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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (June 26, 1902)
0 ..! 8 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT June 26, 1902 NORMS BROWN'S KEY-NOTE One of the Discords WblcK the Records Sound-That "Surplus" one of the Minns X Kind "There stood at the end of the first year," affirmed Norris Brown in the republican state convention, as ho waved his arms wildly and glared at the galleries, "to the credit of the pres ent state administration the sum of $87,231.61." "Republicans," he contin ued, "one of the material issues of this campaign is, Shall the state and its taxpayers be again turned over to the tender mercies of deficiency build ers, salary purloiners and interest col lectors?" Supposa we look into this credit of $87,231.61 just a wee bit. Part of it consists of an item of $17,690.88 at the Institute for feeble-minded youth at Beatrice. This is figured in this way: Total appropriation (2 yrs). $109 ,700.00 Half for one year 54,850.00 Expended in one year (they say) 37,159.12 Surplus 17,690.88 But there are two misstatements in the figures given. In the first place, the total appropriation includes $15, 000 for the purchase of land; but not a cent of the $13,713.90 expended of this land appropriation is included in the $37,159.12, which is said to cover the first year's expenditures. In the second place the expenditures cover a period of only 11 months instead or a year. The legislature of 1901 gave this in stitution $20,000 more for current ex penses than did the legislature of 1S99. .Yet these spell-binders and key-noters have the audacity to talk about defic iencies and surpluses. The present republican administration spent near ly $7,000 more for current expenses at Beatrice in 11 months than the fu sionists did in a like period as the fol lowing (written some weeks ago) will show: That republican "surplus" at the state institutions is rapidly dwindling as we examine the figures. Some time ago we showed that at the soldiers' home, Grand Island, the republican management or mismanagement, as it really is has expended about $2, 500 more in 12 months than the legis lature allowed for one year, nitwith standing the fact that the legislature of 1901 gave the soldiers' home lor, current expenses nearly ten thousand dollars more per year than was ever before appropriated. Yet republican papers have been printing a table pur porting to show that at the soldiers' home there was a "surplus" of $1, 862.86 from first year's quota. In other words, that the management had failed to spend quite all of what the legislature allowed for the first year. The table is a tissue of lies, because the expenditures really cover but II months instead of one year. The good, old Biblical term "lie" is none too strong to use in characteriz ing these republican misrepresenta tions regarding the records. Our mothers used to teach us to use the milder term, "story," when we wished to indicate that someone had told the "which that is not," as .Lytton ex presses it in "The Coming Race." But when it is evident that a certain state ment has been told with malicious in tent to deceive, the Bible term is cer tainly the best. Our subject this week is the institu tion for feeble-minded youth at Bea trice. Referring to the table prepared by the republican press bureau at the capitol, and printed in the Lincoln Evening News some weeks ago, we find the following pretended comparative statement: Fusion expenses, April 1, '99, to April 1, 1900.. $56,896.28 Republican expenses, April 1, 1901, to April 1, 1902 37,159.12 Republican "saving" $19,737.16 Certainly a remarkable showing, if true. . But it is neither a comparison of one year against another, nor is it, correct. The fusion expenses include nearly $27,000 expended in the erec tion of four new buildings, while the republican expenses do not include nearly $15,000 expended in the pur chase of land. Even a pretense at fair ness would suggest that if the one Item be included that the other should be also. Exclusive of appropriations for re pairs, . furniture, implements, build ings, land, etc., the legislature of 1899 gave this institution for what might be termed "maintenance proper," the sum of $67,600; for the same items, the legislature of 1901 gave $87,600 or twenty thousand dollars more. For Im provements the legislature of 1899 ga e $53,250; the legislature of 1901 gave $22,100. How these were expended we shall now inquire. The fusion expen ditures are for the eleven months, a3 shown by the auditor's books, from April 1, 1899, to April 1, 1900; the republican, from April 1, 1901, to April 1, 1902. It should be noted here that, the April expenses were not paid by Warrant until after May 1, and the March expenses until. after April 1; hence the supposed year is only eleven months. However, the comparison can be made on this basis, inasmuch as it will follow the table prepared by the republican press bureau. Fusion. Repub. ? Superintendent . . $ 1,833.26 $ 1,833.26 Steward 999.95 916.03 'Matron 715.26 699.94 Teachers 2,040.00 1,850.00 ' Employes 6,305.52 9,285.03 Fuel and lights.. 5,075.89 5,990.05 Maintenance .... 8,895.15 12,007.38 ' Farm supplies ... 300.00 347.42 ( Office supplies .. . 103.25 284.85 Telegraph, etc...., 91.52 114.15 'School supplies... 13.60 . ; Medicines, etc 306.71 139.98 (Library, etc.. a 3.50 28.00 Amusements, etc.; 99.38 53.23 Incidentals ...... 36.85 i.. Maintenance proper $26,819.84 $33,556.62 .'Repairs, etc ...... 886.29 s Furniture, etc. . 290.32 Farm implements - 38.70 Brush shop f . , Laundry mach ,.. 2.90 Improve grounds. 1.50 Add to Ice house. 14.25 Paints and oils. . --. 157.83 , Four new bldgs. . 26,776.04 Add live stock... ....... Barn, etc. .... . . . . ....... Purchase of land . ...... Total expended. $54,987.67 Instead of a republican 1.3U.C1 606.59 . 216.00 41.75 im m ,; " 533.75 S98.80 13,713.90 y. - 30,879.02 saving of f over $19,000, it appears that for cur rent expenses the republican super intendent expended nearly $7,000 more in eleven months than the fusion su perintendent did in a similar period. Buildings and similar permanent Im provements are no part of the current expenses, but are Intended to be used for many years. They should not be Included in a comparative statement of this sort The manifest unfairness of charging four new buildings against the fusion administration and careful ly omitting the purchase of land un der the republican administration, is apparent to any fair-minded man. But the republican press bureau wasn't trying to be fair it wasn't even try ing to tell the truth. , The schemes that are worked for the benefit of the trusts through the me dium of acts of congress are of sur passing shrewdness. It is well known that butter is quite commonly colored by the use of harmless foreign color ing substances. This is considered all right. There is deception, but the law approves. When, however, the butter thus colored is used to color oleomar garine, the deception becomes harm ful and must be stopped, and the whole power of the United States gov ernment is employed to stop it. The London financial journals de clare that between $40,000,000 and $50, 000,000 has, been lately borrowed in Europe on American stock exchange securities to hold up the Wall street market and that the New York market is in no better condition than it was before. If anything should happeu that would cause the London banks ti call in their loans, Wall street would have a Black Friday time such as wa3 never seen before. "Extra Corporate Franchises'1 From the report of the Union Pacific Railroad company, filed with the audi tor of public accounts, it may be seen that the earnings of that company In Nebraska for the year ending Decem ber 31, 1901, were as follows: Gross earnings $9,583,085.84 Operating expenses 4,775,797.17 Net earnings $4,807,288.37 The gross earnings were made up as follows: Passenger traffic $1,701,770.08 Freight traffic 6,888,573.03 Other sources 992,472.68 Total $9,583,085.84 The operating expenses include tax es paid in Nebraska a matter of bookkeeping that is radically wrong. Taxes are properly included along with interest on bonds and similar "fixed charges." The report in question gives the Union Pacific mileage in Nebraska at 1,020.44 miles, but does not indicate whether this includes leased lines or not. The mileage assessed by Iho state board amounts to only 947.56 miles U. P., 467.38; K. & B. H., 65.74: and a & R. V., 414.44. Whether the additional 72.88 miles is meant to cov er the Union Pacific's outlet to Sioux City, via Norfolk, is not shown. At any rate, on the basis of 1,020.44 miles of line in Nebraska, the Union Pacific earnings were, per mile of line: Gross $9,391.13 Net 4,711.00 According to this report the stocks outstanding for the entire Union Pa cific system (not including other Har riman roads) was: Preferred stock $ 99,536,500 Common stock 104,045,900 During the year named there was paid in" interest on bonds and divi dends on stock the following sums: Interest on debt $6,452,153.32 4 per cent on pref. stock.. 3,981,018.00 4 per cent on com. stock.. 4,161,686.00 Total $14,594,857.32 What about those "extra corporate franchises" that the state board felt powerless to assess? Union Pacific 4 per cent bonds sell at 106 and 107; 4 per cent common stock sells at 107 and 108. Accordingly an Investment that pays 4 per cent in net returns is worth par at least, after making a reason able deduction for depreciation of property and necessary repairs. Ths Nebraska portion of the Union Pacific paid $4,807,288.37 of net income last year; that "capitalized" at 4 per cent would make the value of the Union Pacific In Nebraska the sum of $120, 182,210. It was assessed at $6,128,084, or the veriest trifle over 5 per cent (one-twentieth) of the road's actual value, based on its net earnings. As suming that the board assessed rail road property at one-seventh of its actual value, then the tangible prop erty of the Union Pacific is worth about $42,896,588, or $45,482 per mile of line. The road ought to be duplicated for that figure. But what about the franchise? Well, this would appear: Value of road.as a "unit". .$120,182,210 Value of tangible prop 42,896,588 Value of franchise $ 77,285,622 Now, it is plain that the board did not assess the Union Pacific on its franchise, whether "extra corporate' or whatever you may call it. But it isn't necessary to rely wholly upon- the net earnings to arrive at a fair conclusion as to the road's value as a "unit." As was shown last week, the selling value of Union Pacific stocks and bonds in the New York an 3 London markets on the 3d day of .June was the sum of $410,044,222. These covered 3,033 miles of line making each mile worth $135,190. Accordingly, the 947.56 miles In Nebraska wouid be worth $127,090,636 or 'about seven millions more than our "capitaliza tion" of net earnings. The one valua tion of the Nebraska portion of the Union Pacific is arrived at arbitrarily by assuming 4 per cent to be enough for net earnings; the latter one is the judgment of thousands of men who buy and sell railroad stocks and bonds on the market. . Of course the -Nebraska net earn ings were really more than the re port shows, for who ever heard of call ing taxes "operating expenses?" But whatever way you determine the value of the Union Pacific's holdings and franchises in Nebraska, you will find it in the neighborhood of $120,000,000. And don't forget that it pays taxes on a trifle over - six millions on about $6,467 valuation for each mile of line CTo Searles & Searles. SPECIALISTS Only on Ho Cure lo Pay ' ALL Weakness, Impotency ALL Private Diseases I .nuu. MWIimmMM and HOME TREATMENT BY MAIL Examination and Consultation FREE. Charges Low. Main Office: Richards 3 , WE Stricture & Gleet method without pain of cutting. Consultation Free. Treatment by mail Call, or address with stamp, I ritiin Office: Drs. Searles & Searles I 53E5rsa L1NCQLN,INEBRASKA in Nebraska on the average. Just keep this in mind: Assessed value per mile. $6,467 Net earnings per mile ...... 4,711 Wm. S. Godwin, Hobson, W. Va.: I am not able to do much, but what little I am must be done against the wrong and in favor of the right. Send me a few sample copies for distribu tion and I will try hard to make it hot for some of the party that dis franchised me at the close of the civil war for no other reason than that I was a democrat. It sticks in me yet. My father fought for liberty in the war of 1812. I like your paper as it exposes their villainy and defends the laboringman. I wish you success. Put it at them. It has been said that "re sistance to tyrants is obedience to God." , Hamerican Grovelliers Are you going over to Lunnon'town To the coronation show, To see King Ned in his royal gown? You certainly ought to go. The show will be great you can safely bet, For Ed is a dead-game sport; And if you can get into Eddie's set, You'll find he's the all-right sort. If there's a game on earth that Ed don't know, I don't know its bloomin name; At baccarat he is not so slow In fact 'tis his favorite game. At "hockey" and "ping-pong" his tal ent's great, And at "crib" he can beat the Dutch; But Eddie is such a heavy weight, That at cricket he isn't much. What a glorious sight it will surely be, When Ed in his gorgeous frock, Puts on, with a chuckle of ghoulish glee His crown (if it's not in hock). For Edward has often been short of dough, And in need of the ready stuff; So the way to "his uncle's" I think he'd know, For he's certainly "up to snuff." But the crowd that will get the loud est cheers Is by every one agreed The noble Hamerican grovelliers With the 'Onable WhTtelaw, Reid. They will grovel in style as they pass along, And kotow to the "real thing;" While they lift up their voices in Reid's fav'rite song, That old one "God Save the King." How proud we should be of our grov elliers In their knee pants and silken socks, With their ready bows and obsequious leers And knees that have got the knocks. So give three rousing Hamerican cheers And let 'em be three times threed For the noble Hamerican grovelliers Led by 'Onable Whitelaw Reid. THOMAS O. CLARK. Baltimore, Md. J. R. Prentice, Hebron, Neb.: I havt taken some interest in your paper but I am an old soldier. Some tims since I wrote you in regard to using a column or two for the G. A. R., think ing it would be a benefit to your paper and also to the G. A. R. I also sent you some clippings. I never saw a word in your paper regarding it and you never answered my request. Hal you taken an interest in the G. A. It. with freedom and equality I should be only glad to do it for you and ex-. tend your circulation. (For some un known reason Mr. Prentice's letter did not reach , the editor's desk. The Independent will gladly give space to anything regarding the G. A. R. which is a matter of state or national inter est, but it cannot undertake to give mere detail news of what the different posts may be" doing. Many members of the G. A. .R. are readers of The In dependent and ardent supporters of the political policies it advocates; but the chief officers of that organization are hostile to The Independent and 1t, of course, could not presume to be the official organ of that body. Ed. Ind.) J. D. Cockrill, Elk Creek, Neb.: I live eight miles from our voting pre cinct and you must know that I am nearing the cross-road3 of thi3 life. I am 73 years old and am out ot polP tics. Still my hat goes up for democ racy. Was rocked In a sugar-tree trough and kicked out by a mule. Crossed the plains in '49. It seems Grandma Columbia had a little sister born in Cuba recently. She is short a name; I have sent her one; I will call her Silver Star. Read this paper carefully, and then hand it to a neighbor. Ask him to subscribe; or better send for a block of. five "Liberty Building" Postals and get up a club of subscribers. There is no other way in which you can do so much-to advance the cause oil good government. - - -. - . AT CLEVELAND'S FEET The banquet given on the evening of June 19 by the Tilden club of New York city was advet tlsed as a "harmony meeting," but it turned out to be, what might have been expected of such a gathering, an ovation to the chief guest, former democrat Grover Cleveland. There can be no such thing as harmony between men like him and those who believe in democratic principles, and he is -frank enough to say so. He "spent no time looking for "middle ground" upon which to gather together discordant elements. He boldly called upon the members of the party to abandon their convictions and accept the construction which he places upon democratic principles. He even taunted the party with being a sort of prodigal son and invited It to give up its diet of husks and return to Its father's house. He spoke of his "retirement from political ac tivity" and said: "Perhaps there are those who would define my position as one of banishment in stead of retirement. Against this I shall not en ter a protest. It is sufficient for me In either case that I have followed in matters of difference within our party the teachings and counsel of the great democrat in whose name party peace and harmony are tonight Invoked. No confession of party sin should, therefore, be expected of me. I have none to make; nor do I crave political abso lution. I am here to take counsel with others professing the same party faith concerning the democratic situation." He not only boasted of his course, but put his brand upon those who sat at meat with him. Having asserted that his democratic faith com pelled him to leave the party (or resulted in his banishment) he described the banqueters as shar ing in that faith. He is not only defiant, but he Insists that party success can only be secured by an open and avowed return to his ideas. Harmony , is to be secured not by the suppression of difference., but by the elimination of those who differ from him. The text of Mr. Cleveland's speech is pre sented on another page that the readers' of The Commoner may know that it sustains the editor's contention that the reorganizers do not want har mony, but control, and that their control means the abandonment of the party's position and a re turn to the policies and practices of - Mr. Cleveland's second administration. He secured his nomination in 1892 by a secret bargain with the financiers; his committee collected from the corporations and spent the largest campaign fund the party ever had; he filled his cabinet with cor poration agents and placed railroad attorneys on the United States bench to look after the Interests of their former clients. He turned the treasury over to a Wall street syndicate and the financial member of his official family went from Wash ington to become the private attorney of the man who forced (?) the treasury department to sell him government bonds at 105 and then resold them at 117. He tried to prevent the adoption of the income tax provision, refused to sign. the only tariff reform measure passed since the war, and while thundering against the trusts in his messages did even less than Knox has done to in terfere with their high-handed methods. His administration, instead of being a foun tain of democracy sending forth pure and refresh ing streams, became a stagnant' pool from whoso waters foul vapors arose poisonous to those who lingered near. Having debauched his party he was offended by its effort to reform and gave comfort to the enemy. Virginius killed his daughter to save her chastity; Cleveland stabbed his party to pre vent its return to the paths of virtue. And now, still gloating over his political crimes, he invites the party to return to him and apologize for the contempt which it has expressed for him! Will it? Not until the principles of Jef ferson are f orgotten and the works of Jackson cease to inspire. If we are to have reorganization, , Cleveland himself should accept the presidential nomination. It would be due him; his reinstatement would be poetic justice to him and retribution to those whose democratic conscience revolted against his undemocratic conduct. Of course he would get no democratic votes, but being closer to plutocracy than any republican likely to be nominated he might divide the enemy, and even democrats would have what little consolation would come from receiving their disappointment in advance. A merchant, about to fall, invited his creditors to a dinner and after stating his condition secured ; a year's extension from all present. One of the number, a relative, waited until after the others had retired ' and then accosted the debtor: "Of course I promised with the rest to extend the time but you are going to make me a preferred creditor, are you not?" "Yes," replied the debtor, "I'll make you a pref erred, creditor. I'll tell you now that you are not going to get anything; the rest won't find it out for a year." Mr. Cleveland's nomination would have this advantage over the nomination of any other re organizer, he would make the democrats preferred creditors and tell them that they would not be benefitted by his administration. Mr. Cleveland's speech should be read In full. It answers a useful purpose; It outlines the plan of campaign decided upon by the plutocratic ele ments for which the reorganizers stand. Tariff re form is to be made the chief issue, and the men who voted for Mr. McKinley, the high-priest of pro tection; are to carry on a sham battle with their companions of 1896, while the financiers make the dollar redeemable in gold and fasten upon the country an asset currency and a branch bank sys tem. Trusts are to be denounced in sonorous terms while the campaign managers mortgage the party to the trust magnates in return for cam paign funds. Sometimes imperialism will be de nounced, as in Mr. Hopkins' Illinois convention; sometimes Ignored, as in Mr. Cleveland's speech; but whether denounced or ignored, the secret and silent power that can compel submission td the demands of the financiers and to the demands of the trust magnates can compel submission to the demands of the exploiters and the representatives of militarism. The fight is on between a democracy that means democracy and a Clevelandism which means plutocracy. Every speech made by Mr. Cleveland shows more clearly the odlousness of the policies for which he stands. We have more to fear from those who, like Mr. Hill, indorse Mr. Cleveland's views, but conceal their real purpose in ambiguous language. luU. i...; ' W. J. BRYAN. By Selling a Block of Five Liberty Building Subscrip tion Cards in Your6 Neighborhood SHOULD BEGIN THE CAMPAIGN AT ONCE Candidates are Honorable and Capable Men and Deserve the Enthusiastic Support of Every Populist and Anti-Monopoly Democrat in Nebraska For several years The Independent has published in full the Declaration of Independence either on the editorial page or the front page in colors. It is the corner stone of the republic. Every violation by this nation of the principles' set forth in that Immortal document is directly undermining the foundation upon which the government rests. The parts printed in red have been or are being violated by the pres ent national administration. The same forces that have destroyed every re public that has been organized have begun their work in, this. Gradually they are breaking away from the high standards of justice and morality that guided our forefathers when they planned this the greatest of republics. So quietly and secretly do they work that comparatively few people realize the grave dangers ahead. "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty," is as true now as ever. The press of the country is almost wholly in the con trol of 'those who seek to make this nation follow the same road that has taken all other republics to destruc tion. Every issue The Independent calls attention to the dangers ahead. It prints the truth fearlessly and with out favor. There is no more patriotic act you can do than to help increasa the circulation of The Independent. Thousands of honest and busy men do not realize that many of the lib erties that they prize most may soon be lost to them. Call their attention to The Independent and get them to subscribe. The conventions at Grand Island this week nominated honorable and capable men for all the positions. A more loyal and patriotic man than Hon. W. H. Thompson, the nominee for governor, cannot be found anywhere. He deserves the support of -every liberty-lovin citizen. Begin the campaign now and help .to make him the next governor of Nebraska. There i3 no better way than to help increase the circulation of The Independent. Every week it will point out in the plainest language the reasons why he should have the vote of every loyal Nebraskan. Send an order for a block of five Liberty Building subscription cards by first mail. We'll send them to you by the next. You can easily sell them all at the celebration on the Fourth of July. Read the Declaration of Inde pendence to your neighbor as it ap pears in The Independent. Call his attention to the fact that no republi can paper of importance dares to pub lish it. He'll subscribe and in a year afterwards will thank you for getting him to do so. Send your order today. Here's what others have done and are doing. Let us add your name to the roll of honor. J. J. Lanham, Rocky Fork, W. Va.. 5 E. E. McCracken, David City, Neb. 10 A. H. Dilley, Friend, Neb 5 D. J. Gates, Albion, Neb 5 Chris K. Christenson, Minden, Neb. 5 S. Elwood, Bloomfield, Neb 5 Adam Hessel, Grand Island, Neb.. 5 G. H. King, Day, Neb 5 W. B. Guthrie, Indianola, Neb 5 Jno. Staab, Boheet, Neb 5 J. H. Morgan. Geneva, Neb., R R 2.. 5 G. F. Cook, Surprise, Neb.... 5 Newman Deutcher, Indianola, Neb. 5 .lL. i32g the Independent o.st. ' Proposed Liberty Building A Home For The Independent. Two Stories 25x142 Being Erected From the Sale of Liberty Subscription Cards by the Readers of The Independent. For many years the greatest need of The Independent has been a perma nent location a home of i its own. Once secured, expenses can be re duced and the paper made a greater power for good and more valuable and interesting to its readers. To build this home The Independent has asked the co-operation of its readers in the sale of 10,000 subscription cards. The cards are printed on regular U. S. postals and are put up in blocks of five. Each card is good for a year's subscription. For the five cards (five yearly subscriptions to be sent to five different persons) the charge is $3.00, 60 cents for each card. The regular subscription price of The Independent is $1.00 per year, and for single sub scriptions it does not accept less than that. It is only because funds are needed for the construction of Liberty Ituilding that the unparalelled offer of .five yearly subscriptions for only $3.00 is made. Railroad Taxation The report of the industrial commis sion shows that the taxation of trans portation companies has undergone a great change, and that even yet it is in a period of development. Roughly speaking there are two periods, the first ending about 1875 and the seconi continuing to the present time. The first period was marked by the policy of "subsidy and exemption from tax ation and by the introduction of tax methods which were made to operate very leniently toward the railroads." (R. I. C, Vol. IX., page 1007.) The second, or present stage, Is marked by the adoption of definite methods of railway taxation, "in the main distinct from the general property tax as or dinarily administered in the taxation of individuals." (Ibid.) The early idea was based on the fallacy that be cause a railroad is a great public ben efit it should either escape taxation or be given public aid Carried , to its logical conclusion this idea would ex empt most kinds of business, or would require such; a wholesale rendering of public aid that in effect each business would be taxed heavily to build up all other lines and everything would be as it was before. A special privilege ceases to be special when It. is applied to everybody. , The practice of ,' ex empting railroads from taxation was never so prevalent as was the giving of public aid. No accurate figures can be given, but It is not extravagant to say that this aid mounts up into the billions,, when, we consider the lm mense land grants, loans, state ana county bonds and the private holders of stock who were soon frozen out Since about the year 1875 the new per iod set In. the struggle to require these beneficiaries of public bounty not only to pay their just share of the burdens of taxation, but also to establish th9 right of the state to regulate the charges for freight and passenger ser vice. Both in the development of rail roads and in methods of taxation "the United States has acted as a group of communities," the east having in a measure settled the question of ade quate facilities while the west was in its incipient stage; and correspond ingly, the east was the first to devise definite methods of railroad taxation In a measure the west has profitted by the east's mistakes, yet in the main the general course of development has been the same in both sections, "and the same conservative attitude toward innovation is to be noted throughout. (Ibid.) Nebraska is decidedly a back: num- ber in the matter of taxation and will continue to be as long as the present illogical and clumsy property tax Is continued. The equalization of taxes is nothing but a farce under our sy3- tem. Some little patching up might be done which would help a little, such as making the law more definite and specific as to the method of ascertain ing the value of a public service cor poration's franchise, for example, but until something is done to divorce tax ation for state purposes from taxation for local purposes, the present diffi culties will always be present. A good way would be to raise state revenues by taxing the public service corpora tions, and let each county attend to its local taxation without contributing anything toward supporting state gov ernment. Then It would not matter if a 1,200-pound steer in Johnson coun ty was assessed at $10 and one of tho same weight in Cherry county at $15. tangible to attach to, and they would first ascertain the total value of the railroad as a unit (by reference to the value of Its stocks or bonds, or by capitalizing net earnings); then the value of all property except the right of way would be ascertained by fol lowing usual methods; and the differ ence between the two values would represent the value of the franchise or right of way. In other words, sup pose a certain railroad to be worth two millions, and that its rails, tie.?, depots, and everything except the right of way should be valued at one mil lion: Then the franchise or right of way value would be worth one million. icb Flag? But what ought to be or what might be is another question. The one of present importance is to make the best of the laws we have. This has never been done in the case of railroad tax ation, either by populist or republican boards. While the antiquated Idea prevailed that a railroad should r taxed on what it would cost to replace it, there is some excuse for former boards. It is doubtless true that It we count the right of way the same value per acre as farm lands or city lots adjoining, and the ties, rails, roll ing stock and buildings at what it would cost to replace them, the rail roads of Nebraska have been assessed high enough. But it Is nonsense to value the right of way at the same rate as contiguous lands. The value of any piece of land depends upon the use to which it is put. A lot In a groat city may be utterly worthless for agricul tural purposes and yet be worth many thousands of dollars as a building site. Railroad right of way is a difficult thing to value. Without it the railroad coujd. not exist. The single ; taxers urge that value must have something If one was seeking a flag to hand down to his children, which would he rather have, one of the flags hailed by the cheers of the Cubans because it brought them liberty and peace, o one of the flags that has been reviled by the Filipinos as they fled from ther burning villages, to be taken and sub jected to nameless outrages by those who served under that flag? And if they say it waves its folds O'er ships with slavery in their holds; And if they say it waves o'er lands Where man in arms as conqueror stands, 'TIs but a false, pretentious rag, 'Tis not our flag, 'tis not our flag; Our flag must wave, where'er it be, For justice, right and liberty. Ellis Meredith. 26 to 95 Farm lands and live stock of Ne braska were assessed at . almost $95. 000,000, while the railroads are only assessed at $26,000,000. Here is a case where the tail wags the dog. The 25 controls conventions and elections, tho state board of equalization and usually the legislatures. This is not altogether the fault of the farmers for while they sustain the railroads in the way of furnishing traffic, they are opposed to railroad bossism and do not vote the railroad ticket. It Is In the towns and cities where the railroads get their political support. The farmers as a rule know that they are being Imposed on by railroad extortion by evasion of taxes, and various other ways and hence are not easily swayed by cor porate influence. Minden Courier. Kelligar For Congress While the democracy is casting about for timber with which to down Mr. Burkett, it should be borne in inind that if Cass county cannot fur nish available material their lives In Nemaha county a gentleman who is In every way fitted for congressman and a man who could secure hundreds cf republican votes from his section of the district. The gentleman referred to is the Hon. William H. Kelligar, of Auburn, a true-blue democrat, an hon est and upright lawyer and a talented gentleman every day in the week. If the democracy will persist in nominat ing a Lancaster candidate against a Lancaster republican, no other county in the district will ever be represented in congress. Give the nomination to Kelligar ivnd you will be surprised to see what the "field against Lancaster county" can do. The republican party is proud of Paul Jessen as jurist. The democratic party would feel equally proud of Billy Kelligar as a congress man. Plattsmouth Democrat. Easterling For Congress Judge James M. Easterling of this city, on solicitation of his many Buf falo county friends and prominent populists throughout the Sixth dis trict, has consented to be a candidate for the congressional nomination. His nomination means a vigorous, ag gressive campaign and the bringing back Into line of many reformers who have been Inactive of late in local and state campaigns. Judge Easterling needs no introduction to the public tv this paper. He has been a consistent and untiring worker in the populi.it party since the adoption of the Omata platform was declared. Every true populist would give him loyal support because he la deserving of it by rea son of being an intelligent, clean- minded man; a man of good character- sties; a prominent attorney, who has held the position of county attorney and state representative. We believe he can be elected over the strongest man the republican imperialists can place in the field against him. Buffalo county will stand by Judge Easterlies for congress. Kearney , New Era Standard. . V.- N , - S, " , .