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VOL. XIV.
INDIANA DEMOCRATS
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, JUNE 12, 1902.
NO. 4.
Mr. Tan Vorhis Expose the Traitors "Who
Profess to Have Stood "Shoulder to
Shoulder With Bryan in 10OO"
Editor Independent: If any believer
in the principles upon which the dem
ocratic party fought the last two cam
paigns hoped for anything from the
convention that has just met and ad
journed, he ought now to be wiser, if
no happier, than before. How often
will it be necessary for the democrats
in Indiana, who believe in the prin
ciples represented in three epochs of
American history by Jefferson, Lin
coln, and Bryan, to be deceived an J
betrayed before they are convinced
that many of the men, who are promi
nent in the party organization, are
worshipers of Mammon and not of
principles? How long will it be oe
fore that great army of patriotic vot
ers, who were controlled by prin
ciples in 1898 and 1900, will come to
understand the essential want of sin
cerity of the men who can now, in the
light of what is known, couple with
the name of Mr. Bryan the names of
Hill, Watterson, et al., and talk about
these party traitors marching "'shoul
der to shoulder" with that "incorrupt
ible American?" Who is there that
has so little information that he does
not know that the whole crowd, heart
ed in the east by such men as Hill
and Cleveland, and their followers in
Indiana headed by men, actuated by
similar motives, but of far less abil
ity, did not want Bryan elected; and
that they rejoiced, in a way that can
hardly be regarded as secret, when
he was defeated?
The prty is offered a set of resolu
tions tjat not only fails to mention
the name of this "incorruptible Amer
ican," who twice so ably and honestly
led the party and, in both contests,
drew to its support more than two
million of voters that did not oeiong
to it, but, with premeditation, makes
no mention of the distinctive question
and principles of which he was tne
particular exponent.
There is no man with sense enough
to justify his remaining outside an
idiotic institute, who does not know
that in both campaigns the party
would have been successful, if it
could have had the support of the
eastern democrats represented by surh
men as Hill, Cochran and Gorman,
and their sympathizers in Indiana and
elsewhere. With the memory of the
treachery of this crowd, in and out of
this state, still fresh in the minds or
everybody, it is a wonder that Mr.
Kern should have made the reference
he did to Jewett and English. The
course of these two men was high and
honorable worthy of all commenda
tion in comparison with the conduct
of Hill, Cochran, Olney, Gorman and
Watterson, so extolled by Mr. Kern.
In 1896 they sulked and did noth
ing, or conspired to bring about the
defeat of the party to which they pro
fessed to belong. They had neither
the grace nor the honesty to openly
ally themselves with the party, tne
success of which they desired and as
sisted in bringing about. In 1900, af
ter they had made every possible ef
fort to mutilate the platform and to
induce the party to select some one
other than Mr. Bryan, they pretended
to accept the situation that they
might be in a better position to ac
complish their selfish purposes. It io
an insult to the intelligence of the
democrats of Indiana to assert tnat
these men stood "shoulder to shoul
der" with Bryan.
That democrat's memory must be
very short, who has forgotten the ac
tions of the state committee, which
can only be explained by assuming ut
ter incapacity, extreme indifference or
worse. The fact that the chairman of
that committee received an appoint
ment at the hands of a republican gov
ernor, who announced his intention to
make the appointment within forty
eight hours after the result of 1900
was known, is not reassuring. The
acceptance of this appointment Indi
cates, if nothing worse, that he had
very little sense of propriety.
Will the intelligent Bryan demo
crats be deceived again by these clap
trap resolutions, sugar-coated by the
chairman's speech? Are the men in
this convention, whose hearts are in
the right place, to be caught again
with chaff and made to give strength
and currency to republican claims that
are without foundation? "The prodig
ious influx of foreign gold" is a ridic
ulously false claim of the republican
leaders. The entire excess of Imports
over exports of gold does not exceed
thirty millions in forty years past.
During the last six months, it was
more than twenty millions the other
Way. The chairman accepts as true,
and bases an argument upon the re
publican claim that the secretary of
the treasury bought bonds because
of an excessive accumulation of money
in the treasury, when every student of
the subject knows the claim to be un
true. In every instance these pur
chases were made to relieve a New
York bank stringency caused by exces
sive -pasion of bank credits.
Thr weak opposition to the Fowler
bill jhows that the committee knew
nothing of the subject, or wished tn
correal the worst features of the bill.
Atset currency is but a small part of
Vie iniquity of that measure. The as
set currency and branch bank provi
sions are the ones that will be Injur
ious to the national banks outside of
New York. This may be the reason
why the committee was permitted to
' make even this weak declaration.
Of course, something must be said,
but when so much is said about evils
that are but results of evil causes not
mentioned, it is quite clear that meie
was mors anxiety about how to keep
.from saying some things, than there
was about saying the things that are
said in these resolutions.
A large part of the democrats in
Indiana are true to the declarations of
the last two national platforms, and it
t-rpTr-fflTic; to he seen whether they will
have twice assisted to defeat their own
party in this state, and still aspire to
be Its leaders. In the face of the bit
ter," unrelenting and hypocritical, in
tolerance of the Hlll-Cleveland-Gor-
man-Watterson crowd in this state,
it requires a large amount Of assur
ance or Mr. Kern to advise the demo
crats of Indiana to be tolerant Von
questions of finance and political eco
nomy." It would be - interesting if
Mr. Kern would catalogue the ques
tions that will remain when the dem
ocratic party follows Tilden's advice
and makes Its platform (on such ques
tions) as near like the republican plat
form as possible.
The declarations of . alarm about,
and opposition to, the formation of a
"great banking trust" that already ex
ists, and had its origin back In the
60's by congressional action, and that
has had congressional and executive
assistance ever since; that has lor
years controlled all financial legisla
tion; that has acquired a power so
great that it can, on forty-eight hours
-notice, ruin half the industrial and
commercial enterprises in the country,
makes one doubt both the sincerity
and the wisdom of the men who pre
pared that part of the resolutions. The
declaration that such a trust is about
to be formed is most ridiculous.
No trust exists today that this par
ent trust can not destroy. There is
no trust that could 'exist ninety days
without its assistance. It is the only
one organized and protected by con
gressional enactments. 'The other
trusts, large and small, about which
so much has been said, are but the ten
tacles of this, the oldest of them all.
If this convention Is an example of
the wisdom' of the" democratic party,
then there is no longer any excuse ior
its continued existence, and I venture
the prediction, that the more than two
million votes outside of that party
that supported Mr. Bryan will not
support the party under any such
management. They not only now
want the declarations to be right, but,
with the memory of repeated treach
ery, they will demand "a guarantee
that the declarations are made in sin
cerity, and not hypocritically.
FLAVIUS J. VAN VORHIS.
Indianapolis, Ind.
Gen. Grant vs. Gen. Smith.
In one of the battles before Vicks
burg, Senator Pettus, then a colonel,
was captured and carried as a prisoner
before General Grant.
"Colonel," said Grant, when the
prisoner was brought before him,
"what are those troops out in front
of me?"
"General," replied Pettus, "I must
decline to answer that question. ;"
General Grant looked him In the
eye for a moment. "You are right;
colonel," he said. Then turning to an
officer near by Grant said: "Take this
gentleman to the rear and treat him
kindly."
Senator Pettus has never forgotten
that interview with General Grant.
A Filipino was captured and taken
before General Smith, when ne was
asked where the insurgents -had hid
den their arms.
"General," replied the Filipino, "I
must decline to answer that question."
General Smith looked the Filipino
in the eye for a minute, then turning
to an officer he said: "Take this pris
oner to the rear and apply the water
torture until he does tell."
That is the difference in the way
that General Grant conducted war and
the way that General Smith carried it
on in the Philippines.
Fired on White Flag
During the closing discussion on
the Philippine bill that passed the
senate, Mr. Hoar said:
"I do not charge these things upon
the army. I charge them upon im
perialism." He referred to the cost
of the war as enough to establish uni
versities like Harvard through the
country, and said: "This miserable
doctrine of buying sovereignty with
gold has cost us all this." He ad
verted to the references which had
been made to the acts of General
Grant during the civit- war and de
clared: "The most shameful thing in
this whole transaction is the summon
ing of the authority of General Grant
to justify the order of General Smith."
Further, he said "that the firing upon
a flag of truce was begun by us," as
could be shown from the records in
the war department.
A Straight Answer
John G. Maher, who is In favor of
the nomination by the democratic na
tional convention of David B. Hill for
president, asked the World-Herald the
following question:
"Will the World-Herald support the
candidates of the democratic party In
1904 for president and vice president
and defend the platform, provided such
candidates are regularly nominated
and such platform regularly adopted.
Regardless of . who the candidates are
or what the platform contains?"
To which the World-Herald replied:
"Most assuredly the World-Herald
will not agree to support any candi
dates regardless of who they are, or to
defend a platform 'regardless of what
it contains.' "
Mr. Maher claims that every demo
crat is bound to support the candi
date when regularly nominated and
the platform that is regularly adopted
regardless of what it contains, which
is a sort of politics about 640 per cent
worse than republicanism."
The contention that any criticism of
the republican-policy of conquest, the
making of a foreign people of another
race subjects of the United States, the
quartering of thousands of troop3
among a people whose language they
do not understand or any other thing
that is a necessary concommltant of
imperialism, is "attacking the army,"
is of the same quality of logic as the
demand for dear money and high
prices or the talk about fifty-cent
COAL STRIKE SOCIALISM
Mr. De Hart Discusses the Coal Strike aad
Socialism The irecessity of Consider
ing the Functions and Use
of Money
The coal strike furnishes food for
reflection. The east is compelled to
use soft coal, or buy anthracite and
pay from one to two dollars per ton
more than heretofore. The law for
bids the use of soft coal; but never
theless they use it and take the chance
of paying the fine. The consequence
is, that the cities are in a cloud of
smoke and we shall know what it Is
to live in Pittsburg.
The cause of the stride, as we all
know, is a disagreement between the
miners and the owners of the mines
as to' wages and hours of working.
The miners are organized and the
owners are combined. Thus two great
powers are arrayed against each otner.
Why does a miners' union exist and
why does a coal combination exist?
The one exists because the other ex
ists. Coal was monopolized from th3
beginning. The beginning of the coal
monopoly originated in land monop
oly. All land was monopolized from
the beginning. Every land title Is a
monopoly, because the original set
tlers divided all the lands between
themselves and created such a title
that they held the land not only dur
ing their own lives, but during the
lives of their children or heirs for
ever. This tied the lands to a lew
owners. In this way a few families
became the owners of all the anthra
cite coal fields of Pennsylvania, and
what was done In that state was done
in the other states.
Originally land titles were created
in the Interest of agriculture. At the
beginning it was not . intended that
land titles should go below the soil,
but, by cunning or craft, It was held
that whoever owned the soil, also
owned to the center of the earth, so
that all minerals became monopolized.
This produced a monopoly of coal.
After the land owners had secured
their monopoly, others secured a mo
nopoly of tools and machinery neces
sary for working the mines. This
compelled those who did not own land
or machinery to work for wages and
to work at such rates as the monopol
ists dictated. This caused the miners
and all other classes of workers to
combine and form unions, in order to
have a voice in the rate of wages and
hours of work.
It would seem reasonable that both
sides ought to have a voice in the
method of working mines, otherwise
those who work for wages are but
slaves. If each side Is to have a
voice, then there must be a strike,
when they cannot agree upon terms
of working. A strike is evidence that
liberty still exists. If we had slave la
bor, there would be no strike.
This conflict between free labor and
capital suggests an inquiry, not only
as to the cause, but as to the remedy.
The socialists propose to put an end
to strikes by abolishing private prop
erty in land and the machinery of pro
duction. Private property is created
by the laws of the several states. It
is hard to create a public sentiment
that would change these laws. It
would have to be done by changing the
laws with reference to inheritance of
wealth. All the states would have to
make the change, before the socialistic
plan could go Into operation in the
United States. And, then, after all the
states had made the necessary laws the
property of all the people would go to
the several states instead of the pri
vate owners. This would not answer
the purpose, because it would be nec
essary for all the property to belong
to the United States, in order to bring
in the socialistic consideration and do
away with competition. All property
in the United States could not be
transferred to Uncle Sam without a
change of his constitution, which will
require a long time. And then after
congress should become vested with
power to legislate with reference to
the inheritance of wealth, it would
take a long time to get congress to act.
It will take many generations to edu
cate the people up to the idea of so
cialism, and another generation to put
the idea into practice. We are, how
ever, -gradually working in that direc
tion, as shown by the postofflce ae-
partment and the public schools.
The coal mines of the United States
might be acquired by the government
without costing the people anything
except the cost of printing some paper
money. But before this can be done.
it is necessary to educate the people
that Uncle Sam is to have the right to
coin all the money on , his own ac
count, and that the mints must be
closed to free coinage of gold as they
have been closed to free coinage of
silver; that the national banks are
no longer to be mints for coining their
bank notes into money, and that wnexi-
ever more money is needed, it is to be
supplied by United States legal tenaer
notes.
' It' is agreed that this country re
quires about fifty millions of new
money annually and that this addi
tional amount will circulate without
disturbing the level of prices. This
being so, Uncle Sam could issue fifty
millions of new money during the
coming year, and buy that much worth
of coal mines. Then he could appoint
a commission to work the mines and
sell the coal at such a price as would
pay the men reasonable wages.. This
would regulate the price of coal and
give us all the advantages of social
ism, so far as coal is concerned.
The socialists, heretofore, nave
never seen the Importance of money
in our industrial system. They have
refused to discuss it as a necessary
part of every 'social system. They
seem to think that taxes can be paid
and commodities exchanged, without
the intervention of money. They Ho
not recognize it as a medium of pay
ment or exchange, much less as a
value, "unit" of value, as it is var
iously called. If they. would take Into
consideration the important part that
money plays. It would help them very
much to make their system popular
or at least understandable.
JNO. S. DE HART.
Jersey City, N. J.
OUR TRADE WITH JAPAN
Treasury Department Gives Statistics of
Oar Trade With the Mikado's
Country ,-
The figures below, compiled by the
treasury bureau of statistics, are not
wholly clear for the reason that a
change was made in the Japanese
monetary system in October 1897. At
present the yen Is not coined, but in
United States money is " almost tne
equivalent of our half dollars (.4984
cents exactly). Prior to 1897 the gold
20-yen pieces contained 462.97 grains
of -fine gold; hut under the present
coinage laws, the gold 20-yen piece
contains ' just half; that weight of fine
gold. Accordingly, if this change in
the value of the yen was not taken
Into account in preparing the tables,
the imports for 1901 are really only
half as much, relatively, as the fig
ures would indicate.
The United States is making rapid
gains in the share which she furnisnes
of the importations of Japan. The
"Annual Returns oi the Foreign Trade
of the Empire of Japan," for the year
1901 has i just been received by the
treasury bureau of statistics. It snows
that the United States which In 1881
furnished-less than 6 per cent of the
imports of Japan, supplied 17 per cent
of those imports in 1901; and that
the United Kingdom, our chief rival
in that trade, which supplied over 52
per cent of those imports in 1881, fur
nished but 20 per cent of Japan's Im
portations in 1901. ; The total value of
Japan's imports from the United Stat
es in 1881 was 1,781,108 yen, and In
1901, 42,769,429 yen. The total value
of Japan's imports from the United
Kingdom in 1881 was 16,364,740 yen,
and in 1901 was 50,575,788.
The United States now stands sec
ond rn the list of non-Asiatic coun
tries in the imports of Japan, and
falls but a few thousand yen below
India, the only Asiatic country which
ranks with the United States in the
Imports of Japan. Comparing 1901
with 1892, the growth of the principal
countries of the world in the imports
of Japan are shown by the following
table: I
11892. 1901.
Imported from Yen.
Yen.
United .Kingdom. .26J89.332 50,575,788
British India...; 7,662,003 42,779,904
United States.',-. . 5,998,053 42,769,429
Germany 6,375,048 28,320,101
China ...........12,509,410 27,256,986
Hong Kong...... 6,985,722 11,141,783
Belgium ... 951,537 5,810,896
Austria-Hungary 10,265. 4,738,197
Russia, Asiatic... 835,395 4,515,165
France .......... 3,620,500 3,752,828
Philippine Islands 475,122 2,981,931
The following table shows the In
crease by some of the more important
articles in the importations of Japan
from the United States, comparing
1901 with 1896:
1896. 1901.
Articles imported Yen. Yen.
Electric light ap 272,184 375,521
Fire engines & pumps 24,434 149,292
Farmers & mechanics
tools . .... 83,393 128,696
Locomotive engines. 416,106 783,356
Paper-making mach . 123,520 . 251,942
Condensed milk . 110,372 250,917
Flour 980,203 2,786,551
Alcohol 435 104,063
Rails, iron .. 374,910 997,825
Iron piges & tubes.. 73,941 541,049
Iron nails 232,319 " 668,490
Kerosene oil.. 5,282,90911778,380
Lubricating oil.. 192,624 278,625
Paraffine wax 130,505 375,402
Printing paper. 6,193 152,126
Cotton, . raw, ginned. 4,252,39812986,748
Timber and lumber. 148,555 274,889
Cardboard .........no record 307,512
Bicycles & tricycles. 65,442 528,950
Submarine cables &
underg. telegraphs. . . .none 167,536
Morgan and Mark Hanna have in
formed the president that two fake in
junction suits against the trusts is
all sufficient for the purposes of th9
next campaign and that the bad out
look for the republican party which
was so threatening a few. weeks ago
on account of the fostering of the
trusts has been removed. Consequent
ly Roosevelt feels good all over.
BaaMWMweaMHsaaM
A few years ago we had a billion-
dollar congress. The extravagant ap
propriations somewhat startled the
people and some began Co predict ser
ious results, to the party In power. A
good many of the republican leaaers
had sleepless nights over it ror a
while. Finally some one said: "This
Is a billion-dollar country." That sat
isfied all of the republican voters and
no more was heard about it. It now
begins to look as if we are to have a
billion-dollar single session. It won't
trouble the mullet heads the least
bit. Mark Hanna or some one ejse
will announce that this is now a two-
billion-dollar country. When tney
hear that they will all be satisfied.
Spooner says that, there ought not
to be two sides to this Philippine ques
tion. That's so, and there wouldn't
be if there were not a lot of republi
can politicians in this country like
the said Spooner, bent on repudiating
the Declaration of Independence and
destroying the constitution. The said
Spooner thinks that this government
can "confer" freedom on 10,000,000
people, but The Independent holds to
the old truth that men are born free
and no government has the power to
"confer" it. Governments run by men
such as Spooner can "restrict" free
dom, but no government can bestow
it on any one. It would be well, for
Spooner to attend a kindergarten In
b o ecrm o r eh ItxJTJKJf T OT tWQ.
WILL THE CANAL BE BUILT?
Three Prepositions Before the Senate
The Philippines BillThe Associated
"Sappress" Stark for Governor
Washington, D. C, June 9, 1902.
(Special Correspondence.) "Will the
canal be built" is the question that is
now being asked on air sides. After
an overwhelming passage through the
house of representatives a passage in
true accord with the opinions and de
sires of the American people, the sen
ate now comes to the rescue with
three propositions, each of which is
enough to cause disruption among the
friends of the canal. Spooner brings
forward a bill, disapproved by tne
committee, which favors the building
of the canal, but allows Teddy to
make the choice of routes. Kanna
comes out strongly favorable to tne
building of the canal, but favors the
Panama route; and Old Morgan, aided
by the real friends of the canai, urges
the Nicaraguan waterway. Will the
canal be built? On Wednesday at the
close of the morning hour (2 p. m.)
the senate began consideration of tne
canal bill. Senator Morgan, wno nas
sacrificed everything for votes upon
the bill, and who even sold himself on
the Philippine question with the hope
of getting a few votes for his bill in
return, began his speech. He spoke
as usual to empty benches, the demo
crats, who usually out of deference to
his age remain to hear him, almost
to a man, were absent when this rene
gade democrat began his speech. They
are bitterly opposed to him for his ac
tion on the Philippine government
bilL He spoke of the glories of the
Nicaraguan route, after opening in a
witty oration about the opponents to
the bill, made a really instructive talk
upon the relative merits of the two
important routes under discussion. He
was followed by Senator Marcus Au
relius Hanna, whose speech took up
the best part of two days. This old
man, laden down by the weight upon
his shoulders of managing the repub
lican party (and I imagine a con
science that ought to worry him con
siderably in his old days) delivered
the best part of his speech from his
seat. At times when he desired to
make his remarks more effective and
to add a tinge of the oratorical to
them, Mark arose from his seat and
shook his finger in the faces of those
opposed to iiim. The senator is heart
ily in favor of the Spooner amend
ment giving the president the choice,
for he knows that if it ever reaches
Teddy that he has - enough influence
with him to make the president's coin
fall his way. Hanna is in favor of
the Panama route, urging as its prin
cipal commendation the fact that vol
canoes are very scarce along Its
route, while , the Nicaraguan route
shows some twenty odd near enough
to make themselves heard and per
haps felt. Senator Mitchell, in favor
of the bill to erect the Nicaraguan
canal, followed Hanna in a complete
answer and giving facts and figures
relative to the volcanoes. He charged
that the Panama route has been vis
ited by numerous earthquakes, if any
thing more terrible than the dreaded
volcanoes. A vote upon the bill will
not be taken for several weeks al
though there are many who favor
early action. A date Is trying to be
set by those favorable to the bill, but
there is little probability that they
will be able to reach an agreement un
til the latter part of the week, thus
postponing action for at least ten
days.
On Tuesday evening at four o'clock.
the republican majority declared its
sanction to a policy that is in viola
tion of every tenet of the republic.
The doctrine of a "government derives
its just powers from the consent of
the governed," was voted to be a vio
lation of republican policies, so its
form was shrouded in the republican
platform and put upon the top shelf.
The Philippine civil government bill
was passed notwithstanding the fact
that three stalwart republicans left
their party and joined the ranks of
those who sought to have the govern
ment stick fast to its ideals. Senator
Hoar, that grand old man whose very
name has become to be the synonym
of liberty, left his party in Its head
long plunge after greed and glory, to
vote against the passage of the bill.
Nor did he alone do this, but voted for
the substitute offered by the minority
a thing no one expected him to do.
He was not alone in this action, out
was aided by Senators William IS.
Mason and George L, Wellington, both
republicans, who disapprove of their
party's course upon this and several
other questions. They are men not
willing to sacrifice principle for party
and men the nation should proudly
proclaim its greatest citizens. Nor
were these three alone in the matter.
Senator Hale, that venerable old man
who opposed the policy even before
the war with Spain was declared, vot
ed with the democrats on every pro
position save the final passage of tne
bill. The vote was forty-eight repub
licans favorable to the bill (including
John L. McLaurin of South Carolina,
who was bought over, and I use the
word with full knowledge of its mean
ing) as against twenty-seven demo
crats and three republicans, true to
the old principle of the republic. Nor
was there a break. Senator Morgan
did better than . was ever expected of
him. He voted against the democratic
substitute and when the final passage
of the bill was ordered, flopped back
to the democrats against the bill. It
was a turn that was unexpected after
his speech, but the vote was recorded
and democracy was united against the
bill and was joined in their opposi
tion by three of the ablest republicans
Hoar, Mason and Wellington. The
two days previous to the , vote were
used in , fifteen-minute . speeches ou
both sides of the bill. Senator Culber
son of Texas introduced a little mat
ter which he succeeded in putting into
the Record that came from official
sources showing the cruel treatment
of natives by the orders of American
officers. When the article was read by
Senator Culberson, the faces of every
republican present was crimson wun
anger and it was with difficulty that
many of them were restrained. , They
knew that the article was true, tnat
It had come from the war department,
but how did the democrats ever get
hold of it. Where d5d it come from?
That was what worried them. Senator.
Beveridge was the first republican to
arise from his seat and bitterly did
he condemn Senator Culberson for
his. attitude on the question. (It was
the same speech, he has delivered be
fore the three hundred and twenty
first time.) and demanded to know
where the article came from. Senator
Culberson admitted that it came from
official sources. "Then," shouted
Beveridge, "it came from General
Miles." Quick as a flash, came, "The
senator from Indiana is Impertinent
a habit that seems to enshroud him
on all occasions;" this was Culberson
attitude concerning Beveridge. He
then denied positively that General
Miles knew anything of the dispatctv.
But It only goes to show that the re
publicans are worried on the ques
tion. The truth is, they are afraid,
and know that it will have weight, but
anything that has been gotten from
official sources, they balk at. They do
not dare dispute the truths, but they
try to get even with those who give
them out. It makes no difference about
whether the truth Is concerned, but
the president and his followers are
determined to rid the country of Miles
and they will do it "foul or rair."
He was Immediately ordered .home,
but the folly of their course was soon
plainly seen by them, and the order
was rescinded.
The house has been considering the
anti-anarchy bill all during the past
week and on Saturday, when the vote
was to have been taken, there was not
a quorum present and so the bill had
to go over until today. Then a vote
will be taken and there Is no doubt
that it will pass. This branch also
adopted a resolution thanking Secre
tary Hay for his eulogy of McKlnley
delivered at the McKinley memorial
services during the visit of Prince
Henry. This eulogy was so pointedly
a tribute of the republican party that
many men took occasion to oppose a
resolution of thanks. The fight was
led by Representative Champ Clark
of Missouri and he had allied with him
many prominent members of the
house. It was not that it was a eulogy
of McKinley that brought . about the
opposition, for Hay had been invited
to deliver a eulogy of McKinley and
that was 'what was to be expected.
But Hay made the speech so pointedly
partisan, so bitterly partisan, so con
foundedly partisan, that It wa3 neither
the proper lime nor the proper place
to deliver such an oration. What was
expected was a eulogy of McKinley,
and to insult the house and the as
sembled senate and officials of tne
government was a just ground for
delaying the official thanks or tne
body. The house committee on com
merce decided to report favorably a
bill creating a department of com
merce. It is understood that &3 soon
as the bill becomes a law, that Secre
tary Cortelyou will be given the ap
pointment in the cabinet. The sen
ate passed the West' Point military
academy appropriation bill.
We have had another insight into
the way the Associated press "fix"
their dispatches so as to hide the real
truth. I am of the opinion that legis
lative enactment should be ! made
changing the name of the Associated
press to the Associated suppress it
would certainly excuse their wrongs.
They gave accounts of the Indiana
convention in which they said that
Bryan was completely ignored. That
the name of Bryan was not mentioned
and that it was a complete smother
ing of everything concerning him. The
fact of the matter comes to light that
when Bryan's name was mentioned on
the floor, storms of applause and
cheers broke out to such an extent
that it was impossible to restrain the
cheering delegates. And this morn
ing Representative Robinson of Ind
iana returned to the city and says that
it was something remarkable how the
democrats are sticking to Bryan and
that a large majority were out and
out Bryan men. That if they had
thought It was the right thing to do
that Bryan's name and an indorsement
of everything that he stands for could
have been accomplished. Yet the As
sociated Suppress heads . its articles.
"Wrilliam Jennings Bryan Ignored
Well, that's about on a par with some
other things they have Cone, i
Representative Stark of Nebraska
has written a letter to a friend in Ne
braska that reveals the fact that the
judge does not care to run again for
congress. . This has caused a feeling
of sorrow among his legion of friends
and admirers - here, in ' Washington
where Judge Stark is well known and
well liked. Many members of the
house have openly regretted that the
judge , was retiring from active ser
vice and declared that the congress
was losing one of its ablest men and
hardest workers. The Big District
out in Nebraska will have to dig ueep
and hunt hard before they can find a
better representative, a harder worker
and truer man than William Ledyard
Stark. There is a feeling at this end
of the line that he would be an ideal
.candidate for governor of Nebraska
this fall. I have spoken to several
representatives from western states,
who understand the political compli
cation of Nebraska, and they are
united in the belief that Stark should
be the standard-bearer. Any man woo
can carry the district that Stark has
epresented for six years, and eaca
time with an increased majority, cer
tainly should be ablj to go before the
people of the state with his record in
congress a brilliant owe and ; come
out successfully. Here's to Stgrk for
(Continued 'on Page 2.)
BLOCKIIIG THE CANAL
Railroad Interests at Washington TTIllss
Usaal Prevent Passage of Canal Bill
Statehood Bill Rejected
Strikes Coart Martial
Washington, D, C, June 11. 13C2.
(Special Correspondence.) The rail
road Interests of the country, all of
whom are oposed to the constructloa
of an isthmian canal, are having their
senatorial mouthpieces voice this op
position on the floor of the senate m
the discussion of the Nicaraguan ca
nal bill. Chief among theso is Sena
tor Hanna, who argues for the Pa
nama route, not that he favors it, but
because he sees in the scramble over
the location much delay that will
inure to the benefit of the railroads.
One proposition is to leave the choicj
of routes to the president and Is sup
ported largely by a clique of contrac
tors and franchise owners and grab
bers who demand their share of th
republican "prosperity" for which
they paid so liberally in campaign
contributions. The republican party
has a large majority in congress, yet
its leaders have procrastinated ror
years in the matter of the Isthmian
canal because the railroads of the
country do not want It built. The re
publican candidate for office never
contraries the wish of a railroad. ThU
is as true in Washington as in Nebraska.
The house is discussing the anti
anarchy bill this week and republi
can members are putting in the time
in cheap tirades against Imagined
evils and In shallow appeals to senti
mentality over the assassination ct
the lamented McKinley. This racket
will be worked strong with the un
wary voter this fall.
The senate committee "on territories
has rejected the bill passed by the
house to admit Oklahoma, New Mexi
co and Arizona into the union of stat
es. It is not denied that the numoer
and character of citizens is amply suf
ficient, but the probability is that at
least two of these new states would
return democratic representatives to
boh houses of congress, hence the de
termination of the republican major
ity to keep them out. Reason and
justice has no more effect upon the
majority nowadays than a tiny rivulet
would have upon the rock of Gibral
tar, therefore the people of these three
territories will be without the pale
until such time as the country places
in power a rejuvenated democracy,
pledged to fidelity and fair treatment.
Next week, it la "expected the Pa
cific cable bill and the irrigation meas
ure will come up in the house and
Cuban reciprocity in the senate if the
representation of the trusts who cuak?
up the membership of that body can
agree on a division of the spoils. Prac
tically every republican senator Is
the spokesman for some special in
terest and he kicks unless his share
of the swag is promptly forthcoming.
The strike among the coal miners
is exciting much fear and trepidation
Just now in administration circles.
They have not forgotten the Home
stead strike In 1892, followed imme
diately thereafter by Harrison's de
feat. Practically 50,000 miners are
on a strike In the Pennsylvania fields.
The owners of the mines have com
pelled the storekeepers to refuse all
credit to the miners, to cut off all sup
plies of food from the miners' famil
ies. This is done in order to force lh
miners to give in in other words, the
coal trust is using starvation as m
means of compelling compliance with
its demands. If you heard that the
coal miners were using starvation
measures as a means of winning this
fight, you would be horrified; that is.
if you heard that the striking miners
controlled the wives and children of
the mine owners, by threatening" to
starve these wives and children un
less the mine owners surrendered, you
would be apt to exhaust the diction
ary in your effort to express your
hatred of these brutal strikers. The
mine owner who starves the miner's
family is acting within the limits of
the law, of course, and many people
seem to think it is all right morally.
Nowadays, we allow men to do any
thing they can through the power of
money. How much longer this condi
tion will last I do not know, but I
do know that the people themselves
are wholly to blame for it. The bal
lot box is their defense against op
pression, their protection against star
vation and their guarantee of equal
ity. Let them use it, and if they do
not use it, let them bear uncomplain
ingly the ills that will always be
theirs under present conditions.
President Roosevelt has made the
semi-official announcement that he
will give no hope to the Filipinos ct
their ultimate independence. Since tb
lack of this assurance of final free
dom to these people brought on the
war and Is solely responsible for Its
prolongation, the American people are
invited to "speculate as to how long
it will take us to conquer the Fili
pinos with the only prospect before
them being that of chattels and su;
jects the shifting of the yoke from
the Spaniards to the Americans. The
last report of the surgeon general c
the army gives some 700 cases of In
sanity during the last two years ?n
our army in those islands, and several
trainloads of insane soldiers have
been brought to Washington to the
national asylum as a legacy of colon
ialism In the orient. An exceedingly
pleasing retrospect. Isn't it? Ami
here is another of the same character:
The secretary of war has transmit
ted to the senate committee on the
Philippines a copy of a report mada
by J. G. Livingstone, governor of the
Philippine province of Sorsogon, of
the killing by soldiers of two native
officials of the town of Santa Magda
lena, of that province. One or the
men was the presidente of the towr.,
n