r
V '
THs4 NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
Sept. .25f:iOQ2
M
is
r'
'.a
. bank was robbed, but not broken, as
;r.;r; its directors ' feared.
.rr; 5 Actual evils often exist and for
Tc-rb -he time are as grave as they appear,
; r.-. but mysteriously bear their own red
;vr ' re8s and healing In them. The snake's
; - skin cures the snake's bite. The Mex-
lean war was bitterly opposed by near
ly the entire whig party. Probably no
well-informed man now lives who does
not consider that that war was a
benediction to the United States and
- . to humanity at large. Our purchase of
;r Alaska long seemed money thrown
away, but - sealskins and gold, fish,
-v lumber, and silver fox pelts fully bal
ance the account. In an address pre
: senting to the senate a bill providing
; .Alaska with a code of procedure, Sena
j tor Carter of Montana declared that
; , Alaska had yielded to the treasury and
people of the United States a million
f -dollars for every thousand invested
' K ! in the purchase. From the British
. - point of view the success of the Ameri
r can, revolution was a terrible mlsfor-
tune. Yet the British empire today,
; -owing to the more Just government of
. colonies brought to pass by that revo-
- ; 'lution, is in all probability vastly
-stronger and happier than it would
have been had said revolution never
. occurred. The protestant reformation
:;'has in a similar way fortified the Ro-
man Catholic church, which, at the
"time, naturally deemed the reforma
Z. ' on an unmixed disaster,
"r & KvUs often exist and are as
h grave as they seem, yet are followed,
Vs not casually; but in the order of time,
-by compensatory blessings so massive'
: as to force forgetfulness of what pre
ceded. Take the revolutionary period.
v -of 1848, with ' Chartism in England,
and mark how quickly all storm and
:.-.ritresa passed with the discovery of
gold, multiplying business, and rals
lng profits and wages. Chartism and
barricades did not cause gqld to be
found,' but the gold, when found,
caused Chartism and barricades to dis-
; .appear.
i ; r ?. Since the common man awoke to
the conscious possession of rights
- . which the privileged were, bound to
,: respect, his upward career has never
ibeen permanently checked. Witness
; the long struggle of plebs against pa
.triciana in Rome, in which, despite all
sorts and magnitudes of obstacles, vic
. .tory more and more-at last .decisive-
ly-crown9d the people's cause. Re-;-
' call the sweeping triumph of the Third
" .Estate in France, first over the feudal
lord, then over the king. The history
of the rise of free' institutions Is in
- point, particularly in England. The
.wildest pessimist must admit that
.many and many a crisis in that his
V' tory has seen the common man's cause
; .much harder bestead than it Is now.
-'' 8. Suppose all these consolatory
thoughts dismissed as of no worth, and
suppose the entire visible prospect to
- contain no hope whatever, still,-even
v so, at the very worst, no one can
prove that there is no hope. Good
:- may be in store though you may not
;;ee it. The invisible portion of reality
. 1s immensely larger than the visible.
" If the belt or patch of life where we
. this moment are is so dark that we 1
cannot carry out of it any hope what
ever, it cannot possibly be of such a
nature as to prove that realms not yet
traversed are as angry as it is.
Even after Magna, Charta and the
rise -of parliament liberty in England
seemed chained to 'its nadir, rising a
little now and then, but as surely sink
ing. Through the whole, Tudor Cen
tury the oppressed, aghast at the ra
pacity of the rich and great; , the tra
vesties of justice named court pro
ceedings, the murder and rapine com
manded by monarchs, with no redress,
no appeal, incessantly cried out, How
long, O Lord, how long! It was not
very long. The Stuart century, the
very next to come, saw a king decapi
tated, a Petition of Rights granted, a
Bill of Rights enforced, the monarchy
- effectually limited. If you are devout
you say God was standing within the
shadow keeping watch over his own.
Is the God of Naseby and Marston
Moor dead? If of a secular temper
you say Hearts of Oak did it, hearts of
" ,oalv in Saxon and Norman men. Has
.the oak in the hearts of Saxon and
Norman men turned to pine or punk
wood? Let us have patience with ourselves.
Our. national experience of late has
. been bo bewildering that it is no won
" der if our minds are a bit unsteady,
" Our thoughts of national duty, our
creeds, .even, have, since Just before
the Spanish. war, been shifting like a
kaleidescope. A foreigner observing
this might be reminded of the foot
note on the weekly church notice slip
In a certain very advanced church,
reading like a railway time table,
"Doctrines subject to change without
'.. notice."
?V The people who think the future of
.this country wholly dark seem to view
"imperialism" and the trusts as the
two .blackest thunder clouds in the
sky. la this they are probably right.
" If it can b shown that even these
phenomena, troublous, threatening and
obstinate as they are, may quite pos
sibly evolve in a manner to leave the
republic in that, free, the ,home of a,
happy people, and the best govern-
- ment on earth, we may for the present
dismiss the minor infelicities that have
been mentioned entirely from our view.
Let us then examine calmly those two
arch dragons; let us walk boldly up
to them, look into their structure and
ascertain if we can what their evolu-,
tion is likely to be. Let us first deal
in this way with "imperialism."
Within the last few years, as the
whole world knows, the United States
has become possessed of a number of
island territories, each bearing a num
erous population unlike that existing
in any part of the old United States,
these territories all lying at a consid
erable remove from the former United
States borders, , Some of these depen
dencies are so situated that their pos
session by the United States draws
the United States Into unprecedentedly
; close neighbornood and relations with
foreign powers. The new populations
themselves are the incarnation of
. knotty problems galore. There can be
no question that this enlargement of
-..our domain creates a" precarious situa
tion for the government we love, a
situation full of danger even if also full
of promise. No sensible man assumes
that our rule in these until recently
foreign parts will bo pleasant, easy or
uniformly successful. It is quite un
likely to be so. It is the part; of wis
dom and patriotism to point out in
the most cold-blooded manner the dif
ficulties which our momentous under
taking will involve. '
Those seeing the most danger in this
new national path and seeing them the
most clearly seem to think that the
last presidential election,' with the re
cent decisions of the supreme court in
the island cases, has some how irre
vocably consigned the country to a
system of crown colonies such as Ind
ia is, natives without any part in their
own government and equally without
hope of ever having such. Were that
the meaning of United States expan
sion our people would oppose it to a
man. But it is not On the contrary,
such is the spirit of our political par
tics and partisans and especially of our
voters, every community under United
States sovereignty, soon as It comes
to possess a reasonable measure of
civic ability, may be sure of govern
mental autonomy perfectly satisfactory
to itself, either like Hawaii, under our
flag, or, like Cuba, out from under our
flag. .- ' ' '
The United States may elect to con
stitute Puerto Rieo and Luzon each
an independent state like Cuba under
a United States protectorate. Many
did not think this likely in the case of
Cuba, but it was done. The same out
come is certainly, among the possibili
ties for the other two. Some would
regard such independence on the part
of the lands named unfortunate for
them and also for us, but- those who
most dread expansion would certainly
be relieved of their principal mental
distress were they sure that all the
bodies politic we took from Spain were
soon to be free and independent states.
Another conceivable , event is .that
Puerto Rico and the Philippine archi
pelago, following the example of Ha
waii rather than that of Cuba, remain
under the flag, graduating, piece by
piece, as one community after another
is found fit, into territories and then
into states under one constitution.
Contrary to a common thought, the
supreme court's decision.does not at all
preclude this. A joint resolution by
congress can impart territoriality- or
statehood to a half foreign populace
like Luzon or to one fully foreign as
Hawaii was, just as easily as it can to
one under the constitution at the start.
Puerto Rico or Luzon may one day be
come a state under the flag as Cuba
has become one out from under the
flag. . '
Many, we know, would deprecate
the expansion of our country in this
form, however conservative, but most
of the objections which they make to
expansion in this form, provided it is
conservative, seem to more fanciful
than solid. Particularly ought not ex
pansion of that sort to be bewailed
should 5 the peoples named conclude
of their own accord to cast in their lot
with us; a determination not at all
unlikely if they are assured that in
case of such choice they would be our
genuine co-citizens and not our teub
jects. It has seemed to me that had
our dealing with those populations
been a little more' clever they would
have wished to be of us and no sem
blance of coercion would have been
necessary. It Is quite within our pow
er even now to exhibit to them such a
spirit that- none will ever wish to haul
dow;i our flag from over their heads.
: I cannot think that it could ruin
this republic toannex remote peoples
upon the basis thus suggested. The
principal objection seems to be the
"danger that undesirable foreigners will
move in and compete with working
men here. That would certainly be a
misfortune, but the fear does not seem
to me well grounded. England has
not suffered so. Millions of negroes,
Malays and1 people of other unintelli
gent stocks are barred by nothing
but the trifling expense of the steerage
from flocking to Great Britain to dis
place British labor. They have a
perfect legal right to settle in Eng
land, but they do not. Some Chinese
and Japanese already resident in the
Philippines might come to the states,
causing a ripple of unhealthy compe
tition for a time, but this could not
last long unless those peoples were
admitted to the Philippines from Chi
na and Japan, which of course could
be prevented just as their admission
to California Is prevented at present.
What makes the shoe pinch with
many no doubt is the eertainty that,
at best, in parts of Hawaii and in the
central and south of the Philippines,
the form of imperialism must last for
years, the peoples there being too bar
barous to realize for a long time any
promise of self-government held out to
them. They will have to remain, di
rectly or indirectly, under congres
sional rule, with such constitutional
guarantees as congress may think it
wise to establish. It is thought that
such a regime must mean tyranny
there and the vitiation of democracy
at home.
Bat would these evils result? The
American congress is created by the
American people, and must in the long
run act out far as well as near the
spirit and wishes of the people. If
you can trust the people you can trust
congress to do what ought to be done
with any human beings vmder our sov
ereignty however remote.
What if the constitution does not
extend to the islands ex proprio vi
gore! You can force congress to car
ry the whole of it there. If you can
not trust the American people to look
after the maintenance of liberty, there
Is no hope for the republic extended
or unextended. Men's very attitude
of appeal the cry of danger presup
poses conviction that conscience, pa
triotiGm, integrity, reason, humanity
and other noble principles are not
dead among us. I am sure that they
are not dead and that we can trust
them to rectify and prevent wrongs.
Therefore, even though our dealings
with Puerto Ricans, and Filipinos may
not go on according to the policy
whlch many of us would have pre
ferred, it Is stupid to despair.
There is an opinion that though our
home political life might securely
stand the strain of governing depen
dencies, we, being a republic, could
not possibly govern them well. I am
sure that its advocates, Intelligent a.3
many-of them are, do not see the
whole logic of this view. It means that
republics are unfit to take part, and if
they are philanthropic and mind their
business none will take any part, in j
FROM DEATH'S DOOR
TIMELY RESCUE OF A WOMAN IN
. OREGON, ILL. :
How 6he was 8vcd From a Horrible
peath Wb AH Hop vras Qoat
Story la Her Own Words
"I hope never to go through such
an experience again," said Mrs. C. L.
McDowell, of Oregon, 111., whose nar
row escape from death is best told in
her own words..
"I was always weakly," she contin
ued, "but, in 1894, the childbed fever
in a very severe form left me in a
miserable condition. My blood turned
to water and it seemed I could not
recover any strength. I was white aa
a sheet, without any ambition and
so low that no one thought I would
ever get well. In addition to all this
I had neuralgia in its worst form. My
grandmother died with neuralgia and
I was afraid it would take me away.
I cannot tell you how I suffered with
it for years. It was terrible."
"But how were you cured?" asked
the reporter.
"The best doctors could not help me
and I never thought I would get well,"
replied Mrs. McDowell. "But one day
I read an advertisement of Dr. Will
iams Pink Pills for Pale People and I
concluded to try them. I found relief
in the first box, so I continued to take
them. The neuralgia gradually grew
less severe until it disappeared alto
gether, my color returned, I gained in
strength and now my blood is in good
condition again."
The pills which cured Mrs. McDowell
are an unfailing specific for all dis
eases arising from disorders of the
blood and nerves Among the many
diseases they have cured are locomo
tor ataxia, partial paralysis, St. Vitus
dance, sciatica, neuralgia, rheumat
ism, nervous headache, the after ef
fects of the grip, palpitation of the
heart, pale and sallow complexions
and all forms of weakness either in
male or female. Dr. Williams' Pink
Pills for Pale People are sold by all
dealers or will be 'sent postpaid on re
ceipt of price, fifty cents a box; six
boxes for two dollars and a half, by
addressing Dr. Williams Medicine Co.,
Schenectady, N. Y,
Do not trust the word of a man who
says he has the genuine Dr. Williams'
Pink Pills in bulk. Nqne of these fam
ous pills ever leave the factory except
in packages bearing the well-known
trade mark composed of the seven
words "Dr. Williams' Pink Pills for
Pale People."
the political education of those back
ward races which still so largely con
stitute the world's population. By this
theory, the sole way In which repub
lics can multiply is by converting or
conquering peoples who have first been
thoroughly drilled in monarchical
ideas, either monarchies now existing
or younger monarchies in lands like
India or China, which, because repub
lics dared not undertake the task, were
tutored and trained by - monarchies
older than themselves. Monarchical
nations are not going to keep out of
Oceanica just because we do, if we do.
They will conquer, annex, and, in their
way, educate. Spite of such monarchi
cal pre-emption of the earth, republi
can propagandism, following along
later, may ultimately convert a na
tion here and there, but it must be af
ter centuries of wasted time and ef
fort; It is hard to teach an adult
dog, man or nation new tricks. Ex
pert missionaries without exception,
I believe, consider it far easier to lead
polytheists to Christianity directly by
one journey than to use Mohammedan
ism as a halfway house. Our friends
with whom I am just now expostulat
ing prefer the halfway house plan.
Monarchize pol'tical heathen first,
then - republicanize them. To allow
this policy to prevail in part is, I dare
say, better than for the United States
alone to undertake all the political
mission work which the world needs;
but I cannot agree with those who
deem it our duty or even our privilege
to renounce that mission work alto
gether. I beg to remind you again that I am
not finding fault with those who point
out and emphasize national dangers or
what they conceive to be such. That
kind of criticism is to be desired; it is
perfectly consistent with patriotism;
it may be the highest patriotism. To
repress it, to decry the citizens who
offer it is to betray the state. Our
rulers need all the light they can get,
and, with other light, they need that
sort which makes darkness visible. It
is not denunciation of present policies
which I condemn, but the tone of pes
simism in which men so often de
nounce. If we turn now to that other hob
goblin, the trusts, we shall see in them
equally little which is calculated to
make a thoughtful patriot leap from
the ship. The eerious dangers with
which monopolies menace the public
are but three: monopolies may raise
the selling prices of their commodities
above the level where competition
would place those prices; they may
to some extent vassalize society; and
they may retard inventiveness and in
ventions. I contend that these are real and
not imaginary dangers, which need
and must have attention from thought
ful citizens. That such perils are ex
aggerated through ignorance or for po
liticalends, gives no right to dismiss
them as not perils at all, any more
than the reality of the peril justifies
one in supposing it mortal. The pro
duction and distribution of goods un
der monopoly may, and. unless looked
after, will prove indefinitely disastr
ous. My belief is that monopolistic
agencies will, in the course of time, be
effectively looked after, their mis
chiefs abated, and the agencies them
selves turned into public blessings.
You can never suppress them, and you
ought not to desire to.
I suppose it open to no doubt that
monopolistic methods have greatly
cheapened and are greatly cheapening
the production of goods, and that their
tendency is to make the amassing of
wealth by the nation as a whole more
rapid and voluminous than it would
be under the old-fashioned competl-
OUR FALL STOCK IN NOW AT ITS BEST- r tStf&'SS
tion to the FOLLOWING SPECIALS IN OUR NEW GOODS . . 77. . . .
Silk and Woo! Dress Goods
Silks Black Taffeta, 27 inches wide, excellent quality and finish,
at $1.00 and..;.. 90c
Black Moire Velours, 21 inches wide, splendid quality for skirts,
value unequaled at , ..'73c
Black Moire Velours, 28 inches wide, in handsome designs, only. . . . , 98o
Black Dress Goods Qur stock of fine Black Zibalines is now com
plete and we show some excellent values in these popular dress
fabrics. v '
Black Zibalines, 50 inches wide, splendid quality, only O8o
Black Zibalines, 54 inches wide, in a rich finish, at $j 73
Black Zibaline, 54 inches wide, extra fine quality, rich satin finish,
at 82 75
New Silk and Wool, and all Wool Waistingrs Many waist novel
ties exclusive with us, suitable for street or evening wear, we
are now showing for the first time. The assortments are com
prehensive and embrace a variety of good designs.
AU wool Tricot, in a full line of street and evening shades, un
equalled for good hard wear at only 25c
Half Wool Novelty Waistings, very stylish combinations, only 23o
We show a pretty assortment of Fancy Striped Waistings, in the
latest colors, at ..... , , . , 43q
Imported Fancy Striped Waistings, fine quality, in all wool and
silk and wool, extra choice color combinations, at par yard, 73c
and if.,, 05c
We show a beautiful line of Embroidered Waist Patterns, in hand
some designs, at per pattern, $6,00, $4.50 and 53 75
Books and Stationery
See our Souvenir Books Superb editions of carefully selected
Standard Literature, especially suitable for gifts, consisting
chiefly of Copyright Books and others recently out of copyright,
and written chiefly by women authors for women readers; in
set frontispieces. These books were all originally published at
S1.50. Our price 1. 47c
School Supplies We handle all kinds of school goods, especially tablets,
composition and note books. There are no better tablets in the market
for the price, than those handled by us,
; : : . :
Linen Department
Our reputation for carrying the largest and best ''selected stock of Table
Linens is well known. This season we have far surpassed our previous
efforts, and are now prepared to show the most complete line ever seen in
Lincoln.
Roller Toweling, 18 inches wide, all linen, heavy Crash, at. . . ,,. Oo
Roller Toweling, 19 inches wide, all linen, extra quality, 15c grade 126C
Irish Table Damask, 64 inches wide, bleached or unbleached,
pretty line of patterns, at only ,., 4To
Silver-Bleached Table Linen, excellent quality, new and attractive
patterns at , 63 O
Bleached or Unbleached Table Damask, 64 and 72: inches wide,
choice line of patterns, at 83c and 73c
Hemstitched Table Cloths, 8-4, all linen, silver-bleached, at $1.73
and $1 32
Hemstitched Table Cloths, 10-4, silver-bleacned, at..,,. $1 93
Bleached Pattern Table Cloths, 10-4, splendid values, at....,,. ....$1 83
Some Extra Values in Hosiery
Misses' Ribbed Hose, good heavy qualityfast black, all sizes, 25c,
20c, 15c, 124c and..., -lOo
Ladies fleece lined Hose, extra values, at 25c, 10c, 15c and lOo
Ladies' Hose, in all white feet or split feet, double heels and toes,
full fashioned, at 35c and 25o
Ladies' Hose, out-sizes, fine quality, at 50c, 35c and. 25o
Hose Supporters and Garters.
Ladies' and Children's Underwear
In great variety of styles and prices.
Ladies' Long Sleeve Vests, full weights, 25c and, ".. 19o
Ladies' Cotton Fleece lined Vests or Pants, per garment, 30o and. . . 25o
Ladies' Cotton Fleece lined Union Suits, assorted styles, at $1.00,
75c and., .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... . ....... . 50o
Ladies' Wool Mixed Union Suits, at $2.00, $1.75, $L50, $1.25 and. . .$1 00
"Nazareth" Waists for boys and girls, the best waists made. ,
All styles, quantities and prices in Infants' Shirts and Bands,
Mention this paper
Lincoln, Nebraska.
tion. But while monopoly works good
in the creation of wealth, unless looked
after it tends to work ill in the distri
bution of wealth, piling up riches in
too few hands. Unless there is over
sight or regulation, the prices of
goods to consumers will, other condi
tions being the same in the two cases,
range higher if production occurs un
der monopoly than if it occurs under
competition. The excess naturally
goes into the pockets of syndicate
stockholders at the expense of con
sumers. If all consumers were at the
same time syndicate stockholders and
all syndicates equally strong, the
losses would offset each other: but as
a great many consumers cannot com
bine, losses due to the higher prices
enforced by syndicates are not all thus
offset, but the portion of them falling
upon unsyndicated consumers has to
be permanently borne by. such, so that
those higher prices set up a special
tendency, unknown before trusts came,
to enrich one class and to impoverish
another.
But nothing is Easier than for so
ciety to counteract this tendency and
it is sure to do so the moment the
real situation is understood. Were
there created by congressional act, a
just, able, non-partisan board or bu
reau with the authority and the duty,
in the case of any trust, (1) to ascer
tain once a year by just appraisal, and
to publish, the actual value of that
trusts's property, (2) to compare that
with the face value of its stock and to
publish the results, and (3) to ascer
tain by an examination of accounts,
cmd to publish its gross and its net
earnings, the tendency would be
through the mere operation of public
opinion to prevent both profits and
prices from becoming extortionate.
Quite possibly no further remedy
would ever be needed. It is distinctly
conceivable that, under the silent reg
ulation of such publicity, monopoly
production would go on creating
wealth with unprecedented rapidity
and in unprecedented volume, the
wealth getting for itself a distribu
tion no less just, no less democratic
than that to which we are accustomed
when old time competition was at its
height.
Should a further corrective be re
quired, a system of taxing syndicate
businesses could easily be enforced
which could not fail to effect essen
tial justice. Monopoly prices, like
competitive prices are subject to a
law. only the law governing monopoly
prices ir. a different law the law -of
the tolerance of the market, to the
effect that when the prices of a com
modity have risen to a given notch,
charging more adds nothing to profits.
W. M. Morning, attorney, rooms 310-3.11-312
Richards block, Lincoln. Neb.
frnnrm Do You Want a
J nuine Bargain
y u u u u u
Hundred of tJprijhl Piano
diapnted of at one. Thr Include Seiawys, nh, FUchtre,
Starlings nd otfaar wall known take. It any cannot bt dl
tiacuiihcd from new jrat f fl 7t offered t
a gnat dijnt. C U 13 1 I lr,i(l" M low
a 1U0. 41 bean- 151 EK I R tt .J tlfnl New l
rlcbUattl3S,l, B M If M and 1 15-A fina
inttrument at J90, tally equal to many
$400 piano. Monthly payment aacepted. Freight only abeat
$5. Writ tot liet and particular. Ion make a great aaving.
f iano warranted aa represented, Illustrated Piano Uoek Free.
IY0&1& S.EALV
IOO Adams 9t.g CHICACO.
Varld'a largest music bouse; sells everything known in Mat
HOME VISITORS EXCURSIONS
vii tli .
ROCK ISLAND SYSTEM
to points in Indiana. Ohio and
other eastern states. Dates of sale
Sept. 2, 9, 16 and 23 and Oct. 2, 3,
4 and 5. Low rates and favorable
limits, r For further information
call on or address : :
F. H. BARNES. C. PJA..
1045 O St., Lincoln, Neb.
what you gain on given pieces or portions-
being offset by ihe narrowing
of the market It is easy to see that
when prices in any line are up to the
tolerance of the market, if the state
lay a a tax on the business the business
must pay this; it cannot possibly re
lieve itself of, the tax; the tax cannot
be thrown on the consumer by increas
ing the price. Therefore the public
can, at. any time, take over, in the way
of a tax, any part it pleases of the ad
vance which monopoly prices exhibit
over what competitive prices would
probably be at the time.
The only serious difficulty in such
an adjustment would be administra
tive The taxation described would
have to be a state affair, whereas near
ly every syndicate traffics in several
states. It is precisely at this point that
many despair of ever securing justice
frdm these great aggregations of
wealth. Congress cannot fiscally reg
ulate them, while, should the states
attempt to do so, their plans would be
so various that any monopoly might
be sure of a safe retreat in some state
or other.
From this perplexity there is a re
source as yet untried which prom
ises much co-operative, harmonious
action by the states through a joint
commission c bureau, securing the
taxation of interstate corporations
state-wise, yet everywhere according
to the same principles. To effectuate
a plan like this would surely be a
stupendous work, yet it is not beyond
the brain power of our countrymen.
It thus appears at least but Impos
sible, I think it certainly probable,
that in the course of time syndicate in
dustry, already doing so much to ac
celerate the amassing of wealth by
the nation as a whole, will be found
not incompatible with a just and ad
vantageous distribution of wealth.
This form of industry, in other words,
will prove not hostile to the general
welfare, but immensely helpful, rath
er, so far as the possession of wealth
can determine general welfare.
If we clearly apprehend that thought
we have advanced a good way, for it
suggests a refuge from the second dan
ger we saw in trusts, the danger that
they might, by making industries rel
atively fev., forcing most men to work
for salaries or wages, controlling uni
versities, newspapers, and other sourc
es of opinion, reduce the public to a
species of vassalage not unlike that
which existed when medieval feudal
ism was in bloom.
The remedy for this state of things,
already beginning to exist, lies not in
exterpating trusts, which I deem an
impossibility, but in letting them, un
der due oversight, go on multiplying
wealth. The domineering powef now
possessed by wealth in this country
arises not from its abundance, but
from its paucity. The independently
wealthy are too few for the public
good, not too many- They are so few
that they form a clique, easily acting
in; common, as they have been
tempted and almost forced to do by
the perverse disposition of many to
treat every man of considerable
wealth as certainly a blackguard or a
criminal. Multiply the wealth and
they will break into hostile camps,
each faction calling for adherents and
seeing to it that such are protected,
each faction possessing powerful or
gans for creating opinion, each fac
tion seeking to influence and actually
Influencing social legislation. Opinion
and action cannot be free in any com
munity till it contains great numbers
of citizens independently well off, so
that they can champion unpopular
ideas and causes without fear of the
poorhouse.
So. while the primary tendency of
syndicate wealth is to place ordinary
citizens under a sort of vassalage, its
ultimate effect will be to make them
and all others freer than ever, to liber
ate minds and bodies and to restore
social and political equilibrium. The
snake's skin will cure the snake's bite.
This agency of selfishness, this me
chanical force for tue democratic and
equitable distribution of wealth will
not, I believe, be left to work alone.
Hardening and deadening as the in
fluence of great wealth on character
usually is, I look to see arise, in the
course , of time, from among the
wealthiest themselves, armies of chiv
alrous men and women, with all ex
emplary ardor for humanity, who will
gladly use their wealth in humanity'3
behalf to beat down wrongs, to tear
off common men's fetters, to lift tha
weights and remove the clogs and ob
stacles which now hinder the noble
army of the fortuneless from getting
on. Benjamin Kidd has well reminded
us that philanthropy and not force
led leng ago in the enfranchisement
of the Third Estate. The vast arbi
trary power of feudalism and of roy
alty gave way not so much because
overwhelmed by the rising might of
the common people as because of en
richment in human character Kind
ly feeling between men extended to so
many members of the privileged class
es that theBe 'classes could no longer
present a solid front. The power
holding orders in France at the great
revolution would have continued to
hold their own had they still pos
sessed the savage spirit of early feud
alism; but they had this no longer,
large numbers of them being, as
Michelet says, "at once the heirs and
the enemies of their own cause." Edu
cated in the generous ideas of the time
they applauded that marvelous resus
citation of mankind and offered up
prayers for it even though it cost
their ruin. As this old feudalism of
military power was dissolved by en
riched character involving regard for
fortuneless men, so, I predict, will the
new feudalism of wealth be dissolved.
The sun of chivalry is in penumbra,
eclipsed if you will, but it has not set.
We named, you remember, a third
danger from the syndicate, the danger
that its working might be to repress
inventiveness and invention.
When a line of production Is ab
solutely subject to a single control, the
management is little tempted to in
troduce new machinery, even if the
new is known to be superior. In fact
the temptation is the other way. To
put in the new machinery means les
sened profits this year. It will be the
same next year and the next. Like
any other sinner the manager waits in
vain for a more convenient season.
Under competition the improved gear
would have to be put in no matter
what its effect cn profits the first
year; for, if the old were continued,
mills with the new, producing more
cheaply, would supply the market,
driving the conservative mill entirely
out of the business. But. strict mo
nopoly prevailing, there is no com
peting plant and hence no pressure on
you to use up to date means of pro
duction.
Inevitable results are (1) that mo
nopoly fails of doing its best even as
a wealth producer, and (2). that public
mentality ih the direction of inven
tiveness to some extent falls off for
lack of its old spur.
. To this last arraignment the advo
cates of the trust system can repSy
only (1) that syndicate industry, even
if it does not beget wealth as rapidly
as itself would do but for the friction
spoken of, still turn3 it out never ito
much more rapidly than competitive
industry ever did. or ever could; and
(2) that while this new order of pro
duction may unfortunately check that
peculiar form of Intelligence known
as Inventiveness, it must at the same
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time, by vastly multiplying the means
of education, reading, travel, reflec
tion and research, incalculably re
dound to the intellectual and asthetic
elevation of the race and the advance
ment of civilization.
This search in a few of the widest
yawning canons put down in the geog
raphies emboldens me to believe that
the earth is not going to cave in right
away. The rock beneath us may be
porous, but it will do to build upon.
My country, with all thy faults I trust
thee still! I have faith in thee not
as a mother dead or dying, but as a
mother living, youthful, with promise
of infinite progeny in noble lives and
immortal deeds. The nation's pas,
great as it is, will be , surpassed in
splendor by the nation's future. Let
patriots look up and renew their oath
of allegiance, . Let each be in the mood
of Lrowning.when he wrote his "Homo
thoughts from the sea" .
Nobly, nobly. Cape St. Vincent to the
northwest died away;
Sunset ran, one glorious blood-red.
reeking into Cadiz bay;
Bluish mid the burning water, full In
face, Trafalgar lay,
In. the dimmest northeast distance
dawned , Gibraltar, grand and
gray. .
Here and here did England belp me;
how can I help England? Say
Whoso turns as I this evening turn
to God to praise and pray,
While Jove's planet rises yonder, si
lent over Africa.
