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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (July 3, 1902)
N-II 111 mil I MP Vf 5f O V7 VCf TV ran 1 s VOL. XIV. LINCOLN; NEBRASKA, JULY 3, 1901 NO. 6. REVERSIBLE DEWEY .Hero of Manila Reverses Himself Under the Hypnotic Influence of Washington Imperialists Praise for the Grand Island Ticket . Washington, D. C., July 1, 1902. (Special telegram.) Congress ad journed today. Washington, D. C., June 30, 1902. (Special Correspondence.) Today con gress enters upon what is expected to the last week of a long and eventful session. That before the end of the week roll3 by the wily politicians will have left the national capital is al most beyond the range of a doubt. No one seems to doubt it In the least, save Senator Lodge, chairman of the senate Philippines committee, who announced on Saturday that he did not believe the session would terminate as early as some of his optimistic friends as serted. But there is really nothing for congress to do. Several appropria tion bills will have to be passed and today congress will begin considera tion of these. The conferees, we ara told, have agreed to the several meas ures that are before them and thij means that they will be passed through both houses without any de bate. Admiral Dewey succumbed at last to the Influence of the administration and his. testimony taken before the senate Philippine committee on Thurs day, Friday and Saturday last was as complete a face-about as could be wit nessed. Statements made by this ad miral Just after his return from the islands, and those made while there, have now been changed to suit the ad ministration. As a reward for the re verse, he is to be made admiral iu chief of the largest fleet that the United States can muster during the coming rendezvous. He called Aguin aldo a "robber and a thief," although this was the man whom Dewey turned loose on his people, bringing him from China and supplying him with five thousand stands of arms. He said that he came to the Philippines to "loot and plunder;" yet it was Admiral Dewey who took him from his east ern retreat, persuaded him to come to Manila, took him there on board hi3 flagship, and praised him and eulo gized him for the able manner In which h econducted his troops. In fact he used every venomous epithet in his vocabulary to vehemently de nounce this leader whom two year3 before he praised arid eulogized, whose presents he received and whose aid he solicited. He announced .that ; there was an arrangement with the Spanish commander at Manila in which it was agreed to surrender the city so as to keep Agulnaldo from entering and looting after the surrender. Yet Gen eral MacArthur when asked the same question denied that there was such an arrangement and said that he go: nto a "considerable fight." Today General Hale, commanding one branch of the troops at the fight, states in. unequivocal terms that there was ro such arrangement. He states: "If there was any understanding, it did rust come to the knowledge of the ioops actually engaged In the fight. General MacArthur ,ln his testimony, stated that he knew of no such ar rangement. Yet General MacArthur commanded the first brigade. General Greene made the same statement and he commanded the second brigade. I know that the Colorado regiment from colonel down knew of no such ar rangement." The "lie" has been told by some one. Can It be the admiral who sunk eight wooden ships, who had no steam up, and the admiral who has reversed himself on eA'ery propo sition that he raised just after his re turn, has fallen into the habit from contact with the navy department. He states that even though there was an arrangement with the Spanish general, that he had to fire a few shots and kill a few people so that the Spaniard could haul down his colors with honor. He had to kill a few people to satis fy the honor of the Spanish genera'.. Was ever a more inhuman statement made. To satisfy the . honor of the Don, he had to fire and kill a few peo ple. Dastardly,! Shame! Then in an other outburst he begins anew at Ag uinaldo, attacking him right and left. He calls him a "looter." yet willingly admits that he was willing to receive the "sheep" and "other present" that Agulnaldo was willing to present to him. He states that he asked Aguln aldo not to enter the city arter Its cap ture for fear that the Filipinos would commit some excesses prejudicial to their cause. Where would there have been a more elegant opportunity to loot than on the departure of the Span ish troops? Yet Agulnaldo restrained his men and not a place was looted or a thing taken by a Filipino soldier during that period. His statement cannot conform to facts. His sole ob ject was to loot, yet at this most op portune of opportunities, Agulnaldo would not enter the city. When viewed from the vantage point of three years and guided there by with facts. Admiral Dewey's state ments brand him the most determined follower of Annanias that has graced the committee by his testimony. Com pared with Lis statements of two years ago, the most appropriate name that could be applied to him would be "worthy successor of Nicholas Machiavelll." The cross-examination of Admiral Dewey was conducted by Senators Car mack and Patterson. The former go the admiral Into several pretty ticklish places and even got him to sigh and ask to be relieved. He "wanted to go to office." He "had more important business to attend to." But the senate wanted to hear his testimony and even though .the admiral needed his sea Irgs, taey continued to put him through a test as severe to him as the water cure. I don't think that the ad miral liked to have his statements of two years ago referred to and when ever they would conflict with state ments he made recently, he would color up and one could easily see that he felt the mortification of the ordeal. The opinion of the admiral was very high when he returned from Manila, It lessened when he gave away the house that the ' American people bad presented to him as a token of their esteem. It lessened when he an nounced his candidacy, for the presi dency. It has but one revival and that was just after the Schley court of in quiry when he took the popular sid of the question and now that he has made so many hypocritical statements before the committee, the admiral in regarded with contempt. ' The outlook for the canal seems to be bright. The house after many con ferences agreed to the senate bill pro viding for the digging of the canal by the Panama route if that could be se cured and should efforts, to secure that route fall, then the president was to make the necessary arrangements to build the Nlcaraguan waterway. "Old Man" Morgan, who was the democratic conferee on the bill, willingly agreed to the bill, although even to the last praying that it be built by the Nlca raguan route. . The house passed the Philippine bill presented by the house committee. This bill is very much better than the one framed by the republicans on the Philippines committee of the sen ate. The final vote was 141 to 97. The republicans again failed to secure their united party strength, while the dem ocrats were as solid as a Macedonian phalanx. Representative McCall o? Massachusetts, believed by many to be the ablest man on the republican side, broke from his party and sup ported the democratic contention oi. the question. He pleaded with his par ty to return to Its old principles and told them that the day of reckoning was not far off to the transgressor The bill is now in conference and will be reported to the houses of congress on Tuesday morning, when it will be passed without debate. The house also unseated Represen tative Butler (dem.) whose seat was contested by the republican opponent. Butler was elected on the face of the returns, but the committee decided tc throw him out because he was a demo crat and out he went. At the same time they refused to seat the republican, stating that there were frauds on both sides. The submarine boat has at last found a champion and a worthy one, too in the person of the Hon. William Sulzer of New York. Mr. Sulzer was the one democrat that held Tammany Hall and the. New .' York , organization in line for Bryan-during-both the last campaigns. 'He did this knowing and realizing it meant possibly his politi cal doom should the reorganlzers ever get into control of the party machin ery. Yet in spite of all the tempta tions that satan offered him, he stuck fast to the ticket, and Bryan had no harder worker in the two campaigns than Mr. Sulzer. They say that "virtue is its own reward," but Mr. Sulzer, it is believed, i will even reap a richer harvest. Many here in the east be lieve that he would be an ideal can didate for governor of New York at the next election and are working hard and enthusiastically for his nomina tion. If he should get the nomination and win (which is more than possible) greater things would be within his reach; for Sulzer is a young man barely over forty. But I started to state that the submarine boat has a champion in him, when I started to enumerate some of his virtues. On Wednesday, he made a notable speech in the interest of this new craft. He eulogized the navy beautifully in a few well chosen words before entering into the point at issue. "It is my opinion that our navy is the pride of every American citizen. It has a glory ail our own. From John Paul Jones to Winfleld Scctt Schley It3 every act has shed a sheen of greatnesss, a luster of grandeur on American arms, American manhood and American chivalry. In all its his tory there is not a blot on its bright escutcheon. It never did a dishonora ble thing. It never did an un-American act. It is the American navy and when you speak of that, you speak of the grandesi pages of American his tory. Every American citizen should and does take a just pride in the great ness and heroic accomplishments iu peace and in war of our gallant naval fleet. It is fitting that it Is so." He quoted the most able of naval authorities to justify the worth of the submarine boat. He gave the opinion that was rendered by Admiral Jouctt to the effect that with three of these craft, he could defend New York from the whole British fleet. He quoted other authorities, among them Lord Brassy, Mr. Arnold Foster, secretary of the British admiralty; Admiral En dicott, Mr. Lewis Nixon, Commander Kimball, Rear Admiral Bowles and ethers of equal distinction to show the value of the boat. Speaking of their worth as compared with other engines of war, he said: "Now, Mr. Speaker, I contend and defy successful competition that these submarine torpedo boats are no longor experiments. They are assured im provements in naval warfare, and the most formidable fcid destructive en gine that has thus far been invented by the ingenuity of man for offensive and defensive naval operations. The weight of experienced authority con firms this conclusion, and practical trial maneuvers demonstrate it be yond peradventure. One submarine boat at Santiago would have saved tl.e government more than a million of dollars. My time is almost exhauster', and In conclusion I appeal to the house to stand by the senate amendment for a few more submarine boats for our navy." - "-,-.--'. - - The ticket nominated at Grand Isl and, has been a topic of much conver sation by the Washington readers of The Independent and others who hail from the state of its publication. It is heard on all sides that the "little giant" is the strongest man that could have been nominated by both, conven tions. While many believed that a populist should have been nominated., they agree that the democrats should have a chance once In a while, and are out whooping it up for the ticket. The f usionist members have been in-, terviewed on the subject and they are united in praise of the nominations made. The nomination of Stark after bis refusal to run has met with much favor. Many here believe that Stark is one of the ablest men here. That he has worked hard, that he has worked successfully, no one will ques tion. Ask the old soldier out in the Big Fourth what Stark has done for him. Look up his record on the pen sion question. Read his speech, on service pensions. Take everything in to consideration and see if the Fourtn district of Nebraska Is not as well rep resented as any in the whole lengt-i and breadth of the land. He deserves a re-election and everyone believes that it will be given him. The renomi nation of Shallenberger, of course, was expected and the unanimity with which he was deservedly renominated presages a triumphant re-election. If ever a man made a record in his first term, Shallenberger assuredly did.t WILLIAM W. BRIDE.' REPUBLICAN SHREWDNESS A Bright Gxample of It In the Ohio Repub lican State Platform Will it Fool Organized Labor The republican platform adopted at Mark Hanna's convention in the state of Ohio Is one of the most subtle doc uments ever presented to any conven tion in its plank on labor and capi tal. It was a master literary hand that drep up that plank. It reads as follows: "We welcome the investment' of capital within our state to the end that labor may be steadily and profit ably employed in adding to the wealth and prosperity of our people. We be lieve with Lincoln that 'capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration.' "To secure for labor the considera tion it desires; to uphold the dignity of toil ; to create a healthy public opinion on the subject of labor and the justiee of its receiving a full share of the values it creates; to bring lapcr and capital together .... on common ground in the adjustment of such ques tions as may concern these two great factors in production, it is necessary that labor should be intelligently or ganized. We believe in fewer hours and larger rewards for labor, and favor such laws as will harmonize the In terests of labor and capital and tend to lighten the burden of toil." The attempt to make Lincoln an in dorser of modern republicanism is handled in a way that would outdo Machiaveli when he was at the height of his glory. The garbled quotation from Lincoln is worked in with the most consummate skill. The full passage can be found in Lincoln's first message to congress, delivered on De cember 3, 1861. With the awful re sponsibilities resting upon him at the outbreak of the war the great com moner did not forget labor and lis interests found a place in his first message. The passage Is as follows: "It Is not needed nor fitting her? that a general argument , should be made in favor of popular Institutions, but there is one point, with its con nections, . not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attea tion It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with if not above labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that-labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody els?, owning capital, somenow oy tne usa of it induces him to labor. ... .Now there is no such relation between cap ital and labor as assumed. . . , Labor k prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor ha 1 not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and- deserves much the higher consideration. Capital, has its rights, which are as worthy of pro lection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is and probably al ways will be a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefit J. The error is In assuming that the whole labor of the community exists with that relation." What the writer of the plank him self says Is in direct contradiction to the philosophy of Lincoln, although ho quotes Lincoln as sustaining him. Tha republicans "welcome capital .within our state to the end that labor may be steadily and profitably employed." That is the modern republican doctrine that capital is the superior and labor cculd not be employed without. Th quotation from Lincoln which follows is an absolute contradiction of the statement: "Labor is the superior .of capital and deserves much the higher consideration." Even worse than that the platform says: "To bring , labor and capital together on common ground." Lincoln said that they were not on common ground, that "labor is superior to capital," that "capital only the fruit of labor," and "couli never have existed if labor had not ex isted first." There is as marked a distinction be tween the philosophy of Lincoln and the position of the republican party as can be found in any two contradictory statements. The republican party has for many years placed capital . above labor. It does it in congress and in the decision of the courts. This plat form attempts to place them "on com mon grounds," while Lincoln de nounces the "effort to place capital on equal footing," in the structure of the government. . CARRYING IRE MAILS How the Government Is Bobbed But What Can be Done 'Whan the Postoffice r Department la in -tha Hands of Railroad and JExpress Agenta? Some weeks' ago The Independent, commenting upon the work being done by the Postal Progress league, had occasion- to qu&te from Congressman Loud's ? reports as , chairman of the house postal committee, wherein he expressed the opinion that the postal service could be made a profitable bus'ness for a private corporation which is no doubt true. And later we quoted the statements of a Chicago paper relative to the republican cam paign contributions made by the Penn sylvania , railroad company, and its reward in securipg the appointment of one of its officials as head of the rail way mail service. The following, quoted from Appeal to Reason, Gir ard, Kas., contains much that will in terest people who care to know the facts about the exorbitant charges made by the railroads 'for carrying the mails. : ' In this connection. Congressman. Stark .has pointed out that the gov ernment, is really powerless to secure equitable rates from the railroads, be cause of the supreme court's holding In the Nebraska maximum freight rate cases, and that the only solution to the problem Is eventual public ownership of the . railroads. Until public owner ship is an assured fact, however, it would at, least look better if the chair man of th-house - postal committee were not, the paid. attorney and agent of certain express companies; and it the officers charged with making con tracts wit h - the railroad t companies fpr carrying the mails, were not them selves railroad officials, Th.e Appeal says:..;.v.,.f..t :. . The. government refuses to increase the pay of letter carriers, postal clerks and other government employes. . Mr. Loud "and others in charge of postoifice affairs raise the cry of ex travagance as an excuse for overwork ing and underpaying men employed by the United States government. We should like very much to know what Mr. Load and other postoffice au thorities have to say about the steady robbing of the government by the rail roads.' ,. '..y;; "" :- ; . . ' Who getF the money paid out by the railroad lobby, that;its robbing of the government may go on? It would be Interesting to know why it is that no man in public office com bines the ability", and, honesty neces sary to shut out the railroad thieves. ;' Read some figures; bear , them In mind when government .ownership of railroads is discussed. , Senator -Vilas of Wisconsin, in - a speech in the senate, February 13, 1895. supplied the following figures among others: The cost of building one of the rail way postoffice cars averages $3,500. The railroads charge the govern ment a certain rental for the use of these cars, in; addition to making the government pay for the hauling of tha cars. . .' , According to the railroad ' figures supplied to Senator Vilas, the follow ing expense accompanies the operat ing'of the postal cars, for each car:. Light, $276 a year; heating, $365 a year; repairs, $350 a year: cleaning, $365 a year. Total average cost of maintaining each car in use, $1,356. It is needless to point out the ex travagance of these estimates. But le. them stand for the purpose of ar gument. v When Senator Vilas was speaking. It was proposed to appropriate $3,205,000 to be paid by the government for rent ing postoffice cars during the ensuing year. That amount was to be paid for 790 postoffice cars 560 cars In use. 180 cars in reserve, and 50" additional cars that might become necessary. According to the railroads' own fig ures, the cost of maintaining and operating these cars would be $890, 160. ' Take that amount from the appro priation of $3,205,000 and you find that the railroads were paid by the government $2,314,840 for the use of the cars for one year. To build those cars outright cost only $2,765,000. So that, after deducting a sufficient amount to renew the cars and keep them in order, the railroads steal from the government in one year practical ly the total cost of building the cara. In addition, the government pays an extravagantly high rate for hauling all these cars. Things have been getting worse in stead of -better, since Vilas made his speech'. - For the fiscal year ended June 30, 1901, the government paid l.o the railroad companies for the use of postoffice cars as rental, Independent of the charge for hauling the cars $4,638,234.03. Seven hundred and sixty-five cars were used. Thus, as rental for each car. the government paid an average of $6,063.05. , ; To build a mail car costs $3,500; the outside limit, as fixed by the railroads, of the cost of maintaining and oper ating the car in use is $1,356 a total of $4,856 for building a car and keep ing it in order for a year. , Therefore, the government paid the railroads for each ear per year the to tal cost of building the car. the cost of maintaining it, and $1,207.05 addi tional. ; :- - - - , Every year the railroads get back from" the government the entire cose of every car, the entire cost or main taining and operating them, $1,207.05 besides, and the regular scale for car rying the mails, as the law provides an extravagantly high rate over and above all the rest. Individual railroads fare better than others. Take, for example, the New York Central railroad, which owns one of New York state's representatives in the United States senate, . Mr. Depe wv and controls the other, ; i Mr Piatt, through his express company. The New York Central carries the government mails on the route froni New York to Buffalo. In 1901 the gov ernment paid the New York Central $230,033.60 for the use of 22 cars. Therefore, the government paid to the New York Central for one year $10,456.07 for each car. That is to say, each year it pays the original cost of building the car, and the total cost of maintaining the car, twice over. And at the end of the year the rail road still owns the car. In addition, the railroad company received from the government $1,288, 080.41 for transporting the mails, un der the regular weight schedule, be tween New York and Buffalo. If you want to know how the rail roads rob the government, through the connivance of senators, congress men and others influenced by the rail road lobby, study these figures, which compare the charges for transporting government mail matter and ordinary express matter to a New York Central station twenty miles from New York: , For carrying 200 pounds per day of mail matter, at $50 per mile per au num, the railroad is authorized to charge in one year $1,000. The express company carries a 200 pound package the same distance ev ery day for $365 a year. In other words, the government pays $1,000 for carrying 260 pounds of mail matter twenty miles every day for a year, in addition to paying an enorm ous rental for the cars. Express mat ter travels the same distance at the same speed for $365 a year, and both the railroad company and the express company make a good profit on the transaction. Poor's Manual gives the Pennsyl vania Railroad company's own state ment for 1900 as to its earnings. On passengers, the railroad earns a small fraction over 2 cents per mile per passenger. On freight ,it earns n. little less than a third of a cent per mile per ton. The government, however, pays all the railroads, including the Pennsyl vania, an average of 12.18 per mile. These are dull figures, but when you talk government ownership, when you talk about the robbery of the public by corporations, it is well to have some facts at your disposal. Remember that the United States government pays ev ery year to the railroads $38,000,000 for carrying the malls and for the use of cars. . . In France, where the government controls all the railroads, owns many of them, and will eventually own all. the railroads carry the mails free, In return for their grants of right of ,way. In Switzerland the railroads' receive nothing for carrying the mails. The company that got permission to build a railroad had to carry mail free in exchange for the privilege with this exception: If the railroad company actually earned less than 3 per cent a year, the government paid a rea sonable price for mail service. The Swiss, more wise than: we, havenow made all railroads government prop erty. In Germany, all railroads must car ry one mall car free. If other car are needed to transport the mails the government pays a small rate, which barely represents the cost of hauling the cars. s Austria's rules are practically the same as those of Germany. The British parliament, like our own national congress, consists largely of . men owned by the railroads. But they have some shame over there, and. although the British mail service In cludes the parcels post and does the work of our express companies, the government pays to the railroads for all of its carrying, including this enor mous parcel express business, only one-ninth of the amount which the United States government pays the railroads for the carrying of pure mail matter. The public officials in Washington who connive at this kind of thievery talk about extravagance and - waste when it is suggested that the hard working men who sort the letters in the postoffice or carry the huge bun dles on their backs should be paid fairly. They can easily be persuaded to give away millions of government money to the New York Central railroad, which has one of its lackeys and one of . its puppets in the United States senate, but they can't treat fairly the actual workers who serve the people. A Square Flop Some weeks ago The Independent had occasion to comment upon the lack of support accorded to demo cratic and populist newspapers and mentioned the Lisbon (N. D.) Search light ' as an example of a paper com pelled to leave a thriving town be cause the democrats and populist3 there threw practically all their pa tronage to the republican sheets. Since that time Mr. Frank S. Reed, editor and proprietor, of the Searchlight, re moved his plant to Culbertson, Mont., where he continued its publication. In the last issue Mr. Reed shows the cloven foot by printing the following editorial: The Searchlight from this time cm will be republican. We make no se cret of the fact that in Lisbon, N. D., we published a democratic paper, anl that we were sincere In our belief in democratic principles at that time. As long ago as '96 we thought that this great country would quickly go to the demnition bowwows if the dem ocratic party was not victorious in electing Mr. Bryan and a democratic congress. Again in 1900 the same idea still stuck fast in our cranium. But both times the republican party was victorious, and the country has gone serenely on from year to year, each twelve months adding a little to th prosperity, of the farming , population and laboring men, as well as; bringing wealth to the capitalists. C. S. Stafford, one of our local re publicans, remarked to us last wek that it was the principles and pre cepts carried out by the grand old re publican party that had brought about this state of affairs, and, after care fully considering the matter from an unprejudiced standpoint, we are con strained to admit that such is the case. We are now . convinced that the grand old party founded by Lincoln and represented by such men as Grant, Blaine, Conkllng, and McKlnley, ha piloted the ship of state through many shoals and quickstands, and 'that it is now riding the waves victoriously with its prow pointed upward anxl onward, with all sails set, towards : the great goal of the commercial supremacy of the world, with prosperity radiating from It in all directions. While the republicans of the county and state may not see fit to admit us at once into their counsels, as a full fledged member of the party, time will show that we are sincere and honest in our present convictions, and will be just as fearless and outspoken in; our advocacy of republican principles a. we were heretofore in advocating tY.e principles of democracy, which, until within a few months, we sincerely be lieved in. The editorials and personal ' counsel of Major Edwards, of the Frrgo For um, who always gave us the glad hand and welcoming smile whenever we met, even while political enemies, has had considerable to do with convinc ing us that we were worshipping at the wrong shrine when bowing before the .democratic jackass. Mr. Reed is certainly entitled to some consideration, but after being honest enough to openly change the politics of his paper he should have been honest enough to tell exactly why. No man who ever firmly be- iieved in the principles of democracy as advocated by Mr. Bryan or. the re publicanism of Abraham Lincoln could be converted to the present day imperialism of Hanna . and ' Roosevelt in such lightning change artist style. Mr. Reed was perhaps ill-treated by members of his own party, but it would have sounded infinitely better had he said, It is uphill business run ning a democratic paper; democrats do not appreciate the efforts made in behalf of them, but give their sup port to the enemy; as a cold-blooded business proposition it will pay me to run a republican paper and I shall change the politics of. t-ie Searchlight. Strong men frequently drink to ex cess, use tobacco and other poisons, and do many other things which injure them physically and mentally, yet live, for years. The United States is such? a strong man. It has "gone serenely on from year to year," because the poison of present day republicanism was not enough to kill it outright; but Mr. Reed is certainly wise enough to see that the poison has had an evil effect. A drunk man is often possessed of giant strength for a time but, "Oh, what a difference in the morning!" Kansas Fusion The fusion ticket In Kansas was completed at the populist state con vention, In Topeka, June 24. Tin democrats had previously nominated part of a ticket at Wichita on May 22. Following is the ticket: Supreme Justices 2-year term. . . . John C. Cannon, d. 4-year term ...... Frank Doster, p. 6-year term. . . . J. D. McCleverty, d. 6-year term. ...... .B. F. Milton, p. 6-year term... Ed. S. Waterbury, p Congressman-at-lars:e.J. D. Botkln, p. Governor ,...W. H. Craddock. d. For lieut. governor. .Fred J. Close, p. Secretary of state. .Claude Duval, H. State treas D. W. Hefflebower, p State auditor.......... J. M. Lewis, p. Attorney general.... ..F. M. Pearl, p. Supt. of schools. ... . .F. C. Powell, p. Supt. of insurance. . .Daniel Hart. p. The nominee for attorney general is a nephew of F. X. Pearl, Gllead, Neb., one of The Independent's old-time subscribers and earnest workers. The procedure as to getting the candidates names on the official ballot is thus outlined In a Hutchinson Gazette edi torial: "The populist convention, which met at Topeka on Tuesday, was typical of its kind. There was the same gush and flow of oratory of the man. and of all the men with a way of doing the thing. There was the same free rein and open pitch in for anybody that wanted to talk, which ! as usual was about everyone with the creden tials of a delegate. It required about eight hours to find out how to nomi nate the candidates, and about three hours to do the nominating. Every body wanted to do the same thing but they were divided as to how It rhould be done. The plan finally adopted was without doubt .the best. The populist convention first recom mended Its candidates to the demo crat committee who immediately nom inated them. Then the populists nomi nated the. whole ticket, exactly like the democratic ticket. The two tickets will be filed at the same time and IF the secretary of state -refuses to file both, which he will no doubt do. then the question will be taken into the su preme court to get them both filed. The . honorable members of -the su preme court will be given a chance to show their hands. Taey are prac tically all candidates for re-election, and aa they will be called upon to de cide; the law under which they are to be elected, it is naturally to be ex pected they will find the law constitu tional, and that only one ticket can be filed. But it will be placing them In a rather embarrassing condition." Dr. Rowlands of the First Baptist church preached one of his sound, pa triotic and sensible termons last Sun day night which it would have been well for every maji in the state to hava listened to, ; 1 , ' t'in" A QUEER ADDRESS President Roosevelt Make Kmbmi far Cuban Irregularities In a Com mencement Day Speech Washington. D. C. June 2S. 1902. (Special Correspondence.) The other day President Roosevelt startled th members of his own party by making a public address defending Secretary Root and former Governor General Wood. It was before the fashlonaU audience that gathers at the com mencement exercises of one of tae greatest eastern colleges. It would t easy to think of a number of topics connected with education and states manship which would be more arPr prlate as a subject for discourse ta cuth ji'st starting out to take upoa themselves the responsibility of citi zens oi the republic. But Roosevelt has a most irritable temper. And his vanity is easily wounded. He waa nettled over the comments which had been made upon the Sugar Trust-Thurber-Wood scheme for securing reciprocity legislation for Cuba. So let all voters remember that Presi dent Roosevelt approves of taking the Cuban funds for lobbying purpose! and he heartily Indorses every extrav agant and illegal expenditure whicu was made in Cuba under General Wood. The public will be shocked whei the full history of our military occt: pation of Cuba Is revealed. But let It be remembered that the administra tion does not intend that it shall ever come to light. Roosevelt is a goo I deal of an autocrat. He thinks ths when he says he approves of General Wood that ought to settle it witt th public. Then he went on in the wors possible taste to try to arouse sym pathy for General Wood by saying how he had taken the place at the expense of his own private Interest" and had sacrificed his opportunities out of pure patriotism. Seems to ua we have heard that sort of thing be fore only never from a man occupvln? the rdignifled position of chief execu tive of this great country. It Is the usual bit of hypocrisy of the part c? some third rate officeholder when managed to grasp a coveted plire which will pav him moro than he ever had before through his private ef forts. In the case of General Wood or. need only recall that he was unknown four years ago. He has been advanc.l to the highest honors over the heads of more worthy men. If he has not linttl his capacious pockets In all the deals he has engineered it will be most sur prising. No one in Washington be lievert that General Wood was in Cuha f or his health or the good of his coun try either. Then Roosevelt went on to tell ht audience what a self-sacrificing gen tleman Governor. Taft Is and how h is passing up all his chances of ad vancement in this country in order ta Eolve the problem in the Philippines. Well, Governor, Taft is wasting hl3 time 1 if he expects that the problem will be solved by his efforts or durincr his lifetime. Then when one reads c? the big civil salary roll and the larca number of federal officeholders and the princely scale of living adopted under the Taft regime, we are not sure but what he is getting all that is comin? to him. . But still mors significant was Roos. velt's defense of the cruelties practiced by our army In the Philippines. It Is hardly necessary to say here tht r.ot even the most bitter opponent of the administration blames the individ ual soldier for carrying out his or ders. The blame Is upon the admin istration, the war department and th commanding officers who have put tV rtain upon our army which will not tz forgotten. These gentlemen are not sacred. There is no reason why the should bear the responsibility for their misdeeds. They have been' bowlint about the army as a screen behl.nl which they might dodge their own re sponsibility. But President Roosevelt declared that he approved of our whoto course In the Philippines and defend ed the cruelties as necessary. It would have been more courageous and hon est for him to admit the faults and punish those who were guilty of tle outrages. Congress is closing a session which spells disaster to the republican par'r. About the only thing to its credit ' the passing of the Panama canal bill. This puts the responsibility of really choosing the route upon the president and it was this phase of It which in duced some of the leadine republicans in the senate to vote for it. They like to make trouble for the administra tion. Trusts and tlie tariff will be te live issues of the congressional cam paign already on. The republicari have the Cuban sugar scandal to ex plain. They come back asking the country to return them to power whn for the past eight months they have not lifted a finger to revise the tariff which gives enormous protection to the trusts nor have they showed the remotest intention of Interfering with trust aggressions. The democrats have a clean recor.I of having conserved the interests of the country and they are ready to car ry out the necessary reforms if en trusted with .the confidence of tha people. D. P. B. Away back in 1836 the court of er rors of the state of New York, as the supreme court was then called, de livered some opinions which have beei considered classics by the bench and bar ever since, that is. until commer cialism debauched the government, bench and bar alike. In one of theso decisions Judge Tracy says: "A right ful government must be founded on some other principle than that of mere force." In the better days of the gov ernment no one but royalists ever de nied the doctrine. Now the.republlcnns claim that they can establish a right ful government in the Philippirte3 founded solely upon force, .