dented;' and more imperialistic than anything that Mr. McKinley ever did." Depew, when he was a railroad presi dent, had an occasional strike to deal with and he never arbitrated. The republicans went to work and coined all the silver and all the gold they could lay their hands on, issued paper money by the ream and then begged the banks to issue more; they expanded credits as far as the law would allow and then violated the law so they could reduce the reserves and expand some more. They called that thing "the gold standard." The other day Dave Mercer made oath to the statement that he and his frienus had only expended $335 at the republican primaries. If the people want to elect a perjurer to congress from the Omaha district they will vote for the said Mercer. 'No man ac quainteu with the facts at all will say that less than $10,000 were ex pended, and most of them say that there was not less than $12,000 or $15, 000 put out to make sure of his nomi nation. . Eight years ago Dave Hill was fight ing the income tax in the United States senate on account of "its socialistic tendency." Now. a convention which he controlled comes out for the pub lic ownership of the anthracite coal mines. This outdoes all the radical ism of Bryan which Hill said would ruin the country. But the resolution was only a vota catcher. The men nom inated, if elected, would interpret the platform in the old way and say that it was simply made to' get In on and 1 WORTHY WOOU WORKS WONDERS: " When you take honest fleece from the, backs of honest sheep and. put the honest fleece through a bew ildering ri is p lr' i n u m o e r oi( honest pro cesses until you have evolved bolts of honeit cloth and have had this honest cloth worked up by honest tailors into honest suits and overcoats you have the garments that Armstrong sells -worthy wool works wonders in modern merchandising and for evidence we call to mind the matchless suit and overcoat selling of the Armstrong Clothing Co. thus farthis season. It has been wonderful selling. But no more wonderful than the bargains that have been sold the values that have been given. This store long ago ap preciated the fact that it pays to be honest with the customer and to al ways give him the best of the deal. There's where we earn the title of The Always Satisfactory Store- Come and see or write and ask us about those $7.50, $10.00,1 $12.50 and $15.00 bar gains in Suits and Overcoats. Armstrong 1221 to 1227 0 Street. Clothing C Lincoln, Nebraska THE BEE'S ATTITUDE The republican candidate for a cer tain state office who was In doubt as to what Editor Rosewater of the Omaha Bee really meant when, shortly after the supreme court's decision in the mandamus case, the Bee averred that the whole question of equitable assess ments had been, "relegated to the peo ple," might now, by a slight study of state platforms and the public expres sions of state and legislative candi dates, be able to arrive "at some con clusion although, perhaps, not a very satisfactory one to himself. In an other column The Independent quotes in full a Bee editorial In its issue of October 15, which contains information which no intelligent taxpayer can af ford to ignore. ."" The last paragraph will bear repetition here: "Tax reform has become a para mount issue and equitable taxation has become an imperative necessity (o save this state from bankruptcy. This is not a party isue. The people must look to the candidates as well as the pledges made for them by their party plat forms. Candidates for the legislature and candidatea for state offices who are charged with the execution of the revenue laws are - the men to whom the people must look for relief." No reasonable man can object to this. A non-partisan settlement of the questici is desirable if it can be ef fected. Let us see where the parties and their candidates stand. The re publican platform' says: "We realize that the condition of the state's finances urgently requires meas ures to increase state revenues and to reduce the state debt, which exceeds the constitutional limit. With this ob ject in view a more strict enforce ment of the laws relating to assess ment and taxation is imperative. The franchises, as well as the tangible property' of all corporations, should be assessed so as to bear their just and due shares of the cost of government, state, county, and municipal, the same as other taxable property, as contem plated by the constitution." Who is to bring about the more strict enforcement of the revenue laws? The assessors on the one hand and the state board of equalization on the oth er so far as relates to assessed valua tion of property. The county boards and the state board, so far as concerns tax levies on these valuations. Does the plank mean that the assessors must make their valuations higher, as suming that the board has gone high enough? Or does it mean that the board will bring up-its part of -, the work to correspond with what the as sessors have done? Nobody seems to know, and none of the republican can didates will say anything publicly, as to what they think the plank means. According to the Bee editorial, railroad valuations should be about 53 mil lions, assessed at one-sixth. ,The In dependent believes one-seventh is nearer the standard of other property, which would mean a railroad assess ment of about 45 millions. "Will Messrs. Mickey, Weston, and- Morten sen interpret the republican -plank as commanding even a 45 million railroad assessment? Everybody knows they willnot. . ' Mr. Weston is a member of the pres ent board which fixed the railroad as sessment of 1902 at about 26 mil lions. He verified the board's (rail roads') "second answer" in which he swore that the, board did assess the railroad property "in the manner pro vided by law, which, of .course, meant franchises and -all; hence, 26 mil lions would constitute a "more strict enforcement" of the revenue laws ac- sessor.s should materially raise valua tions of other property. Mr. Mickey stands squarely on the republican plat form (see Humboldt speech), but gives no hint as to what he thinks it meajiK, although he accuses some persons of trying to settle such grave questions "on the spur of the. moment" Possibly he will now apply this to Mr. Hoae water. . - "Based upon the present assessed valuation of all property," says the populist platform, "we will increase the assessed valuation of .the railroad property of this state from 26 millions to at least 40 millions of dollars." That is a pledge which even a school boy can understand. The people who "lpok: to the candidates as well as tha pledges made for them by their party platforms" are invited to consider thii plank. It most certainly more nearly coincides with the Bee's idea of an equitable railroad assessment than the republican plank does. A THIN VENEER, Ine Lincoln Dally Star is a 'cute one. Under the guise of saying some com plimentary things about Judge Hol comb and about judges and courts' in general, it tries to twist' the court's de cision in the Rosewater mandamu case into an upholding of the railroad contention that they are now paying their full share of taxes or even more. The Star says: The party or faction which electa v adjudge in the hope that, he will appreciate the favor and recipro cate at the first opportunity, ta doomed to disappointment. He may appreciate, but he will not reciprocate. When a candidate, all men are his friends if he can bring them to him; when a judge, tho law is his only friend, and the 1 opinions of his brother jurists, vdead and living, are his only . guides. - Silas Holcomb was elevated to the supreme bench by a party which expected much of him. Other ' men elected to the same high- office were freely denounced as corporation tools, and many are the v6ters who expected him to make thft bench a whipping post where corporations should . - be dragged for"- punishments Holcomb the candidate ttook no pains to dis pel this illusion But when' the corporation comes before him. and asks for justice, it is tne jurist, not the politician, who hears the case, and the finding is made, not - in accordance with the political prejudices of the court If anything which "harbors pre judice may be called a court but in accordance with the jurist's only adviser, the law. ' The move to impose heavier tax es upon railway corporations was not only a popular one, bht it was a part of the political Teligion of the party which found an obscure lawyer in a western village and made him, first governor, "! then jydge; yet, whatever the gov ernor may have done, the -jurist rises superior to all else, and from his pen we get the decision against "the'state and in favor of those very corporations which were supposed to have opposed his election by ev ery means, fair or foul. ' It-is the triumph of judicial dignity and pride over associations and party affiliations, and In this may be found ' the greatest prop to our " government. ' ' ' j The political battle may rage in the halls of congress, the national and. state executives may plot and scheme as they . may, the people themselves may rise, and demand thatjihis or that be done, but be- , fore 'justice may be prostituted, even, with the consent and appro val, of all the people; the courts u must'be'.consulted, and the courts t sit upon a plane where the clamor of the. populace and , the Intrigues ,1 of the 'politicians cannot reach them; they are far above, and out of, hearing., So long as we nave such courts. never intended to bother the pluto crats. v -"':' cordinK to Mr. Weston, unless tbe as-J no matter what else tef all. God ,"' ' TSSofiu lists "ori ev5rre"SSentTalJ"D6rrit""asi 'fir MortftKpfi has for vrs ronr. I "XT wTJI" ZZ 7r' "2 T.TT"' " . . . , iinnv wnri,'