r it o XX -lb'a-i'-J'.s'-.-iiSr"4!'--. VOlI. XIV. LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, SEPT. 18, 1902. NO. 17, A SHAMEFUL RECORD The World-Herald Recounts a Few Chap ters of What ha Been Done "Under Authority of the Railroads f Nebraska "Under authority of the railroads of 1 Nebraska) is a phrase that has be- come quife familiar to the people of this state1. This phrase is used as a headline to the articles presented through the newspapers of the state by the railroad literary bureau. In one of its publications this bu reau paid its respects to the World Herald, charging this newspaper with being guilty of deliberate falsehood, and otherwise manifesting a disposi tion to plain spokenness, even to the extent of invective and epithet. Ac cepting this as an invitation to call a spade by its right name the World Herald feels justified in indulging in a bit of plain Angio-Saxon for the ben efit of public interests and to the dis advantage, let us hope, of the schemes concocted at the conference of cor-t- poration lawyers, at which conference "we all agreed on Mickey as our man." The statement that these publica tions are issued "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska" does not necessarily provide assurance to the observing Nebraskan that these things, purporting to be statements of facts, are true and correct. On the con trary, in the light of the history of some things that have been done in this state "under authority of tho railroads of Nebraska" it is not at all surprising that in so many instances the publications issued by this rail road bureau are ingeniously concocted falsehoods; nor is it at all surprising that in one of the publications issued by this same bureau a newspaper should be charged with deliberate falsehood with relation to a state ment, which statement the managers of this railroad bureau knew to be absolutely true. This is not the first time that ques tionable acts have been committed "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." Referring to corporations Sir Edward Coke said: "They cannot commit treason, nor be outlawed, nor excommunicate, for they have no souls." And yet it is true that "in every deed of mischief" the corpora tion has had "the heart to resolve, the juead to contrive, and the head to execute." Although during the period when the Bentons and the Eugene Moores reigned through corporation favor the people imagined they had reached the limit, it is a matter of recorcTthat even those old time corporation administra tions did not have the temerity to go one-half as far as the men who now hold office and the men who now seek office by the grace and "under author ity of the railroads of Nebraska." The republican officials of the old time corporation reign thought that in 1892 they were going very far in the discharge of their obligations to the corporations when they fixed the cor poration assessment in this state at $29,339,031. But looking at the record of the present regime, we find that the corporation administration of today has fixed the corporation assessment at $26,5S9,592. Every one understands that during the past ten years great progress has been made in this state, and it will be difficult for an intelligent man to understand with what reason the corporation assessment of 1902 could be fixed at nearly $3,000,000 less than the corporation assessment of 1892. But the problem is solved and the mystery is explained when it is under stood that the men who made the as sessment of 1902 are creatures of the corporations. However much it may seem that their action was an affront to the intelligence of the people of this state, it must be remembered that it was done "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." The republican state board of equali 7ation. being urged to require the cor porations to bear their just proportion of tne burden of taxation, closed their ears to the appeal in behalf of the peo ple, held their sessions behind closed doors and did the corporation bidding with a promptness that would have put Tom Benton to blush even in Tom Benton's palmiest days: and this was all done "under authority of the rail roads of Nebraska." After the republican board of equali zation had made its answer to the su preme court proceedings and the cor poration attorneys had discovered that that answer did not suit the corpora tions' purpose, a conference was held between the corporation lawyers and the members of the republican board of equalization. The result was that these republican officials subscribed to an amended answer, which answer had been prepared by the corporation law yers, and filed that answer with the supreme court. A republican paper, the Omaha Bee. referred to this act on .the part of these republican officials as "the greatest act of perfidy to the peo ple of which any state official could be guilty," and this "greatest act of perfidy" was done "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." Prior to the republican convention a demand that the republican auditor who had also served the corporations much more faithfully than he had even pretended to serve the people be defeated for renorai nation; but the re publican auditor was renominated by the republican state convention "un der authority of the railroads of Ne braska." When the republican state conven tion met at Lincoln, on June 18, a number of the delegates to that con vention favored the nomination for governor of a man who would be free from corporation domination. Every one of the three combine railroad com panies pretended to have a preferred candidate, and the delegates to that convention were treated to the farce of i L a struggle between the three great corporations of this state. But after the farce had been carried far enough to suit the managers, the real corpora tion candidate was brought forward, ?nd a man by the name of Mickey was chosen as the republican candidate lor governor of this state. Ten days prior to the republican state conven tion the corporation lawyers had held a conference and they all agreed on Mickey as their man. The republican state convention indorsed this agree ment; and Mickey and Prout and Wes ton and their colleagues on the repub lican state ticket were formally pre sented for the suffrages of the people of this state "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." At the legislative session of 1891 a deed was committed "under author ity of the railroads of Nebraska" which deed was so impudent and so fcold that the people of this state have not yet learned to place a proper esti mate upon It. That was when the raiiToad lobbyists deemed it neces sary to maintain a deadlock in the state senate in order to prevent the passage of the maximum freight rate bill. In order to accomplish the re sul' v member of that state senate was abducted, with his consent to be sure, but abducted nevertheless, and car ried away to a distant portion of this country. He has never yet returned. He consented to go because he was paid a liberal sum of money for his consent. It is doubtful whether in all the history of corporation, intrigue theie was ever a bolder affront to the dignity of a state than that perpe trated by the railroad lobbyists at the legislative session of 1891; and this n-ihwy and this abduction and this affront to the peace and dignity of the people of this commonwealth was all clone "under authority of the rail roads of Nebraska." It was during that legislative ses sion that the railroad lobby went mad in its efforts to please Its masters. Wherever men could be purchased, men were purchased; wherever men could be bulldozed, men were bull dozed; members of the legislature who were weak were decoyed into com promising positions and they were re quired to aeliver the goods to the cor poration lobby as the price of the lob by's silence. It was- at that session that a house of ill fame was chartered by the railroad lobby in the effort to retain the favor of the weak members and accomplish the defeat of a meas ure which that lobby claimed was against the "business, interests" of the state; and all of these things were c'one "under authority of the rail roads of Nebraska.-'' .-, . And there is, too, in connection with the legislative session of 1891, a bit of unwritten history. It relates to John M. Moan, one of the most faith ful men that ever served the people. John M. Moan was a business man liv ing in Dakota county. He was a large shipper and felt keenly the imposition in the matter of freight rates. He was nominated for the legislature by the democrats and elected. He was, in truth, the leader of the forces that bat tled faithfully for the maximum freight rate bill. He was thoroughly in formed on the freight rate question. With him there was no compromise on that measure. He knew its im portance to the shippers and to the people of this state generally, and he stood faithfully by his guns. As a shipper he was offered all the conces sions he could, in reason, ask if he would but abandon his fight as a leg islator. But Moan was not the man to turn his back upon a worthy cause. At a time when the fight on the rail road bill was at its height, John M. Moan was invited to join two ac quaintances in a social glass. He had no sooner reached his room after in dulging In this bit of sociability than he was taken violently ill. An emetic was administered, and although seri ously ill, Moan dragged himself to the state house the next day and took up the fight for the railroad freight bill. From that moment John M. Moan was an invalid and on the occa sion of his last visit to Omaha, which was perhaps one week before his death, Mr. Moan stated to a resident of this city, who had been his friend and who will always be proud to re vere his memory, that he had never recovered from the drug which he be lieved had been administered to him "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." The history of corporation interfer ence in the politics of Nebraska pro vides some of the darkest chapters that have ever been written. Pretend ing to represent the intelligence, the honor, and the integrity of the com monwealth, the railroad lobby has never hesitated to insult intelligence, to defile honor, and to blacken integ rity. In the history of state there has been none that has been so sub servient to corporation domination, or that has so suffered through corpora tion intrigue, as the great state of Ne braska. When, some time in the fu ture, a capable man shall undertake to compile a record of the darkest deeds that have ever been perpetrated in official and political circles, if he shall have done hi3 work well, ap pended to this record of shameful acts, will be the truthful statement that they were done "under authority of the railroads of Nebraska." Richard L. Metcalfe, in Omaha World-Herald. IHE PECULIAR FUNCTION Something seems to be wrong with the whole inside of Mother Earth. Volcanones are in active eruption clear around the world. Vesuvius in Italy is extremely active, the volcanoes in Martinique have been acting worse than in the early part of the season several long extinct volcanoes in Alas ka are pouring out smoke, steam and ashes, the mountains in the Philip pines have been belching and not long since there were reports to the same effect from Japan. That pretty nearly makes a circle of the whole earth. Mr. Van Vorhls Calls Attention to the One Peculiar Function of Money Its Debt Paying Power Editor Independent: There is but one function of money that is peculiar to it This function is created by law, and is wholly exclusive. This func tion is a compulsory standard, set up by law for the settlement of tim-3 contracts. It cannot be performed by anything else. Of course, legal tender will, in addition, perform any other possible money function. Outside of this particular and peculiar function; it is impossible to make a line of de marcation between money, according to its commonly accepted meaning, and a variety of articles and devices that perform more or less completely some or all of the other functions of money; or, at least, perform precisely the same kind of offices in society. Within the limit of this function, the problem is still further complicated by the limited and modified applica tion of the function to the various kinds of money authorized by law. The subsidiary coins are limited in the amount for which they can be ten dered, and the creditor compelled to accept. Ail other forms of money are unlimited in amount, but all, except gold coin, are limited as to the debts for the payment of which they can be tendered. The standard silver dollar and treas ury notes of 1890 are full legal tender for all debts, including duties on im ports and interest on the public debt, but may be deprived of all legal ten der quality in the settlement of time contracts by the terms of the con tract. United States notes are legal tender for all debts except duties on imports and interest on the public debt. The comptroller of the currency calls gold and silver certificates and na tional bank notes non-legal tender money. This is a quibble unworthy of any intelligent man, and wholly in excusable in any financial official. No difference what he may call them, the law provides that the certificates shall be receivable for customs, taxes and all public debts," and that national bank notes "shall be receivable at par, in all parts of the United States, in payment of taxes, excises, public lands and all other dues to the United States except duties on. imports; and also for all salaries and other debts and de mands owing by the United States to individuals, corporations and associa tions within the United States except the interest on public debts and in re demption of the national currency." These are far too important legal tender functions to be waived aside by the comptroller. Even gold as a "standard of pay ment" has some limitations and quali fications. By the act of 1792, re-en acted in 1873, all gold coins of the United States were made full legal tender, but, if they lose by abrasion, the one-eighth part of one grain on the dollar, they are then only legal tender by weight. According to the currency act of 1900, it is provided in Sec. 1: "That the dollar consisting of twenty-five and eight-tenths grains of gold nine tenths fine . . . shall be the standard unit of value," etc., etc. Dollar is the unit of account, but in this section standard unit of value" means "stand ard unit of payment" or it has no in telligent meaning. This was certainly intended to make twenty-five and eight-tenths grains of gold nine-tenths fine the standard by which all other forms of money are to be measured, and the "standard of payment" of all obligations. But what is it? Heretofore, the "gold standard" has been coin made out of gold. The money so made was the standard and not the metal. It is, by this law, at tempted to make the standard, not the gold coin of the United States, but gold by weight. The treasury depart ment was before treating gold coin and gold bullion very much as if they were one and the same, but, under this act, the legal distinction ceases, and gold bullion now forms part of the gold reserve. It may very well be questioned whe ther we have not, almost without knowing it, passed from a standard under which gold is a legal tender by coinage to a standard under which gold is a legal tender by weight; whe ther the scales of Shylock have not become more important to our mone tary standard than the authority of the government represented by its stamp. With all the uncertainty about what performs the money function; with all this confusion of standards of pay ment; with a "gold standard" that may be claimed to be based upon weight and not upon coinage; with a "silver standard" based upon coinage and not upon weight; nominally a le gal tender fyr all debts, but that may be deprived of its power as a "stand ard of payment" by contract; with a national bank currency the debt of corporations circulating as money, and by law a legal tender for all pay ment to the United States except du ties on imports, and for all debts and demands from the United States ex cept interest on the public debt, I find it impossible to believe that the money question involves now, whatever it may have included in the past, noth ing more than the "adequacy of the money supply." We have surrendered into the hands of corporations the prerogative of the government to issue money, and with this has gone all possibility of govern ment control over the volume of it This surrender gives to the banking corporations control 'over commercial credits, and guarantees to them power to expand and contract credits at will. The enormous deposits and continuing expansion of credits, as estimated in the report of the comptroller of : the currency,- necessarily and inevitably draws into and ties up in the bank re serves or would if the banks com plied with the law a large . part of the money, outside : of the treasury vaults. If 4 every bank held such re serve, as banking experience . has shown to be the lowest than can be held with safety, sixty per cent of all the money i in existence would be tied up in these reserves. Many of these banks are not com plying with the law, or banking ex perience. For several (.years many na tional banks have, with the knowl edge and connivance of the secretary of the treasury and the comptroller of the currency, been holding reserves that are below the requirements of the law. Now comes a member of the president's cabinet -and admits that thirty-six out of the forty-two national banks in New York city have, since January 1, 1902, encroached upon their reserves. These are "central reserve" banks, "reserve agents," holding the reserves of a vast number of "reserve banks of other cities" and of the coun try banks. : The condition that confronts us is a low average of bank reserves and a large volume of deposits and of "loans and discounts." The financial condi tion is a strain in both directions. Any attempt on the part of the banks to relieve this strain by increase of reserves, or decrease of credits, must result in business disturbance. There is no way to avoid this except by an increase of the money in cir culation, and such increase must be made without disturbing the credits or the reserves. Prior to the act of March 14, 1900, tnis could be done only by the treas ury department. It was done by the sale and purchase of bonds, by paying interest on the public debt in ad vance, etc. Such relief was always followed by increase (in deposits and credits, and consequent increase in re serves, with a renewal of the strain calling for ' more relief. Such has been the reliance upon the government, as an adjunet to banking corporations in the business of manu facturing credits, to supply the un healthy demand created by folly, avar ice and gambling. There is danger in the great indus trial and commercial combines that are setting at naught the law of sup ply and demand as. related to indus trial products. There is danger in the abandonment of . the immortal doc trines of our great declaration of free dom. . But these two questions r trusts and1 imperialism are insepar ably .connected with :iaud they- rest upon'the money question, .It is idle to talk about destroying trusts or stay ing the tide towards Imperialism un til we have controlled the power of combined wealth. Touch the combine of banking in stitutions in New York city and you tQuch the greatest representative of concentrated wealth. Concentrated wealth has in all ages tended to the slavery of the producing classes and to imperialism in government. Mam mon is the mother of trusts and im perialism. Mammon has in all ages been the enemy of liberty. To permit this combination of financial interests to control and use the most important prerogative of government is to en danger the perpetuity of our institu tions. The money question is not the only question, . but it cannot be laid aside for any other. Money represents the equities of social organization. In the highest and best sense it represents human development. If our money is to be used by gam blers as .chips to count their win nings; if our financial system is to be used as' a. method and instrument of oppression, the time will come when we will be compelled to chose between property rights and human rights, and property rights will go, down before the spirit of liberty, even though it be in a social cataclysm. Such has been the experience of his tory. Wrong cannot be made perpet ual. Injustice cannot become a vested right. Moral forces cannot be defied. Ethical principles cannot be set at naught Human development cannot be permanently enjoined, nor can the stream of progress be made to water nothing but the fields of pri vate interests. FLAVIUS J. VAN VORHIS. Indianapolis, Ind. . COLORADO POPULISTS When the Democrats Refused to Fuse They Put a Full Populist State Ticket In the Field When the populist state convention was informed that the democratic state convention by a vote of 498 to 375 had refused to fuse, it immediately pro ceeded to place a full ticket in the field and the following nominations wero made by acclamation: Governor, Judge Frank W. Owers, Iake county. lieutenant governor, Thomas An near, San Juan county. Secretary of state, David A. Mills, Arapahoe county. Congressman at large, R. H. North cutt, Washington county. State treasurer, James L. Hurt, Sa gauehe county. Attorney general, Charles C. Post, Clear Creek county. State's auditor, Matthew J. Layden, El Paso county. State superintendent of public schools, Mrs. Helen M. Grenfels, of Gilpin county. GOLD AND FIAT The Idea that the provincials down along the Atlantic coast have of the great west may be gathered from the announcement made in the eastern dailies tnat the body of Bartholin, the Chicago murderer, was found 1 in Ma rice field" in Iowa. i Mr. Anthony Discusses Gold Money aad Its Representatives, Fiat Money Editor Independent: Any statement that contradicts our experience is re ceived both by the learned and un learned with incredulity. From the nature of things it seems impossible to make any material a unit of meas ure. We cannot put a material figure one into a material yard-stick, a ma terial pound weight, a material bushel basket or a material gold dollar into our heads where the counting is done. No one ever saw material gold used as a unit No one can imagine how it can be so used. All the material which expresses the unit can is to express itself in the thing measured. The yard stick can 'only express in the cloth it measures the three feet itself contains. Applied forty times it de termines the forty yards in the bolt A carpenter with his square exactly prepared the sills of . a building for tne studding because his square is honest and always expresses and measures the same inches and feet If it varied every time he pushed it up from four inches to forty inches he could do no accurate work. Last winter our gold dollar meas ured here only four dozen eggs. It now measures here nearly seven. In New York it now measures about four dozen. Is this a safe measure, an hon est measure? The carpenter's square measures alike one or fifty barn frames, here and in Alaska and every where. We are so habituated to things that are not that we cannot see the things that are. One of the greatest advantages of learning is to unlearn the things that are not, that we may learn the things that are. Our habits so fill us with things that are not, that we have no room for the things that are. Once in the world history a Christ appeared with the capacity to see and use the eternal verities which press upon us for recognition, who astonished the beholders with his di vine power. His material became so obedient to the life that it partook of the immortality of the life. Cor ruption found no aliment in his body on which it could feed. Death baf fled sank into tne grave prepared for the. body, to relieve the life from the domination of the body. The church seems to have perverted this system of natural ethics which the Nazarene taught into the worship of a hierarchy and theology created by it or the devil for the emolument of a class. 'RNa one can see the truth unless , the truth is-in him. A truth foreign to us must be put into language we know. A foreigner can only tell me my house is on fire through eyes I comprehend. A farmer's wife takes forty dozen eggs to the store for exchange and Andy tells her he is paying today a dollar for eight dozen. Oscar, the clerk, counts them. He reports $5 worth of eggs. He uses no material figure one in counting. Each egg ex presses the unit, but neither one egg nor the forty dozen are the unit. The farmer's wife selects forty yards of cotton cloth at 5c per yard, 10 lbs. of coffee at 10c per pound, 20 lbs. of su gar at 5c per pound, and 2 bu. of po tatoes at 50c per bushel. Here the exchange of the material eggs at $5 for Andy's material goods at $5 is com pleted by the price unit, no gold being used. The quantity of eggs is deter mined by the unit of number. The quantity of cloth by the unit of length. When I was a lad in my father's fac tory the quantity of a bolt of cloth was determined by two sharp steel spin dles set exactly three feet apart in two upright posts. Here the unit of meas ure was three feet of empty space. The quantity of coffee and sugar is meas ured by the unit of weight No one ever saw the 16 ounces of gravity or the earth's attraction which the scale marked off to indicate each pound or unit contained in the coffee and sugar. The quantity of potatoes is deter mined by the bushel unit 32 quarts of empty space. In this exchange of the eggs for Andy's goods we have used each of the four exact units by which we ex change products by their quantity. Ev ery product of nature has these four qualities, number, length, weight and bulk and their sum makes the whole, the product As each of these quali ties do have an exact unit of measure for exchange it follows mathematical ly that their sum, the whole product must equally have as exact a measure for exchange. If this is not true the science of mathematics is no longer an exact science which never recedes, but always advances. History in all the ancient languages to which I have had access shows what this exact scien tific unit is, and shows the number of grains of silver and gold used to rep resent this unit at the most ancient known ratio of 10 to 1. If Andy should say to the farmer's wife, "we are not taking eggs today; the grocer across the way will pay you gold for them." She exchanges her five dollar unite in the eggs for the grocer's five dollar units cbntained in his gold. She then exchanges the five units of material pold for Andy's five units in his ma terial goods. She makes all the ex changes of material for material by the unit of price. In the direct ex change she uses no gold. She ex changes by the immaterial price unit All exchanges of material things for material things are made by the price unit Gold, silver or any material un der existing conditions it is impossible to make exchanges in any other way. And this price unit is fiat nothing the imaginary fiat price of a few grains o gold. By fiat of law the price of the grains of gold which represented the true unit have been declared the unit ' Ignorance, custom and habit have reconciled the use of this false meas ure equally, with the worship of gods who never were. Our gold standard can equally assert that nothing shall be something. Since men are fooled by names, the word dollar which ex pressed the true unit was applied to this nut price unit The form and name were letained while the life was murdered. If our wise solons should enact by law that no little girl could learn to do the simplest sum in her bead or cipher it out on her slate un less she led a russet colored or yel low hog to school (a white hog would be impious) such a law would be less absurd than our law declaring that 5.8 grains 5-10 fine of gold shall re main the standard unit of exchange, while neither could any more be used to cipher with than the gold hog can be aDd to make exchanges, would eith er express the unit of number. Our gold beg represents and expresses nothing. Expressing nothing, its pa per pictures expressing nothing, are lir.iiied ".ly by capacity of steam presses and figures printed on them, $100 000,000 being nearly as easily printed as $1. Product is limited to capacity of production. All those pa per pictures draw interest which can alone be paid by productive industry. When interest outruns capacity of pro- ,j duction ruin comes, production ceases and chaos reigns. With the free use of the true unit, like the free vise of our other units, there would be no more danger of too much money than of too many yard-sticks. It seems useless, Mr. Editor, to con struct theories to reconcile false con ditions with nature's law and order. The truths of material law and order known and applied remove the false conditions. Solomon wisely says there is nothing new under the sun. The thought of the Supreme intelligence (called God or Nature) materialized contained all things from the begin ning within itself. The truth is only new to the ignorant. The assertion of ignorance, contradicting science and history, that there can be unit exact for the measure of product on ex change, reminds me of an honest, ig norant, credulous English drawman by the name of John Huddon, who lived in Jackson, Mich. The boys took advantage of John's credulity by im posing all sorts of yarns upon him. John always listened to the story pa tiently, but if it exceeded the bounds of his credulity he had one unvarying answer, "That's a lie on the face of it and John Huddon knows it." All true units are determined parts of real qualities. Their material rep resentative contains and express these determined parts. Applied to the prod uct measured. they determine the num ber of units .contained in the material measured.' The yard-stick applied twenty times determines the twenty yard units in the bolt measured, The unit of the gold men is fiat nothing. Nothing applied, measures nothing. Falsehood is a parasite that cannot lift its head unless that it has a real thing , to climb. Gold coined into money to tender the law to com plete exchanges, expressing nothing but the flat of law, is necessarily fiat money. All its representative pictures are equally flat. The gold men have expended millions to tie their fiat unit to one commodity only gold. Why? These boarders of gold, making this commodity the only material that can tender the law to compete exchange, by withholding or circulating their paper pictures of gold through the law of supply and demand, can manipulate the price of all other things from zero when they wish to buy to infinity when they wish , to sell. Yet these gold men call gold money the only honest money and this one commodity the sole measure of all other com modities. Are they also the only hon est men who through their manipula tion of this one commodity forever convert the products of industry into interest-bearing debt from the pro ducers to them the non-producers. COMMODITY. . "That same purpose changer, that sly devil, , That broker, that still breaks the pate of faith That daily break vow: he that wins of all, Of kings, of beggars, old men, young men, maids; Who having no external thing to lose But the word maid cheats the poor maid of that; That smooth-faced gentleman, tickling commodity Commodity the bias of the world; The world, who of itself is paired well, Made to run even, upon even ground; Till this advantage, this vile draw ing bias, This sway of motion, this commodity, Makes it take head from all indiffer- encv. From all direction purpose, course, in tent, And this same bias, this commodity This band, this broker, this all chang ing word Clapped on the outward eye From a resolved and honorable course Doth draw all to base and vile con clusion." King John, Act II. Scene II. Let us. Mr. Editor, blaze the path through this wilderness of our ignor ance covered with tickets the growth of the hoary ages, knowing the rail road will follow the trail and farm3 ith fields of waving grain and blos soming orchards and towns and vil- aees and cities of industry and men and women and children, Jew and Gen tile alike, living in freedom in the rec ognized presence of the living God. F. W. ANTliUN i. Mattawan, Mich. MONEY AS A MECHANISM The United States patent office is invaded by men applying for patents on devices for burning oil, gas and several - -nds of vapors produced by chemical action. The high price of coal has set the inventors to work. The in ventor is the one enemy whom the trusts can't get-rid of, - - Mr. De Hart Continues Ills Review or Del Mar's Book A Different Idra or the Peculiar Function of Money Editor Independent: For some time I have been wanting to talk or write about money as a mechanism. I have been thinking that I could in this way throw more light upon the subject than by talking or writing about It as a "measure of value," or a "medium of exchange." In fact, I believe, that, if we will look at money as a mechanism, we will soon begin to see not only that it is a measure of value, but exactly how it acts or works as such. 1 am beginning to think that money is not so much a medium of exchange as a measure of value. We see it cir culating in payment of taxes, rent, in terest and other debts, also in ex change for commodities and payment of services; and then we conclude that its primary function or work is to serve as a medium of exchange. Wc cannot eat it, or drink it, or wear it; and then we conclude that it Is only a medium of exchange. , Such is the view taken of it by the political econ omists generally; and such is the view we find in the text books writ ten by the economists and used in our colleges, universities and other insti tutions of learnig. These writers also say, that one of the functions of mon ey is. to serve as a measure of value, and they try to point out how it acts or works as such; but, as a rule, they do not succeed very well, partly, be cause they have no very definite mean ing for the word value, and partly be cause they have no very definite mean ing for the word money. If these men should ever succeed in getting a definite meaning for the word value, which they can get from some of the later writers on money, if not from some of the later writers on economics, they will then have to get a definite meaning for the word mon ey, which they can only get by study ing the statutes or laws on the subjects of coinage, banking, etc. This will re quire a long study on the part of those who are not in the habit of dissecting statutes. It is peculiarly the work of lawyers, and they can do it more easily than those who are not ac customed to such work. And, I must say, that it is a dreary task even for a lawyer, who is accustomed to such work. It is a work requiring so much patience, that few lawyers have ever done it: and I do not know of a single political economist, whose writings in dicate that he has done it Mr. Del Mar, however, who does not claim to be a lawyer or an economist, has been at work many years on this branch of the case, and his writings show that he knows more about the subject than all the lawyers and economists put to gether. I would, therefore, recom mend him to those who would like to know something about the true na ture of money as well as something about the true nature of value. Coming back to the question, How does money act as a measure of value? there is no difficulty in seeing how it acts as a medium of wcchange or a . 1 1 j n . j i . . i . . . ineuium lor uie payment, ut ubuls, uui it has always been more difficult to see how it acts or wors as a measure of value. As soon as we have com menced to discuss this, we have al ways got into a fog; and, yet, the function of money, as a measure of value, is far more important than its function as a medium of exchange or payment of debts. I am not sure but that money has no other function than that of a measure of value; the other function being only incidental to that of a measure. If I am correct, or only half way correct, then it becomes all important that we should understand money as a measure, whether we know anything about it as a medium or not. It is with this view, that I have un dertaken to write about money as a mechanism. Looking at money, from this stand point, Mr. Del Mar says: "Money is a mechanism of societarj life designed to measure and deter mine value." You see tnat it is not a machine merely, designed to do a certain kind of work on the farm or In the factory, as a money-machine, hay-rake drawn by a horse or a plow drawn by horses or a steam engine, but a piece of mechanism, which may be a great many machines united to do a great many kinds of work. It is not only a mechanism, but a socletary mechan ism, which means that It Is such a mechanism that society is obliged to adopt or construct for a certain pur pose; or it may be for many purposes, but all the purposes must be for the benefit of society generally, and not for one man or set of men. As soon as we can grasp the idea that the mechanism is for the benefit of all alike in the society or nation, then we begin to see not only what money is, in any particular nation, but what it ought to be. It is one thing to point out what money actual ly is in our nation, but quite another to say what it ought to be. As soon as we begin to look into the mechanism of our money, we find that it is all bottomed on gold, with several kinds of paper money all redeemable with gold and to be so redeemed or else good for nothing lost forever and on top of the gold and paper money, we find a vast, system of credits or debts all redeemable with the gold or paper money; the total amount of all our money and credits constituting what might be called our currency. As soon as we begin to examine this vast system carefully, we find that it is all for the benefit of those who may happen to own all the gold and not for the benefit of society generally. This must lead to the conclusion that our money system is a bad piece of mech anism. Haying come to this conclu sion, we naturally ask ourselves, What kind' of a system ought we to have?