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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (June 5, 1902)
2 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT June 5, 1902 3C TABLE OIL VI ULUTH, 50 pieces choice pat terns on sale at, per yard................. u AND 917-921 0, OPPOSITE OFFICE. BOYS' WAISTS A new line, good styles, worth 25c and 50c, at 43 21c EXTRAORDINARY PRICE EVENTS! Inducements you cannot well resist ON JUST SUCH GOODS AS YOU NEED RIGHT NOW.. V Sale of Shirt Waists Our new white embroidered waists are simply marvels of beauty and elegance. The work manship is superior and the styles are exquisite. It's really a waste of time to have waists made up now, when you can get such beau ties ready to wear. This week they go at the following special prices: G3o 89o $1 10 $1 35 - 1 80 - 2 25-$2-70 and $3 15- Colored waists at 43 C 6To 89c-$l 10-31 35-$i 80 and $2 25 EAR Splendid values in Ladies' Underwear at 5c lOo 12c-15c-25cr:40c Ladies' union Suits at 25-40-50 and 75c Children's Underwear, at n, 111. 12H. IS, 1211, !2 io ens Underwear'at if), 25. 50o and $1 r Tis "It" For Sure We're now showing the latest novelties of the season in straw, felt and soft hats. All shapes, sizes and styles to suit every taste and purse. Children's Straw hats from 10c to 60c. Misses' Hats 25c 60c and 75c. Men's and Boys Straw Hats from 6c to $1.00. Men's and Berks' Crash Hats at each 50c. HOES Excellence of quality and individuality of shape, combined with reasonable prices, char acterize our stock of Shoes. All ff fashionable leathers and new shapes for this season are represented. And no better values can be had anywhere. nEN'S SHOES Men's Satin Calf, Lace and Congress, plain and cap toe, $1.50 value, this week, per pair. . Men's Vici and Box Calf, bals, excellent quality, 6i to 11, regular $3.00, special price SI. 19 $2.48 Wash Dress Goods Specials 50 pieces Scotch Lawns, fast colors, 5c values; sale price per yard 3$C 40 pieces Cornetta Batiste and Sligo Dimity, worth up to 8c per yard 6c 35 pieces Talma Batiste and Ventise and Rosaland Dimities, 12c values, per yard 10c Mercerized Stripes and Lisle Tissues, worth up to 28c a yard, special, per yard 23c St. Gall and Swiss Novelties, 35c value, per yard 29c Mouseline de Soie, 40c value, per yard..... 23o Your choice of our $4.00 and $4.50 Men's fine Shoes, patent calt, vici and corduvan leathers, up-to- CK date style, special price this week, per pair. ..... .10 UiUU CANVAS SHOES AND OXFORDS Children's Canvas Oxfords, 8i to 11, CO A Special price, per pair UUu Misses' 11 to 2, same as above, 77P per pair lb Ladies' Canvas Oxfords, Ql a regular $1.00, for Men's Canvas Shoes and Oxfords, CI OR all sizes, special per pair v I 0 u Bargain Counter Snaps If!.'. Children's Kid Slippers and Oxfords, 7QA sizes up to No. 11, per pair. I Ob Ladies' Kid Oxfords, all solid, QQn 3 to 8, per pair uOli Ladies' Kid Oxfords, good styles, CI QQ worth up to $1.75, your choice . . . . 0 1 10 0 A lot of Ladies' House slippers, small sizes, RflA regular price $1.00, $1.10 your choice, per pair uUu You can buy as cheaply by or dering through the mails as you can in person. If you can't come, write us your needs. Fred Schmidt & Br6.V 917-21 O St., Lincoln, Neb material well-being by voting the trust ticket Sooner or later both will come to grief. Next week, the senate will vote upon the Philippine bill. The most notable speeches of the past week were those of Spooner and Morgan. Spooner is the ablest of the republican speakers and closed the debate for the majority. Morgan is a democrat who, from his recent speech, gives every evidence of having been hypnotized by the "gold and glory" craze; and who does not in any way represent the sentiment of the democrats in congress. Morgan is very likely playing for republican votes for his canal bill, since all canal opposition is among republicans. The Hill bill, said to be a measure to increase the subsidiary silver coin age, but in reality to strike down the silver dollar as primary money, was passed by the house this week by 10 majority. Congressman Shallenberger of the Fifth Nebraska district was one of the speakers against the bill, and said. In part: Mr. Chairman, the action of the committee on rules in reporting this Lilliputian financial measure to the house is a very apt illustration of the ancient fable of the mountain that la bored and brought forth a mouse. The committee on banking and cur rency, after a great deal of labor, has reported to this house a bill providing for a complete reorganization of our national banking and financial system, and which has come to be known as the Fowler bill. The bill, If enacted into law, "would provide for the most radical departure from all our prev ious policies upon these questions that hag ever been offered to the country. The Fowlef bill, so-called, and which house, provides for the establishment of a board of governors in lieu of the present comptroller of the currency to have general executive control of our banking system. It provides for great clearing house associations established . in appointed districts and operating "with govern mental powers. It provides for the retirement of the treasury notes as credit money, the absolute cancella tion of a large number of them, and the transfer of the rest of them Into gold certificates. It provides for the establishment of great monopolistic banking corporations, operating from money centers, with branches scat tered all over our own country, our possessions and dependencies, and if so desired, in foreign nations as well. It abandons our present policy of re quiring the payment of national bank notes in lawful money only, and that they shall be secured by the deposit of government bonds, and permits tne I62S-84 rantm Street VmiAntm. Shorthand. Trpewrltlnff nd English. ftudenta who deslr It are aacistod to jxlUcm to euro board wall attending. Senator catalogue. issuance of hundreds of millions of bank notes based upon the faith and credit of the banks alone, and provides further that they shall be redeemable only in gold. It provides for the redemption of sil ver dollars in gold at the option of the holder, the abandonment of their further coinage, and also for their final coinage into subsidiary coin. But the bill before the house now is not the Fowler bill. The chairman of the committee on coinage, weights and measures has also reported to this house and has now upon its calendar a bill which provides for the redemption of the silver dollars in gold, for their recoinage into subsidiary coinage at the option of the secretary of the treasury, and the abandonment of their further coinage;, but this Is not that bill. And, finally, the committee on rules has laid before the house this small fragment of the entire bill, and which provides only to increase the volume of subsidiary coin by coining the. sil ver bullion in the treasury and the silver dollars now issued into subsid iary coin at the option of the secre tary of the treasury. So this financial legislation, which started out with promise of revolutionizing and reor ganizing our entire monetary system, has so shrunken, perhaps In view of the approaching congressional elec tions, that the bill which we now have before us contains only one small part of one section of a great financial bill that originally contained 23 sec tions. But, Mr. Chairman, this bill is. in my judgment, the sharp end of the legislative wedge by which they hope to drive home to the heart of the American people the entire monopol istic plan which Is embodied in the so called Fowler bill. This bill Is a "John the Baptist" in legislation; so to speak a forerunner of a much greater bill which is to follow. This bill Is but one short step in a long legislative journey upon the financial question which those who are in control of financial legislation in this house would have congress and the American people travel. Although the. bill which we are now considering is only, so to speak, a small sliver of the entire financial plank, which has been proposed, and does not go so far as did the original bill reported to the house January 6 by the committee on coinaee. weights and1 measures, which provided for the redemption of silver dollars in gold, it does, In fact, at tempt to accomplish the same end by providing for the coinage of the silver dollar into subsidiary silver.. In the speech of the honorable chair man of the committee, on coinage, weights, and measures delivered in this house on May 9, 1902, In speaking of the entire so-called Fowler, bill, he says, in reference to that portion of section 22 which provides for the coin ace of silver dollars into subsidiary silver: "The committee believe that with our rapidly increasing popula tion the whole amount can in time be converted Into change money and held in dally use among the people, and with the greenbacks retired, and with no bank notes below $10, and silver certificates restricted to $5, it can be safely carried," and indicates further that the difference between the plan of redeeming the silver dollars once and melting the same and selling it as was done by Germany, and that of coining the silver dollars into subsid iary silver amounts to a matter of $300,000,000 in saving to the govern ment, if the plan of recoinage of sil ver dollars into minor coins is adopted. This plainly shows that by this plan of converting the silver dollar into subsidiary coin they hope to accom plish the destruction of the silver dol lar as real money and transform it into a token money which is redeem able in gold as completely as though they declared in this act that the sil ver dollar shall be specifically ex changeable for gold upon the option of the holder of the silver. After a study and contemplation of the principles involved ahd the pur poses proposed in the completed Fow ler bill, which has been sought to be given to the American people in sec tional doses from time to time in this congress, since the powers that rule it do not seem to be willing to attempt at this time to apply the entire treat ment with one radical operation, there ought not to be any misunder standing as to the primary motive which has been behind all of the con tinued assaults upon the real money of the American people for a quarter of a century. There is no longer any deception attempted upon the part of those who are continually pressing for greater personal privileges. It is the last ditch and the last fight for com plete corporation control of the finan cial system of the government. The battle has really never been as to whether our standard of value should be gold or silver or paper: whether our money should be yellow money or white money or green mon ey. The real battle has been as to whether the money of the country should be issued and controlled by the general government as declared in the constitution, or whether It should be Issued by private corporations for per sonal profit, power, and privilege The provisions of this bill which we are now considering, and which em powers the secretary of the treasury to coin the silver dollars into subsid iary silver, have not been suggested or requested by any department of the government. The secretary of the treasury and the director of the mint have recommended that the 15,000,000 ounces and over of silver bullion now in the treasury in excess of that re quired for the coinage of sufficient sil ver dollars to redeem the balance of HEADACHE At all drug rtorgs. JjLjL outstanding treasury notes of 1890 might profitably be coined into sub sidiary money. This amount of silver bullion converted into subsidiary coin would give us an increase of about $20,000,000 of such money. The secretary of the treasury further suggests that the limit of the country's stock of subsidiary coin should be raised to $120,000,000, which is sound policy, and there is no good business reason that can be given in opposition t this recommendation. But this reasonable recommendation of the secretary of the treasury will never satisfy the advocates of a system of branch banks and a monopoly of credit money. The advocates of the Fowler bill are logical in their attempts to have the government retire from cir culation as money all the silver cer tificates, silver dollars, greenbacks, and treasury notes, today amounting to something like $900,000,000 of real money. They know that the vacuum in our money supply which will be thus created will have to be supplied by an equal volume of credit money to be issued by the banks. They are anxiously urging this leg islation which fosters the addition of hundreds of millions of , bank-made credit money to our money supply be cause they know that it is their only escape from a return to a system cf bimetallism in this country. Eastern bankers, secretary of the treasury, comptrollers of the currency, southern democrats, and western populists are all agreed as to the fact that there is a constantly growing demand for an increase in the volume of our currency as the country increases in popula tion and expands in commerce. The sole question for us to determine now and the only one open for discussion is of what kind of money shall this increase consist? The principal difference between the present plan and the old state bank issues, under which suspension of pay ment by Individual banks was the or der of the hour, is the fact of the gen eral government's . supervision and guaranty and making them indirectly legal tender to the government for all purposes except duties upon Imports. This only raises the hope that, as at present, they will never be asked to redeem them at all except as they be come worn or mutilated. But all this will not make the act of redemption any easier. It only raises the hope that it will never be demanded. This is the only reasonable solution of the plan of those who advocate -making gold alone the final money of payment in this country and the use of credit bank notes to entirely supply the vast volume of trade that must continue to expand to Illimitable proportions, if the seeming destiny of this great coun try is to be finally fulfilled. The policy of this government should not be to contract the volume of its money by legislation, but rather to expand it, because only by building the base of its redemption money as broad as possible can it build the larg est superstructure of safe credit. The plan proposed by the committee on banking and currency Is entirely ex perimental. Its policy is one of mon opoly and concentration. Its chief supporters complain that it is not as centralizing in its tendency and ab solutely monopolistic In its note-issuing powers as they would make It were it not for political expediency. . The chairman of the committee on coinage, weights and measures has said that he would prefer a bill which would limit the note-issuing power to a few large and highly capitalized banks, with branches all over the country, absorbing through its tenta cles the profit that now remains to the individual banks in the small com munities. Indeed, he has said that he would himself prefer one great bank alone in New York city to monopolize the entire note-issuing function of the government. The policy has never been demanded by any political party or platform. It is purely an imperial istic financial policy. The policy of monopoly In note is sue, underlies and supports every em pire of Europe. It is the banking policy of the empire of Russia, of the empire of Germany, of the empire of Austria, and of the empire of Great Britain, attempted to be applied to free America. It is not the policy of the republic of France, which is the sound est financial government of Europe; which has always made it the founda tion of its financial policy to accumu late as much as possible of real mon ey, both gold and silver, as a base upon which to build the superstructure of her credit. There is no demand for it from the people, and to pass it now, between elections, when the people have had no opportunity to register their judgment and their verdict upon it at the ballot box, would be an act of political injustice which has no paralr lei in all our history upon financial questions, unless we except the act of the demonetization of silver Itself. (Loud applause on the democratic side.) H. W. RISLEY. ALMOST A FREE TRADER Enormoni Gift by Millionaires Destroys Individual Independence and Manly Self-Reliance I think one of the most discourag ing signs In our national political life is tlie grasp which selfish protected interests seem to have on congress especially the lower house. The dis position of that house to put the in terests of certain protected industries and great trusts before those of na tional honor is not pleasant to con template. How long the people will put up with such a condition of af fairs remains to be seen. It seems to me unfortunate that the opposition party is in such a state of disorgani zation at the present time, so. appar ently impotent. Cuba's fate seems to be in the balance. I am almost a straight out and out free trader. It seems as though we have reached that stage of national development where protected "infants" are no longer needed. It is positively disgusting to see these selfish, greedy trusts fight ing desperately for retention of pro tective duties in order that they may sell goods . cheap abroad at the ex pense of people at home. The sacred tariff will get some hard knocks be fore many years have passed, I venture . to predict. Tariff for revenue only is more rational than protection to giant "infants." Just now the American people are wondering how to protect themselves from these same "infants." Really this industrial transition,, in the midst of which we now are, is great in potentialities for weal or for woe, according as these great com bines In the future are controlled by government or control government. If state socialism ever comes in this country, it will be brought about by the capitalistic organizations. Every socialist welcomes new combinations as making it more easy for govern ment to assume control finally. Not that I am a socialist, for I am not, but there are certain tendencies in that direction that cannot be ignored. I saw a statement the other day that $107,000,000 had been given to educational institutions, philanthropic institutions, etc., during 1901, in the United States. I suppose that such philanthropy is better than the hoard ing of great fortunes by our rich men. Yet I wonder what the effect is to be upon the next generation. It is a good thing for our nation and for mankind that private munificence chooses the highest objects for its bounty. But how happens it that in this United States of America, that, after a little more than a hundred years of self-government, we have a group of multi-millionaires who can bestow such gifts as European princes never dreamed of that the "masses" have come to look upon gigantic for tunes and magnificent bequests as quite the proper thing. Are all the best things of life to be "given" by these modern Croesuses to "masses" that once boasted of independence? Has not government, in the creation of corporate privileges and in its pro tective policy, encouraged the build ing up of great fortunes? Is it true that we must not restrict individual enterprise? Do all individuals have equal opportunities so far as the law itself is concerned? What about the effect upon people of continually ac cepting gifts and looking for more? Which Is better, If you have to choose, a cultivated, refined people, without the spirit of self-reliant personal in dependence, or a people not so culti vated and refined, but thoroughly self reliant and independent? Does not our whole process of wealth produc tion and distribution tend to concen trate enormous fortunes in the hands of a few generous magnates, who, at their good pleasure, pose as great phil anthropists and "bestow" magnificent "gifts" for educational and philan thropic purposes? Suppose fortunes were smaller, better distributed in the hands of the multitude of substantial citizens, would not wealth be used with a greater sense of responsibility? Would not the constant aim be to build up an educational system the very corner stone of which would be manly self-reliance? These are questions to think about. Whither are we drifting? What changes are taking place in this Am erican society? I am not a pessimist, but if I have studied history aright, it seems . as though its lessons are very clear on this point that a na-5 tion of great fortunes, of concentrated wealth, is in a position where the great mass of the people come to de pend less and less upon themselveii for the cultured and refined Influence of civilization, and place a greater de pendence upon patrons and benefacr tors. As a result the national vitality is sapped, and in this country, where the method by which many fortunes have been accumulated will not meas ure up to the standard of the Sermon on the Mount, it seems to me that the bestowal of these fortunes in lavish endowments, tends to close people's eyes to the methods by which they have been acquired. In the olden time robber barons sometimes bought their way to heaven by founding monaster ies. The process is being revived save that more practical institutions than monasteries are being founded today by modern (Standard Oil) ba rons, etc. . . I think I should quit now. Nothing about the Philippines today save that my position is as in. the past. I be lieve that we should tutor them (the Filipinos) up to the point where they can take care of themselves it may be a generation, it may be not more than ten years. Until such time we must stay there, but I don't believe it right to cut loose and scuttle. Nor do I believe that we could have done so, in the past. It is in this last state ment that I differ from your position rather than in the first. We disagree as to the past, as to what might have been, rather than as to the future. I don't want to see any permanent rule over an unwilling people there that would be an utterly un-American pol icy and disastrous to ourselves. We should do by them as we set out to do by Cuba, unless we change our mind about Cuba and conclude to give her a dose of the economic starvation cure for the benefit of Mr. Oxnard. I do believe that it is high time that the party in power should declare some other policy toward the Philippines than the present drifting opportunist policy. The mere definite declaration of a policy, providing the policy be a rational one, may go far toward reas suring the people of those Islands. I know there are many republicans who are either afraid to declare a policy, or believe that the opportunist policy is the soundest one, seeing that we are venturing whither we know not but there are others who believe some more definite assurance should be given the people of the Islands. I am thoroughly in harmony with the clause or feature of the democratic congressional declaration, which says that we should stay in the islands just long enough to get the people there ready for a stable independent govern ment and then get out, with the ex ception of holding such naval bases as are necessary to conserve our grow ing interests in the orient. (The above article was received with this note): I wonder if you would be interested in a letter I lately received from an old friend. This man was born and educated a republican. He has a uni versity education and is now the head of the history, department of a flour ishing college and is thoroughly alive and up to date in his views. The pres ent trend of republican policy grows very distasteful to him, and I take it to be a good omen. He is a thinking man of the best type, and the '. fact that he sees the true situation encour ages me to believe that the time will shortly come when the people will re pudiate the present policy. If you can use any part of the quotation which I enclose as the views of a consistent re publican, do so. Suppose you are enjoying farm life, cattle, crops, and things. Very truly yours, I. H. HATFIELD, Lincoln, Neb. WEAK MEN Is your health worth a 2-cent stamp? If so, then write ua at once, enclosing a 2-cent stamp, for our absolutely free offer. We will send absolutely free our Perfection Electric Belt, the most unique and perfect Electric Appliance in the mar ket for the cure of nervous and sexual diseases. This offer 13 made In good faith for the purpose of introducing and advertising our methods of treat ing all chronic diseases. DON'T allow this opportunity to es cape you of regaining the health and vigor vhich have been sapped away. We also make a specialty of curing rheumatism, liver, kidney, varicocele, hydrocele, skin and bladder diseases. PROVIDENCE MEDICAL INSTI TUTE, 59 Dearborn St, Chicago, 111. MEMORIAL ADDRESS Reoserelt Tries to Set the Aeaaiatstratlen Bight, bat Makes a Betoa Cuba Libra Washington, D. C, May 31, 1902. (Special Correspondence.) The re publican leaders in the senate, having failed to set the administration right in regard to the cruelty practiced by our army in the Philippines, Roose velt had to take a bit in his teeth on Decoration Day. Perhaps it is only fair to say that he made as good a de fense of a bad case as could be ex pected. But the country desires some thing more than that. Roosevelt did say that every cruel act of our army in the Philippines should be pun ished, but he made the words seem perfunctory by the qualifying things which followed. For Instance, he fin ished his speech by saying: "All honor to them (the army in the Phil ippines) and shame and thrice shame if we fail to hold up their hands." He declared that for every act of cruelty there were innumerable acts of forbearance and kindness and gen eral magnamity. That's all very well for a speech, but where Is the proof of this general kindness and forbear ance? The administration has seen to it that we have not been able to hear the Filipinos side of the question from themselves. What we have heard of the cruelty practiced has come out by dint of questioning from democratic senators on the Philippine investigation com mittee. The administration and Its representatives have tried to brand the democrats as traitors and traduc ers of the powers that be because they dared to investigate the actual facts. The republicans have sought in every possible way to keep the country from knowing the facts in regard to the way the war department has conducted the campaign in the Philippines. Roose velt could do no better than to cite cases of lynching In this country and A PASTOR'S TROUBLE Trials Which Beset a Minister in Indian Territory For many long years the Rev. Wil liam R. Brock, of Provence, I. T., was burdened with troubles more than fall to the lot of the average man, but finally he was able to throw them off and now tells entertainingly how ho accomplished it. He says: "When I was a boy of about twelve years, I had what a boy Beldom has- rheumatism. I had been in bad health for some months and was taken out of school on account of it. But I kept getting worse and at one time could hardly get around. This I suppose, undermined my health and was the cause of the later troubles which af flicted . me. ' "Some sixteen years ago I developed a torpid liver and an enlarged spleen which finally caused a chronic diar rhoea. This in itself was very weak ening but, in addition to that, my stomach refused hearty food, I had a severe pain in my side almost all the time and, when I walked any dis tance, I became out of breath, with a feeling of burning at the heart. My head and limbs would ache fearfully, especially at night. Then my rheu matism came on again and, later, I had a dry, hacking cough which near ly drove me distracted. "I was under the care of two phy sicians but, although the tonics they gave me seemed to do me good for a while, the effect was only temporary Finally I was induced to try Dr. Wil liams' Pink Pills for Pale People by an advertisement in a paper which told of the cure of a case similar to mine. This was four years ago. I took them and eight boxes made me well. I am now well and strong and Dr. Williams' Pink Pills for Pale People have made me so." Mr. Brock took a medicine that at tacked his trouble at the root the blood and nerves. Poor blood and dis ordered nerves are at the seat of near ly all the ailments which afflict man kind, and Dr. Williams Pink Pills for Pale People have been proven to be a certain remedy for all diseases aris ing from this cause. Dr. Williams' Tink Pills for Palo People are sold at fifty cents a box or six boxes for two dollars and fifty cents, and may be had of all druggists, or direct by mail from Dr. Williams Medicine Co., Schenectady, N. Y. other exceptional cases of disregard of law in order to Justify the cruelty of our army in the Philippines. He ignored the fact that whatever cruelty has been practiced has been under the order and sanction of the war depart ment and its emissaries. The "kill and burn" order and the "water cure" are not Isolated acts which can be charged to the Individual. Of course every sold soldier and every other good citizen has a patriotic desire to see our army free from the stain of cruelty and unmllitary conduct, but the way to cure the evil is to punish the governmental heads which are re sponsible.. It goes without saying that the individual soldier? has no respon sibility and no recourse except to do as he is ordered by superior. Roosevelt had no principle to enun ciate. He had no policy to offer. He simply declared that we would, con tinue the extravagant and senseless and cruel policy which has character ized the administration of affairs In the Philippines until there are no more Fllpinos left to resist. He fell back upon the very weak theory that if our army were now withdrawn the Filipinos friendly to us would be mur dered. Up to date there is no reason to believe that there are any Filipinos friendly to American rule. And when It comes to a killing our army is bus ily exterminating thousands every month for the heinous crime of not be ing friendly to us. It was a very weak defense of a thoroughly rotten policy. Contract it with this from Senator Hoar: "Can you lawfully buy with money or get by brute force of arms the right to hold in subjugation and unwilling people and to Impose on them such conditions as you, not they. think best for them." That is the question for every American citizen to ask and then ponder Roosevelt s most recent declaration that: "When the Filipinos have shown their capac ity for real freedom by the power or self-government, then, and not till then, will it be possible to decide whether they are to exist independent ly of us or to be knit to us by ties of common friendship and interest." Roosevelt's Memorial Day speech did not do much to set the administra tion right with the people of the coun try. Roosevelt lacks in a marked de gree his predecessor's ability to sense the drift of public opinion and at least seem to go with the tide. The great problem with Cuba is to find something to live upon. Our military occupation and protection has drained the island dry of ready money. It has failed to re-establish the agri cultural interests which suffered so severely during the war. It is true that Havana is cleaner than ever be fore, but the effort to Americanize the semi-tropical cities of Cuba has been enormously expensive and much of machinery of municipal government is entirely unsulted to Cuban ideas. One of the first results of freedom in Ha vana is the prompt casting aside of about every military regulation which differed from the old regime. The Cu bans are a quiet, peaceable people even though they do become revolutionists on the subject of freedom and inde pendence. Of the agricultural sections of Cuba there is simply nothing to be said. General Wood spent thousands of dollars buying high-priced plows to be given to the Cuban farmers. They had no cattle and the plows were useless. Another big sum alleged to be spent for cattle was utilized for other purposes by the cattle buyers and so there was no relief. In a word the future of Cuba rests upon its abil ity to pull Itself together industrially and recover from American occupa tion. Democratic Press Bureau. A Speculation For Alfonso. Young Alfonso begins his reign with a treasury almost empty, but if he can sell a few more insurrections at $20,000,000 apiece he ought to be able to meet current expenses and per haps lav up something against a rainy day. Chicago Chronicle.
