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VOL. XIII.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, MARCH 27, 1902.
NO. 45.
LODGE CENSORSHIP
No Evidence Allowed to be Given Itefore
the Senate Committee Against Im
perialism Other Wash
ington News
Washington, D. C, March 24, 1902.
(Special Correspondence.) The sen
ate committee on the Philippines is
still acting the part of the censor that
I spoke of in my last letter. To say
that the rulings of Senator Lodge,
backed up by the other republican
members of the committee, are tyran
nical, is putting the case very mildly.
Whenever Senator Patterson or Sena
tor Carmack put a question to the wit
ness on the stand that the republican
members of the committee think
would likely bring out facts they de
sire to be kept secret, they promptly
refuse to allow the question or compel
the witness to answer.
Instances of this sort of action are
common. Each day when the com
mittee is in session for the purpose of
gathering information so as to act in
telligently on the formation of a gov
ernment in the Philippines, we hear
some question of import put by the
minority of the committee, and Sena
tor Lodge eagerly prevents its answer.
What is that committee for? Are
they to learn the facts before settling
on a form of government for our dis
tant possessions? Or are they only
gathered to hear testimony that will
put them more in the dark than they
are at present? But nothing can be
done. The rulings of the chairman
are arbitrary, and, be they ever so ar
bitrary, barked up, as he is, by a
large republican majority, he can rule
tyrannically with more ease than an
eastern satrap.
Senator Beveridge got himself in a
pretty hole the other day when ques
tioning General Otis, former comman
der of the American forces in the isl
ands. He asked General Otis were the
speeches of Senator Hoar distributed
at all in the Philippine islands. He
was answered affirmatively, and then
he asked what effect did the speeches
of the American anti-imperialists have
upon the feeling of the Filipino peo
ple. This question was promptly ques
tioned by another and less radical
member of the committee, Senator Al
lison, who thought it would be im
proper to go into what effect the
speeches of certain senators might
have had.
Senator Carmack declared that he
for one did not wish to be shielded by
his position as a senator from any
such inquiry. "I have publicly de
clared this warto be infamous and J
criminal, I do so now and accept full
responsibility for my utterances." He
declared with emphasis that he was
prepared to prove by unimpeachable
testimony of men who had achieved
distinction in the Philippines that the
speeches mad by republican senators
in support of this war had done more
mischief than all of the speeches made
against it. He was prepared to say
and he said "especially prepared"
to prove that the speeches of Senator
Beveridge in particular, had been
scattered broadcast throughout the
archipelago and had done more to ex
cite the hatred and hostility of the
people than anything else. Numerous
public utterances of the president of
the United States had the same effect.
He therefore welcomed the line of in
quiry proposed by Senator Beveridge
and objected to its exclusion.
Well, when Senator Carmack got
through that few minutes' speech.- Sen
ator Beveridge looked more like a
hunted Filipino than like an eager
republican questioner. He was glad
of the opportunity suggested by the
chairman, Lodge, to withdraw the
question, in spite of the protest of the
democratic senators. The minority
have become so tired hearing the
statement made that the anti-imperialists
in America had incited the Fili
pinos to carry on their war, that they
were willing to have the whole thing
feretted out and the statement brand
ed as a usual republican dodge.
The statement made by Senator Car
mack that the speeches of the imper
ialists had done more to incite the
Filipinos to continue the rebellion, as
they term it. than those made by the
democrats, is certainly a logical one.
Senator Beveridge's speeches were, I
know from a very reliable source no
less than Senor Rafael Del-Pan Fon
tela. formerly president of the bar as
sociation of Manila, and a learned and
distinguished man were printed in
Spanish and Tagalo and distribute
throughout the islands as emblematic
of what the Americans intended to do
with them. They were printed on large
posters and sent all about the archi
pelago as the policy to be pursued by
the Americans. His speeches glow
with description of the beauties of
colonial government, they picture the
Islands as American dependencies.
. And these descriptions have so incited
the Filipino liberty lovers that they
have taken a stand against such a
scheme. But withal, we must give
Beveridge credit for one thing. He is
frank! He is more honest to the Fili
pinos than most of his compatriots.
They promise the Filipinos that they
some day will become American states,
that each Filipino will be an American
citizen with all the rights as such,
while knowing in their hearts that
they mean to keep the islands as col
onies. Senator Beveridge states the
real position of the republicans and
we appreciate his frankness, although,
we despise his methods and policies.
General Miles is to be retired at the
earliest possible time. He has de
liberately declared before the senate
the plan adopted by Secretary Root is
approved by congress, he will resign.
It is a well-known fact that the ad
ministration and the one before it
Tine trlod nnd tviefl tr cpt -HH nf (!en
that the best general in the army, the
pride of our soldiery, should have
stood it as long as he has. So Secre
tary Root has planned a scheme that
would make Miles a nonentity, and he
very promptly threatens to resign if
the measure is approved. There' is no
probability that the measure will be
passed, but the administration intends
to get rid of him by whatever means
they can.
A meeting of the president's cabinet
was held on Friday and it has leaked
out that the Miles controversy was the
subject discussed. The decision reached
was that Miles is to be retired at the
earliest, possible date. He would be
retired immediately, but the admin
istration has a good many pet schemes
before congress and needs votes to
pass them.
Even the republican, leaders fear
any action by the chief executive on
this subject at this time. Senator Aid
rich, one of the republican leaders,
expressed his belief that the president
would do nothing in the matter. "If
he does," said he, "he will find that
General Miles has many friends both
in and out of congress and they will
be heard from very vigorously." Even
the man who introduced the Root bill
in the senate, General Hawley of Con
necticut, is opposed to it. He thinks
the country owes General Miles a debt
of gratitude for his objections to the
bill.
The senate passed the ship subsidy
bill substantially as reported by the
committee. Among the amendments
were those presented by the anti-trust
league which would have prohibited
the Standard Oil tank steamers from
receiving subsidy out of the provisions
of the bill, and the one presented by
Senator McLaurin (Miss.) to pay no
subsidy to any steamship line whose
officers, directors and stockholders
held any office elective or appointive
under the United States government.
Both of them were defeated by the
strict party vote. The anti-trust league,
in offering the amendment referred
to, stated that the oil steamers owned
by the Standard Oil company carried
no other freight or passengers, than
the Standard Oil company authorized,
and that they therefore did not come
within the provisions of the bill. But
the senate ruled otherwise. The bill
was passed by the republican side of
the chamber, with the exception of
five republican senators who voted
with the democrats and Senator Mc
Laurin (dem., S. C.) whovoted with
the republicans. The measure must
have been an obnoxious one, when
the republicans, with a large majority
in the last congress, could not pass
it, and this session five republicans
bolted and allied themselves with the
democrats. McLaurin's position on
the bill is easily understood. Since
he was given the control of federal
patronage in South Carolina, he has
consistently allied himself with the
republicans, although on previous oc
casions he declared his vehement op
lOfition to the same policies that he
now supports. It is another link in
the chain that Tillman forged when
he declared that McLaurin was bought
body and soul by Uhe republicans.
How things will creep out.
The senate also passed the anti-anarchy
bill as introduced by Senator
George Frisbie Hoar of Massachusetts.
The vote was not on partisan lines as
twelve democrats voted . with the re
publicans to pass the bill. It simply
provides that complicity before the
act s-hall be deemed to be an actual
perpetration. That is that anyone
connected or knowing of the plot to
kill the president, shall be deemed
equally guilty with the person doing
the act. It takes the question of trial
a1' punishment out of the hands of
the state authorities and places it un
der the federal control. This was the
principal opposition to the bill. Many
of the crponents declared that it was
violating the constitutional privileges
of the itate, and thus voted against it.
The iior.se was principally concerned
with the river and harbor appropria
tion bill, which carries with it the ap
propriation of an immense sum for
he improvement of rivers and har
bors and many back streams. The
amount appropriated by the bill will
sum up to $60,688,267, and many a dol
lar is given to those who backed down
on their beet sugar ideas. This is the
old bill that so smoothed the backs of
the minority in the last congress that
they allowed the Philippine tariff bill
to pass. Then at the last moment
when the bill was called up. the re
publican Senator Thomas Carter of
Montana arose and talked and talked
until the end of the session in order
to prevent its coming to a vote. He
did this successfully, and many disap
pointed members of the senate lived
to "cuss" Carter. The house also
heard the favorable report of the gen
eral Immigration bill.
The Post tried to play a smooth
trick on Hon. William Jennings Bry
an the other day and it failed to work
only because there was a vigilant man
on the Nebraska delegation. The Post
telegraphed Bryan that they desired
his opinion on the investigation of
election frauds in the south and Mr.
Bryan simply wired a reply as he un
derstood the message. The Post did
not state that they wanted his opinion
on the Crumpacker resolution, which
is almost a re-enactment of the old
Force bill of earlier days. Mr. Bryan
wired that he could -see no wrong In
Investigating the election frauds In
the south if they would also investi
gate them in other states. Not a word
was asked concerning his opinion of
the Crumpacker resolution. . Not a
word was hinted of the real measure.
Mr. Bryan's reply brought down . a
storm of criticism upon him, because
the Post had misrepresented him. The
Post got his opinion on investigating
the election frauds, and published his
reply as an opinion on the Crumpacker
THERE ARE OTHERS
Dignified Statesmen in Other Lands Than
Oars Forget the Rules of
! Propriety ,:
The United States senate is not the
only legislative body where members
occasionally forget their dignified po
sition and make use of the language of
the street. The Tillman-McLaurin in
cident of course is still fresh in the
public mind. However, the English
house of commons has recently been
the scene of Intense excitement over
discussion of the South African ques
tion,' and the lie has been passed quite
freely, sometimes with a qualifying
adjective usually expressed in print
by a dash, " ".
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman en
tered a vigorous protest against the
government's uttering "malignant
slanders" in calling the liberals "pro
Boers." He claimed these slanders
were used for party purposes. That
the government had been going from
blunder to blunder, but claimed im
munity from criticism and if this con
tinued it would follow "the precedent
of the evil days of the American war."
Mr". Chamberlain, colonial secretary,
said he deliberately accused Sir Henry
of losing no opportunity for slander
ing his countrymen, the soldiers and
government, and that the "malignant
slanders" had come from the opposi
tion side. Then the speaker inter
vened and said that the term "malig
nant slander" was unparliamentary,
whereupon Sir Henry and Mr. Cham
berlain withdrew the words.
Chamberlain proceeded and referred
to the Boers who are fighting on the
British side. John Dillon, the Irish
nationalist, interrupted by saying,
"they are traitors," and Chamberlain
retorted: "The honorable gentleman
is a good judge of traitors." Then con
fusion reigned for a few minutes. Dil
lon demanded a ruling on Chamber
lain's words. The speaker said: "An
honorable member spoke of soldiers
serving under the British flag as trai
tors. I deprecate the interruption and
I deprecate the retort of the other
member."
Mr. Dillon then said: "I will tell the
right honorable member that he is a
liar."
A dead silence followed this remark.
Such unparliamentary language
seemed to stun the house.
The speaker invited Mr. Dillon to
withdraw the expression. The latter
said: "I will not withdraw."
"Then I must name you," said the
speaker.
The government leader, A. J. Bal
four, then said: -
"I bes to move that Mr, Dillon be
suspended from service in the house."
The motion was carried, 348 to 48
votes.
Mr. Dillon immediately, by direction
of the speaker, left the house, amid
wild nationalist cheers, and Mr.
Chamberlain resumed his speech.
Mr. Dillon's suspension, under the
present rules, cannot exceed a week.
His offense would have been much
more sevrely dealt with had the new
rules been in force.
Somehow our English cousins have
a good deal yet to learn about the real
imperialism. Had Frye been in the
chair in the house of commons he
would simply have wiped Dillon's
name from the rolls and let it go at
that.
The Public Debt
The first "statement of the public
debt" under Secretary Shaw's admin
istration of the United States treas
ury has been printed and sent out
over the country. A few of the gen
eral items may be of interest to read
ers of The Independent.
DEBT, FEBRUARY 28, 1902.
Interest-bearing $ 937,021,160.00
On which int. ceased. 1,316,270.26
Bearing no interest... 391,580,488.38
' $1,329,917,918.64
Certificates and notes.. 816,075,089.00
Aggregate $2,145,993,007.64
The interest-bearing debt and that
on which interest has ceased since
maturity, includes the outstanding
bonds of various issues, which need
not be enumerated here. The item of
debt bearing no interest, however,
should be noticed:
BEARING NO INTEREST.
U. S. notes (greenbacks). $346,681 ,016.00
Old demand notes ' 53,847.50
Nat. Bank notes (re
demption ac.) 37,971,313.00
Fractional currency 6,874,311.88
Total ....$391,580,488.38
Prior to 1879 the treasury reports
showed something over fifteen mil
lions of outstanding fractional cur
rency. Which was issued under the acts
of July 17, 1862: March 3, 1863; and
June 30, 1864. But on June 21, 1879,
an act was passed authorizing the de
duction of $8,375,934 from the amount
outstanding, being estimated as lost
or destroyed; and the remaining $6,
874,311.88 has been carried on the
treasury books ever since as a non
interest bearing debt of the United
States, i Nearly 23 years have elapsed
since that act was passed. Now, if in
15 years, $83 out of every $152 out
standing was estimated as lost or de
stroyed, what has happened to the
other $69 in the last 23 years? There
are no fractional notes in circulation.
Why not wipe this item off the slate?
And why continue the nonsense of as
suming that there are 346 millions of
greenbacks outstanding? It Is a rare
sight to see One of the early issues,
and it ought to be possible to make a
tolerably accurate estimate of the
amount lost or destroyed, which un
doubtedly reaches up into the millions
of dollars.
The gold and silver certificates are
' - i - i -1 - . .
house certificates of so much coin on
deposit. This item is as follows:
Gold certificates. ....... .. .$330,258,089
Silver certificates . ... 450,471,000
Sherman notes. ..... ..... . 35,346,000
Total
To cover this amount of
United States treasury has
to pay it with, shown by
tary's report as follows:
TRUST FUNDS.
Gold coin.. ...... .........
Silver dollars. ........ . . . .
Silver dollars of 1890......
Silver bullion of 1890,....
$816,075,089
"debt" the
trust funds
the secre-
$330,258,089
450,471,000
13,963
35,332,037
Total .......... i ... .. .. .$816,075,089
The total amount of money in the
United States treasury which really
belongs to the United States is as fol
lows: t r'-v
Reserve fund . . J . . . .$150,000,000.00
Available cash balance. 175,361,866.65
Total ....$325,361,866.65
The total amount of money in the
United States treasury and in na
tional bank depositories, including re
serve and trust funds, is as follows:
In the treasury... $1,109,218,959.65
In the banks.....!.... 113,433,946.65
Total .. . . . . . . .... . . . $1,222,652,906.30
The Anarchy Bill
After an extended discussion in the
senate the bill' to tfunish anarchy was
passed, fifteen senators voting in the
negative. TheV bill provides , that any
person within the United States who
shall wilfully, and maliciously kill the
president or any officer on whom' the
duties of president may devolve, or
any sovereign of a foreign country, or
shall attempt to kill any of ; the per
sons named, shall suffer death; that
any person who shall aid, abet, advise
or counsel the , killing of any of the
persons named, or shall conspire to ac
complish their death, shall be impris
oned not exceeding twenty. years; that
any person who shall threaten to kill
or advise or counsel another to kill
the president, or any official on whom
the duties of president may, devolve,
shallbe imprisoned not exceeding ten
years; that any person who shall wil
fully, aid in the escape of any person
guilty of any of the offenses men
tioned shall, be deemed an accomplice
and shall be punished as a principal.
The secretary, of war is directed to de
tail from the regular army a guard of
officers and men to protect the presi
dent, "without any unnecessary dis
play," and the secretary is authorized
to make regulations as to the dress,
arms and equipment of such guard.
Benevolent - Assimilation.
What has been the course of this
philanthropic and humanitarian and
civilizing power over there with re
gard to the. Moros? You have not
dared go to them , with any show of
force. You have bootlicked around
and even subsidized them by giving to
those datos and to the Sultan of Sulu
a salary from our treasury to keep
the peace and let us pretend to own
them. You leave the Mohammedan
fighters severely alone and seize upon
the fair provinces of Luzon where
there is an opening for your carpet
bagger to get in his fine work. You
provide the machinery, backed by the
bayonet, by which these poor wretches
(negroes, you call them) are to be
placed where when you squeeze any
money out of 'them you can arrange to
distribute it according to your own
sweet will. But it is not in your pol
icy to invade the dominion of the
Sultan of the Sulus, because you would
be met in every bush by a man who
would throw a boloor a bullet into
you. and therefore you leave that
problem to settle itself hereafter.
You stick to the part of the archi
pelago which will afford means of
robbery an opportunity to steal. Hay
ing had a little experience in Cuba
with your carbetbag vermin, the coun
try knows what to expect, and having
had eight years' experience in South
Carolina with carpetbag vermin, from
1868 to 1876, I know whereof I speak,
and that is when political influence
sends into any conquered country out
siders to govern it the first thing they
do is to' stick their hands into the
pockets of the prostrate people and
steal all in sight.
Governor Taft himself admits that
we are going to be confronted by the
danger of having improper officers sent
there. He realizes it already, and if
he would be open and frank I expect
he has already caught some of these
scoundrels, but it would not be a good
thing, you know, to ventilate it in the
United States just now. Senator Till
man. - "
' - Foreign Trade
The treasury statement of imports
and exports of the United States for
the calendar year 1901 shows that the
total Imports amounted to $880,421,056,
an increase of $51,271,341 over the
year 1900 ; and that the total exports
were $1,465,380,919, a falling off of
$12,565,194 compared with the previous
year. The exports of manufactures
amounted to $395,144,030, against
$441,406,942 during the same period of
1900 a falling off of $46,262,912. The
percentage of manufactures in the to
tal of exports declined from ,30.38 in
1900 to 27.48 in 1901. On the other
hand, the exports of agricultural prod
ucts rose in value from $904,655,411 in
1900 to $940,246,488 in 1901 a gain of
$35,591,077, thus largely offsetting the
loss In manufactures. The percent
age increased from 62.26 to 65.38. The
decline in the exports of copper, not
including ore, amounted to $24,007,711;
and in fanufactures of iron and steel,
to $27,093,683.
Our readers Intending to put out a
strawberry patch should send for price
PIGMY STATESMANSHIP
It Spends Hundreds of Millions In Useless
Foreign Wars and Leaves an Em
. plre at Home JLylng Waste .
When it is considered that here in
the United States we have a vast ter
ritory of arid land, estimated by gov
ernment engineers at . about 1,000,000
square miles, covering seventeen stat
es and territories, or about one-third
the entire area of the United States,
we may understand the need to this
section of extensive irrigation works.
Such works, allowing one hundred
years for their completion, according
to the authority of government engi
neers, can be constructed that will
store 266,300 acre-feet of water at a
maximum cost of $5.37 per acre foot,
which would amount to an annual ex
penditure of $1,430,031, while the cost
of maintenance for them will average
about 1 per cent per annum of the
cost of construction. The value of
the water stored would return the cost
of construction and maintenance in
an average of three years, not to men
tion the increase in the value of the
lands throughout arid regions.
According to these figures it will be
seen that a vast system of irrigation
containing in the aggregate 26.630,000
acre-feet of water, could be established
and maintained at a total cost of $144,
433,131, covering a period of one hun
dred years in time; and when com
pleted would last for ages.
When it is remembered that in the
three years just passed, this govern
ment has spent more than double this
sum of money in setting aside all the
judgment of history; violating all the
traditions of the past that liberty-loving
people have established, and un
dermining the fundamental laws of
justice by adherence to which the
progress of this nation astonished the
world, then we may understand to
what a dwarfed pigmy modern states
manship has degenerated. And when
we compare the results of the two;
when on the one hand we view the
blood-stained fields; the emblem of
our liberty dragged in the mire of
conquest and injustice; the widowed
mothers and the orphaned children;
the maimed fathers and the diseased
sons, and the nameless and number
less graves in distant lands; when we
see the millions of wealth under which
labor has groaned to produce, burned
and destroyed; while we blush as we
stand, humiliated before the despots of
the world, acknowledging their judg
ment of men as correct, and witness
the blackest pages of our history and
when on the other hand we might have
beheld millions of men happily em
ployed, the peaceful valleys burdened
with smiling vegetation, the fruitful
orchards and vineclad hills, fruitful
with delicious fruits and here and
there over this vast domain the happy
homes of true American sovereigns,
where love and sweet contentment
hold their jubilee, then we have a
hint of what the unfoldments of time
may bring. Then we may know
that the memory of those who caused
the first shall be buried in eternal
oblivion, and the statesmen who
brought the latter held in grateful
remembrance by myriads of men in
ages yet to be.
I need not in this paper attempt to
show the best methods of building
reservoirs, nor just where they should
be located to accomplish the best re
sults. These are details that can best
be arranged by government engineers
whose lifelong study best qualifies
them for such knowledge. But I may
without overstepping the bounds . of
modesty suggest a few points with re
spect to the general work, its main
tenance and the most equitable man
ner of distributing the benefits. For
if no different method is to be pur
sued in the future than in the past,
then the results of the works, viewed
in comparison with the enormous ex
penditure may be of questionable
value.
First, then, it is important that this
work be undertaken, established
maintained, owned and controlled by
the general government. Briefly for
these reasons: The vastness of the
territory, covering seventeen states
and territories; the enormous expendi
ture; the avoidance of interstate com
plications and litigation, such as is
bound to occur with either private or
state control; the more likelihood of
uniform regulations; the greater eco
nomy; the greater chances for jus
tice, and for the further reason that
many millions of acres of the lands in
the arid regions belong to the gov
ernment, while in the state of Wyom
ing alone the government holds title
to 90 per cent of the soil. The ques
tion of litigation between states alone
is important. This state has com
plained of Colorado monopolizing the
waters of the South Platte; Utah has
protested against the appropriation by
the state of Wyoming of the waters of
the Bear river, which involves the in
terests of irrigators in Utah, while
Wyoming irrigators in turn have suf
fered from the drain of the Laramie
river by Colorado parties.
I cannot refrain from making a
few suggestions relative to the con
duct of the government In building
irrigation works and reservoirs. This
immense enterprise might be com
passed without any tax upon the peo
ple and without bonding the govern
ment for a doFar. Let men for once
cease to believe the absurdity that the
dollar is the measure of values like a
yard stick might measure cloth. In
stead of the quantity of dollars or vol
ume of money in use. Let them cease
to hug the delusion that money must
be made of a precious metal. Let
them understand that money, what
jvavhp. material of which ft la made,
resentative of so much stored-up labor,
and the whole problem is solved. Even
though we might admit the absurdity,
for the sake of argument, that the
value of gold is in no wise affected by
the coinage demand for it, still no one
who respected his Intelligence would
assert that the gold in the earth is of
any value. It, then, must follow that
whatever value it does possess 5s fixed
by the amount of labor employed in
bringing it forth and refining it. In
the last analysis, therefore, it is la
bor that has given it value. The gold
is the representative of so much
stored labor, t Now, the most rabid
advocate of "sound money" the most
blatant of 100-ient dollar men will
agree with a piece of paper printed by
the government, signifying that a stip
ulated sum of gold has been deposited
for its redemption, is "just as good
as gold." ;
Now, then, tell me by what process
of reasoning they convince themselves
after admitting that the value of
gold is only the value of so much
stored labor why a piece of paper
stipulating that . so much labor had
been performed in building irrigation
works is not as good as a bit of paper
stipulating that a certain sum of gold
had been deposited for its redemp
tion, and that a certain amount of la
bor had been performed in giving that
gold its value.
But the 100-cent dollar man says,
"You have no means of redemption."
Why not? As a matter of fact you do
not eat or wear your gold, but you re
deem it as soon as you get for it food
and clothing and shelter. And so, as
you redeem your gold in food and
clothing and other necessaries, just
so would you redeem your certificate
stipulating that so much labor had
been performed, for the benefits of the
irrigation works that is, in food and
clothing and shelter. And so, after
the government had so redeemed all
its checks or paper in supplying to
the people the fruits of the works their
hands had made, it " might cancel as
paid off all this money, and the bur
den of building the works would nev
er be felt. For instance, if a partic
ular resrevoir for the storage of water
were constructed costing $100,000, if
such a plan were adopted, the govern
ment would issue $100,000 in United
States notes. As has been shown such
works return the cost of construction
in an average of three years. These
notes, therefore, would have as a basis
for their redemption a magnificent
government irrigation works, and
within three the government would
have received them back in pay for
the benefits of irrigation conferred
and could cancel them. In the mean
time they would be circulating' among
the . people just as other money, and
would stimulate enterprise to that ex
tent. But as there would, be no profit in
such a system of currency for bond
sharks and money lenders, and as gov
ernment in this infantile civil izatlon
is a compact of a few gentlemen for
the purpose of exploiting the labor and
profiting by the "ignorance of the de
luded masses, we must be patient un
til the 100-cent dollar men and those
who want money "good in Europe"
awaken from their : dormant state.
The effect of such a system, it
seems to me, would most conform to
the highest principles of equity and
justice. It, would destroy the, oppor
tunity of speculators and would ap
portion its benefits among the set
tlers In exact ratio to the payments
for such benefits. Or, to put It the
other way, each settler would pay to
the government just in proportion to
the value of the benefits' received. Such
a system would prevent the disgrace
ful and brutal scrambles we now wit
ness whenever the government opens
by new territory for settlement.
Irrigation in its complete sense is
one of those reforms that must grow
more popular from year to year. Res
ervoirs along our great water courses
will prove the greatest and most
profitable improvements to them in
adding to their beauty; In mitigating
the dangers from floods; in increasing
the volume of water, in summer and
fall, improving the opportunities for
navigation In moving crops at cheaper
rates, and in affording a supply of
water for Irrigation.
Irrigation throughout our arid re
gions would encourage the building
of homes there. If governed by the
general principles here laid down, it
would have a tendencr to relieve the
congestion of cities, even reducing In
the cities much of the burden the la
borers there now bear; and it could
be accomplished without burdening
the people either by bonds of taxa
tion. If,, as some say, war is a good
thing because it puts money in circu
lation, Irrigation would be better, for
it would not only put money In circu
lation, but it would leave as the re
sult of Its expenditures a prosperous
and happy people, with happy homes,
fruitful valleys and teeming groves,
where war can leave in its sorry train
naught but blood-stains, brutality, dis
honor and the degradation of those
engaged in it.
A nation that possesses these bless
ings happy homes and a free people
is invulnerable against the attacks of
any foe. Indeed, no enemy would be
sufficiently foolhardy to attack It. But
"men do not fight In defense of board
ing houses." - Let that nation be on its
guard where the people are restive and
restless and without homes. ' '
Irrigation would transform what is
now arid into arable land. Where
now is desert waste, we should soon
see a land, blossoming with life, and
beauty. If established with the sole
aim to better the condition of men,
rather than sharks, where we now
find shacks and huts,' we would soon
have happy homes and prosperous
towns. It would be a lasting monu
ment to the wise statesmanship that
established it. It would prove the in
dex pointing to realms of peace and
THE PHILIPPINES
How we Got Into the Muddle and a Prac
tical Way Oat Let the Natives Make "
Their Own Government
Hon. Champ Clark says: "The vital
issue before the American people U
this, 'What shall be our permanent
policy in the Philippines?' It goes to
the root of our institutions. A greater
question was never debated among
men, for upon its proper determina
tion depends the perpetuity of the re
public" Mr. Clark is a representative
in congress from Missouri. New York
Journal, March 4, 1902.
He has one great merit, he goes to
the question directly, "What shall we
do with the Philippines," without talk
ing indefinitely about imperialism. But
the difflculity with his argument is.
that he furnishes no answer to his
question no policy. lie simply criti
cises the republicans. He calls at
tention to the fact that McKInlpy
changed bis mind from "forcible an
nexation is criminal aggression" to
"benevolent assimilation." Mr. Clark,
in furnishing no policy, is like the
other democrats. What we most need
is some sensible or practical plan of
managing the Philippines, now that we
have them on our hands. We not only
have them, but we made an agree
ment with Spain to give her the samo
rights and privileges of trade as we
ourselves enjoy, for the period of ten
years!
The 4th article of the treaty read?:
"The United States will for the term
of ten years from the date of the ex
change of ratifications of the present
treaty, admit Spanish ships and mer
chandise to the ports of the Philippine
islands' on the same terms as the
ships and merchandise of the United
States."
Article 3 reads: "Spain cedes to
the United States the archipelago
known as the Philippine islands. The
United States will pay to Spain the
sum of twenty million dollars ($20r
000,000) within three months after the
exchange of the ratifications of the
present treaty." What have we got
ten for our twenty millions?
The secretary of war, in his recent
annual report, says: "The most evi
dent and striking element of wealth
in the Philippine islands consists of
its forests and that but a small part
of this area is in private ownership
and that there are probably between
40,000,000 and 50,000,000 acres of for
est land which formerly belonged : to
the crown of Spain, and, by the treaty
of Paris became the property of the
United States. Pine, cedar, mahog
any, and hundreds of hard woods, val
uable for dye woods, rubber and gut
tapercha trees exist in immense quan
tities." - ...
Besides the rights of the United
States and of our people, the great
powers of Europe and their subjects
have interests there which need to be
protected. These Interests have been
accumulating for three hundred yeais.
Europeans have been trading there,
more or less, all these years and this
commerce cannot be stopped without
great damage. ,
We are especially under obliga
tions to Spain which are vaguely re
ferred to by the democrats in their
substitute. They propose not only to
occupy and govern the archipelago un
til the people thereof have established
a stable government, but "until suffic
ient guaranties have been obtained for
the performance of our treaty obliga
tions with Spain," for what? "for the
safety of those inhabitants who have
adhered to the United States and fof
the maintenance and protection of U
rights which have accrued under their
authority." Now, in this connection,
what are our obligations to Spain?
Coming back to the 4th article, wo
have agreed with Spain to hold th
islands f or at least ten years and give
her the same rights and privileges of
trade as we ourselves enjoy. We
might make the same agreement with
all the powers of Europe, on condition
that they take no more or attempt to
take more. This would enable us to
withdraw our &fmy from the islands.
Whatever we may do, we are obliged
to keep our agreement with Spain.
This is the most unfortunate part of
the business.' We hae gone so far
that we cannot go back. If we attempt
to go ahead alone, we shall bear all
the expense and have little more ad
vantages than any other nation, so
fr as trade is concerned. If all the
powers of Europe and America should
act together the expense could be di
vided. There is a precedent for tbl3
in our affairs with China. We are
acting In conceit with Great Britain
and the other powers for an "open
door" in China. Why not make some
such arrangement as this for the Phil
ippines? This would give us equal
trade, although not free trade in the
east. China has not opened her doors
to free trade with all nations, but
she has opened her.ports to all nations
on the same terms, recently including
the . United States.
The argument for sending an army
to the Philippines, after Dewey had de
stroyed the fleet of Spanish warships,
was, that, if we did not take possession
the Germans or British would. This
idea prevailed and kept our army
there. At the time we might have
made some arrangements with other
nations interested to hold the islands,
until the native people could establish
their own government and decide for
themselves what they wanted. It is
not too late to do this now. If we
had made the arrangement at once,
one battleship, to watch things, would
have been enough to leave there. Thl3
would have left the native people free
to fight out their own differences, with
the understanding that they could fight
as much- as they. , pleased, provided
they did not injure the persons or
property of foreigners.-
In 1898. when Dewey entered Manila
w