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VOL. XIII.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, MARCH 20, 1902.
NO. 44.
STIFFENED THEIR BACK BONES
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Bryan's Visit to Washington bad a Magical
.Effect. Suppression of Kvidence
Concerning' Affairs in th
Philippines.
Washington, D. C, March 17, 1902
(Special Correspondence.) Col. Wil
liam Jennings Bryan was in Washing
ton on Thursday and Friday of this
week and his presence here has
strengthened the position of the demo
crats on almost every conceivable po
sition. . It changed them from a wav
ering body, without a definite policy,
to a party united on all the political
questions that surround us. If there
are any of the readers of The Inde
pendent who think the power of that
greatest American is waning, they
should have seen the reception given
him on the very floor of the house.
The house was busy with the morning
hour, when Colonel Bryan entered un
accompanied and instantly the floor
was astir. Five seconds later there
could not be seen a democratic mem
ber in his seat all of them had gath
ered in the cloak room where the late
presidential nominee was holding an
informal reception. Even the speaker
got down from his seat and came to
the room to greet the leader of his
political opponents. Business was al
most entirely suspended until the
house could get over the stir caused
by his entrance. He arrived in Wash
ington on Thursday morning after a
tour of the east, where he has been re
ceiving magnificent receptions, and
almost immediately came to the home
of your correspondent, where he. on
most occasions, makes his headquar
ters while in Washington. After a
close conversation with that young
and rising statesman, Senator Edward
Ward Carmack, at which the future
policy of the party was discussed, he
went to the capitol and here he re
ceived the reception which I have re
ferred to above.
I said that his visit has strength
ened the party. It has united them.
It has caused them to think that they
should be united in all of their actions
on the floor of congress, for in unity
there is strength. He has worked for
the favorable report of the resolution
passed by the house, to secure the
election of United States senators by
direct vote of the people. He secured
unity on this question, and the prob
ability is, that if it ever comes to a
vote upon the floor of the senate, it
will come very near passing. He has
done more to secure a vici. yry this fall
for the democrats in the congressional
elections than was believed possible.
I say that he has done more because
he has awakened them to realize that
victory can be secured if they will only
work in harmony.
He left here on Friday for Harris
burg, Pa., where he addressed a very
large and enthusiastic meeting on Fri
day evening. From there he will at
tend the funeral of the late ex-Gov-rrnor
John Peter Altgeld, who died
during the past week.
About the most interesting thing be
fore congress at the present time, is
the testimony that is being taken on
the Philippine question. Both the
senate and house committees on in
sular affairs are busily engaged in
hearing testimony upon the conditions
in the Philippines.
The senate committee is being held
In check by the rule of Senator Lodge,
the Mark Hanna of the present admin
istration. As a proof of it, let me
cite you some testimony taken by the
committee:
General Hughes on the 5th inst. told
the senate committee on the Philip
pines that the Filipino forces would
have been of but little assistance if it
had been necessary to capture Manila
from the Spaniards by assault.
"The capture of that city was by
prearrangement between General Mer
ritt and Admiral Dewey, and the
Spanish commander, was it not?" Mr.
Patterson asked.
"I know nothing about that." re
sponded General Hughes.
Senator Patterson, after reading
irom tnr report ot ueneral Utts, m
which he had stated that with the
navy on one side and the insurgents
on the other, the Spaniards had been
bottled up in Manila, remarked that
this statement did not coincide with
that of General Hughes.
"Why not?" sharply asked the gen
eral. Senator Beveridge objected to this
line of testimony, and Senator Lodee,
addressing Senator Patterson with
some degree of irritability, said:
"You must not ask General Hughes
to criticise his superior officer, his
reports, or anything else."
General Hughes: "General Otis is
strong enough to stand criticism."
Mr. Patterson disclaimed that he
was criticising General Otis, to which
General Hughes retorted: "Then you
are trying to criticise me."
"I am only trying to reconcile the
differences between you and General
Otis." answered Senator Patterson.
"If there are any differences be
tween General Otis and myself, and
you will point them out. I will try to
set them right." replied General
Hughes with some warmth of feeling.
General Hughes gave further testi
mony before the senate Philippine
commission on the 6th. Mr. Patterson,
of Colorado, resumed the line of ques
tioning which led to the sharp col
loquy given above the day before. In
an endeavor to establish the fact- that
the Filipino army had effectively held
the Spanish army within its lines in
Manila previous to the arrival of the
American forces, Mr. Patterson re
ferred to the surrender of 2,000 Span
ish troops to the insurgent forces in
July. 1898. General Hughes said that
the Incident would only make him be
lieve that the Filipinos had cut off the
to the motive of General Otis in re
quiring the withdrawal of Aguinaldo's
troops from Manila to the line desig
nated by General Merritt. Senator
Beveridge objected, saying that it was
not fair to ask General Hughes what
General Otis meant.
Senator Carmack and Senator Cul
berson claimed the right to ask the
question, and Senator Patterson in
sisted that any senator has a right
to ask a witness respectfully any ques
tion pertinent to the subject under dis
cussion. Senator Lodge ruled that,
personally, he had no objection to the
question, but he did object to an offi
cer's criticising a superior.
Senator Culberson said he wanted to
announce his absolute dissent from
the proposition that a committee of
congress is precluded from asking a
question on this subject the answer to
which might be a criticism of a su
perior officer.
Reverting to his conference in Ma
nila, General Hughes said he was un
able to get Aguinaldo's representatives
to define to him what concessions they
desired short of absolute independence
although they insisted that they must
have something definite to take back
to the 30,000 men who were virtually
investing the city, because, unless they
did, they would be unable to hold
them in check.
"You knew at the time," inquired
Senator Patterson, "that you could not
grant what they were asking?"
"I was unable to get them to decide
what they wished, except absolute in
dependence, which, of course, we were
not authorized to give," responded
General Hughes.
Senator Patterson: "Do you want
this committee to understand that
these commissioners,' representing the
Philippine army, did not want inde
pendence, if it was accompanied by
the withdrawal of the American fleet?"
General Hughes: "I want you to
understand that they wished protec
tion." Senator Patterson: "I will ask you
to answer my question, 'yes,' or 'no.' "
This nettled General Hughes some
what, who turned to the chairman,
Senator Lodge, and asked if he was
bound "to answer according to the
gentleman's dictation."
Senator Lodge, with much emphasis,
replied: "No; you can answer the
question in your own way." The sen
ator said the committee had no right
to dictate to the witness how he shall
answer.
No further proof than the forego
ing is necessary to show that Senator
Lodge is at the head of an "obstruc
tion committee"' the sole object of
which is to suppress the truth about
the dark deeds that were perpetrated
by the agents of the administration of
Mr. Roosevelt's predecessor, just af
ter the capture of Manila. No won
der the senator objected so strongly
to his colleague's proposition to ap
point a sub-committee on the relations
between the Philippines and the Unit
ed States. The minority in the senate
has no rights nowadays that a mili
tary satrap from the orient is bound
to respect. Under Mr. Lodge's pro
tection and encouragement the man
wearing shoulder straps and brass
buttons is not compelled to answer
questions that might incriminate the
party in power. The committee is do
ing the work for which It was created
with a disregard for public opinion
that amounts to contempt. It is dif
ficult to see just how long this sort of
thing is to continue. Here is a United
States officer, called to the stand to
tell the members of the committee the
status of affairs in the Philippines, so
that they may work upon a form of
;;overnment for the islands, declines
to answer the questions of a watchful
minority, and he is protected in his
insolence by a tyrannical and satrapi
cal senator, whose only claim to great
ness is that he is a personal friend of
the president and as a member of the
majority. How long will it continue?
If the committee is to do the woiic
assigned, let them know what is doing
in the islands. If they are to do the
work, let them know the facts or let
the republicans announce that they
are going to rule the islands as they
please and will brook no interference
with their policy. If this is true, let
the committee be discharged. But if
the committee, among whose num
bers are the brains of the senate, are
to study the situation, let them know
the facts. This cannot be done as long
as Lodge will allow witnesses to avoid
questions for 'fear of injuring the
status of the republican party.
Secretary Long has resigned! He
said that he would never resign while
under fire. Well, the American people
were willing to have a lull on the fir
ing line in order to get rid of him.
He is the man who has plotted and
planned to "cabal" successfully, and
backed up by a republican majority
in the congress, he has escaped a
searching investigation. His succes
sor is Representative William H.
Moody of Massachusetts and a close
personal friend of the president. Wil
liam A. Rodenberg. a member of the
civil service commission, has also re
signed. He was not in accord with the
position of the president upon the
question of civil service, and as the
r -publicans had so gerrymandered his
state as to make his old congressional
district surely republican, he has gone
back home to fix his fences.
The senate committee on lnter
oceanic canals has reported favorably
the Hepburn bill providing for the
building of the Nicaraguan canal. The
only adverse vote was that of the late
Boss. Marcus Aurelius Hanna, a Unit
ed States senator from Ohio. Mark
favors the Panama canal for many
reasons, he says. Perhaps there is a
rake-off to be had with, the French
owners of the Panama rights. Who
knows? . ; -v.' ,
The supreme court has acted upon
the suit brought to" test the validity of
THE INCOME TAX
A Better Plank for the Democratic Party
Than "A .Tariff for Ke venue Only"
go Forward, not Back
ward. Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson believes
that tariff ought to be the paramount
issue in the election of the next house
of representatives. He was vice
president under Grover Cleveland from
1893 to 1897, and candidate for vice
president with Mr. Bryan in 1900. He
recalls that the revenue tariffs of 1846
and 1857, when the democrats were in
power; then the republican protcetive
(or Morrill) tariff of the civil war;
then the democratic platform of 1876,
upon which Samuel J. Tilden ran as
a candidate for president and which
demanded "that all custom house tax
ation shall be only for revenue;" then
the democratic platform of 1884, upon
which Cleveland ran and was elected
the first time, as president, and which
demanded, "That federal taxation shall
be exclusively for public purposes and
shall not exceed the needs of the gov
ernment economicaly administered;"
then the democratic platform of 1892
upon which Cleveland ran the third
time and was elected the second time,
as president, and which declared as a
fundamental principle of the demo
cratic party that "the federal govern
ment has no constitutional power to
collect tariff duties except for the
purposes of revenue only, and the col
lection of such taxes shall be limited
to the necessities of government," that
is, no tariffs for protection. He omits
the campaign of 1888, when Cleveland
ran the second time and was defeated,
although he represented the same old
doctrine of "tariff for revenue only."
He mentions as a fact that Tilden was
elected in 1876, but he does not men
tion the fact that Rutherford B. Hayes
served as r. osident in lieu of Mr.
Tilden. He does not mention the
campaign of 1880 when Gen.. Hancock
was the democratic candidate for presi
dent and that the general said that
"the tariff was a local issue, although
the democrats had treated it as a na
tional issue since 1846." Nor does he
mention the fact that Hancook was
defeated and Garfield was elected", the
democrats then as always, since 1846,
advocating a tariff for revenue only.
(N. Y. Journal, March 3, 1902.)
In reply to Mr. Stevenson we might
say:
Nothing would do the people of the
United States so much good as a grad
uated income tax.. Instead of a tariff
for revenue only we need an income
tax for revenue only. We are collect
ing five hundred million dollars ($500,
000,000) annually through the custom
houses and the internal revenue sys
tem, which are taxes falling on con
sumption instead of wealth. We are
taxing the people in proportion to what
they consume instead of taxing them
in proportion to their wealth. Demo
crats ought to be giving up their old
dogma of tariff for revenue only and
substituting an income tax for revenue
only. Republicans ought to be cutting
down the high tariffs on trust-made
articles and raising the income taxes
on milionaires. Our public men are
making a mistake in trying to revise
the tariff laws, without first putting
an income tax law upon the statute
book. This is the mistake of both
political parties, as well as all of the
humanitarian parties, including the so
cialists, the prohibitionists and the
Georgites.
Henry George wrote a volume for
the purpose of showing that the na
tional government could be supported
by a tax upon land values. He pro
posed to exempt buildings and all
other Improvements on land, and to
let the whole weight of taxation fall
upon land values. He was so, certain
that this could be done and that it
was practical that he wrote another
volume for the purpose of showing
that all tariff duties ought to be abol
ished and his land tax substituted.
This meant free trade as well as a new
system of taxation. His system found
many advocates: but it will fail, if it
can be shown that the land tax will
not support even the government at
Washington. He proposed to support
not only the local municipal govern
ments, by his system, but the national
government as well. Before it can
go into operation as to the national,
it must first be put into operation with
respect to the municipal governments;
and before it can be applied to any
municipality, a law must be passed by
the legislature of a state, authorizing
municipalities to separate land values
from the values of the buildings and
other improvements. This has not
been done as yet, although Mr.
George's plan has ben before the coun
try for twenty years. This shows that
there is not much popular confidence
in the plan. Therefore if we wait for
the plan to be put in operation for the
support of the national government,
we will wait forever; if we wait even
for it to go into operation for the
support of municipalities or other lo
cal governments, we shall wait a long
time. It ought, however, to be tried
at once in some local taxing commu
nity; if it did not good, it would do
no harm.
It must be borne in mind, that the
system contemplates putting all taxes
upon bare land, and assessing it. not
according to acreage or area, but ac
cording to value, taking the whole
value for taxes, always exempting,
however, the value of the buildings and
other Improvements, such as fences,
roads, etc. If it should be discovered
that land values would not suport the
local town or city government, then
Mr. Georee's adherents would have to
eive up the idea of contributing any
thing toward the support of the na
tional government. 1
; Mr. Tom L. Johnson is an advocate
of Mr. George's plan; and he has re
cently been , elected mayor of hi3 own
of Ohio to pass a bill authorizing the
municipalities to assess taxles accord
ing to Mr. George's plan; and until
this is done' and-it proves successful
for the support of municipal govern
ment, we cannot, believe that there
will be anything ' left for the support
of the national government.
I believe that when they begin to
separate land values from buildin
values, and to exempt the latter from,
taxation, and to put all the taxes upon
the f OTmer, there will not be enough
to support municipal government in
any city, town or township of the
state.
The various incomes that might be
made the subject of taxation, are in
terest, dividends on capital stock of
corporations, rent of real estate once
movable property, profits of a busi
ness, and salaries. The property or
wealth of a nation may be divided
into first, real estate and movable
property; second, securities. At pres
ent local governments are supported
by taxing real estate, and movable
property, the national government by
taxing the people on what they eat,
drink and wear, securities being ex
empt both for the supportof national,
state and municipal governments. The
total value of air the property in the
United States is about 100 billons.
At the present time more than half
of the property in the United States
is represented by bonds, mortgages,
promissory notes, certificates of capi
tal stock in corporations and other se
curities. If the whole, property of the
United States is a hundred billions or
one hundred thousand million ($100.
000,030,000) which is a low estimate,
we have fifty billions or fifty thousand
millions ($50,000,00,000) represented by
securities, which are a lien or mort
gage on the real estate and movable
property of the nation. The more the
securities (other things equal) the less
the real estate and other visible prop
erty are worth. r The . securities pro
duce incomes in the shape -of Interest
or dividends on capital stock of cor
porations. If those who own the fifty
thousand millions of securities are re
ceiving iterest or dividends at the rate
of 4 per cent per annumi; ( which is a
low estimate), they are receiving from
the annual earnings of the, nation two
thousand million dollars, without be
ing obliged to work for it; and if they
should pay a tax of five per cent cent
on this amount to the national gov
ernment, they would pay one hundred
milions annually and still have nine
teen hundred millions left for their
support and to invest as they may
think proper. Suppose we do not tax
interest and dividend receivers .more
than five per cent, how lorn? .will - it
take them to own. 'the .whole nation
by investing their' surplus?, We are
collecting two hundred .million dollars
annually through the custom houses,
by, tariff duties. - If we could collect
one hundred millions from the secu
rity holders we could repeal all the
tariff duties that are levied for reve
nue only or one-half of all the duties
levied both for revenue and protec
tion. Rent as an Income and a sub
ject of taxation, is very much like
interest and dividends. It is an un
earned increment. If the whole real
estate and visible personal property
of the nation (after paying the se
curities) is worth' fifty thousand mil
lion dollars and it pays four per cent
net to the landlords, over and above
what they pay for the suport of the
local municipal government, repairs,
insurance and all other expenses of
carrying and taking care of the prop
erty, and if we should tax the land
lords' rent five per cent, this would
produce one hundred mililons annu
ally for the support of the national
government; and the landlords would
still have nineteen hundred millions
annually, for which they do not work.
If we could tax rent as an income as
well as interest and dividends it would
not be necessary to tax salaries of the
profits of a business.
Rent, as an income, is somewhat dif
ferent from interest. It is what, is left
to landlords after interest is paid.
Many landlords own their property
subject to a mortgage. In such cases
they have to pay interest. In most
municipalities there is a bonded debt.
This debt is a mortgage on all the real
estate within the municipality. The
landlords have to pay the interest on
the debt as a part of their annual mu
nicipal taxes. In many cities the taxes
are doubled, on account of the annual
interest. This reduces the net rent, of
the landlords and the reduced net rent
reduces the value of all real estate
within the municipality. If the real
estate of the landlord is also subject
to a private bond and mortgage, his
net rent is still further reduced. What
ever may happen the interest must al
ways be paid first or the property sub
ject to the mortgage will be taken by
the holder thereof. In this way rent,
as an income, is more precarious than
interest. It must be remembered,
however, that landlords only pay taxes
on the. real estate which they occupy
or use and do not rent out. Nine
tenths of the taxes which landlords
pay, come from their tenants. After
deducting air taxes and all other ex
penses the landlords of the nation
have at least 4 per cent left as an in
come for themselves and which comes
out of the labor of their tenants and
amounts to two thousand millions per
annum. This Is a good fund for tax
ation. There are practical difficulties in en
forcing an income tax on the profits
of a business. It necessitates the
bringing of books of account into court
or before the revenue collector. It
compels business men to open their
books to t!ie inspection of their com
petitors, often at their instigation. If
there should be great profits for one
year or for several . years, these and
much more may be lost the next year.
Few business men can tell what their
profits are. They may not be such
as their account books indicate, al-
" FULL RENTAL VALUE"
Mr. Freeman Propounds a Query to Mr.
Shandrew What a Tax to the Full
Rental Value Would
Amount to
Editor Independent: In your issue
of February 20, Mr. C. F. Shandrew
tries to set forth the Greatness of the
single taxers ideas, that all land
should be taxed its full rental value.
Your answer in the same issue covers
the ground very well, but there are
some points that you did not bring
forth, which I wish to mention.
I have in mind a man who came to
this state twenty-three years ago and
bought a half section of railroad land
on ten years' time, made one pay
ment, put up his buildings and was
fifty dollars in debt. He had no in
come, but had to grub payments and
living from the raw prairie. He did
not raise enough the first three years
to feed his horses, although he had
one hundred acres broken. The sec
ond and third years were very dry and
his crop was taken by chinch bugs
and grasshoppers. The land was all
sold for taxes and when the time came
the money shark who had bought it
notified him- when he might redeem
and pay the twenty per cent penalty.
Suffice it to say, this man paid for
his farm by reducing it to 160 acres,
but by that time he was too -old to
work the farm; hence, had to rent it
to live it netting him about $400 per
year. '
But now comes Mr. Shandrew and
says that land must be taxed its full
rental value. Now, I ask you or Mr.
Shandrew how these old people would
live who had worked so hard to pay
for that farm? The legislature would
have to pass a law to shoot people
when they became too old to work
or build a poor house in every town
ship. Mr. Editor, would it be any injustice
if every person could have a farm of
a certain value, to which no tax col
lector or money shark could secure
any claim? Why not collect all taxes
from corporations, graduated accord
ing to amount of capital stock, and
have a graduated income tax and an
inheritance tax? Why do people in
corporate? Simply to gain an ad
vantage over the single individual.
They why should they not pay for it?
Now, Mr. Editor, let us do a little
figuring: If taxed at full rental
value
Eighty acres $ 200
One section...... 1,600
One township. 57,600
One county (36 T's) 345,600
40 counties (eastern Neb.).. 13,824,000
To say nothing about the remainder
of the state. We would have to keep
a Bartley in the state treasury all the
time to dispose of this money and ev
ery state institution could get more
coal in July than they would need for
January. J. S. FREEMAN.
Columbus, Neb.
(Mr. Freeman's allusions to local
matters may not be clear to Indepen
dent readers in other states. Bartley
is the republican state treasurer who
defaulted for about half a million dol
lars, and who was recently pardoned
by a republican governor. Scandals
grew out of the republican adminis
tration of the insane asylum at Lin
coln, and an investigation several
years ago brought out the fact that
certain coal dealers had been paid for
enormous amounts of coal which had
never been delivered and the "pur
chases" in July were largely in ex
cess of the January purchases.
Mr. Freeman's figures are certainly
suggestive and the single tax advo
cates ought to study the application
of their principles to farm lands in
stead of giving us repeated illustra
tions of the injustice of permitting
some speculator to hold a city lot for
many years unimproved. What would
they suggest for the old couple whose
history Mr. Freeman has given?
Nebraska has an area of 49,177,600
acres. The rental value of a consid
erable portion of this land is two cents.
per acre according to the land-leasing
bill now before congress. Con
siderable of it is covered by cities
and towns. Probably one-half of it
is cultivable land, ranging from the
best on earth to that on which only a
bare existence may be eked out. No
statistics of the twelfth census are
yet available, but for our purposes the
figures of the eleventh census (1890)
may be used. The total value of all
real estate in Nebraska that year was
$708 413;098, which included the land,
buildings and other improvements.
The division between farm lands and
city property was as follows:
Farm lands '.$402,538,913
City lots.. 305,874,185
Total $708,413,098
Now, although there is no way of
showing how much of this value may
be called "social value" and how much
is "improvement value," it is evident
that if the single taxers' idea of tak
ing the full rental value was enforced,
that farm lands would bear about 4-7
of all the tax. Even at the rate of 2
per cent on the value (including im
provements) the total taxes would
amount to over fourteen millions of
dollars, of which the farmer would
pay eight millions. Ed. Ind.)
A SOLDIER'S LETTER
It Came In a Sealed Envelepe and the Cen
sor did not Have a Chance to get
His Blue Pencil on It.
The following letter was received
by a party in Lincoln and was handed
to The Independent for publication:
Vila Real, Samar, P. I., Jan. 8, 1902.
My Dear Brother and Sister: You
have asked me on two or. three occa
sions to tell you something about; this
Place and I have ' neglected doing so
scarce of paper; this cause you have
kindly removed. Second, I have had
no time. Third, the whole truth re
quires too much explanation.
The Philippine islands are a, large
bunch of trouble, situated on the west
ern horizon of civilization. They are
bounded on the north by submarine
farms, on the east by typhoons and
water spouts, on the south by canni
bals and earthquakes, and on the west
by smugglers and gunboats.
The whole is very peaceful as long
as there are plenty of soldiers there.
The climate is a deceptive combina
tion of changes especially adapted to
raising "cane." The soil is very pro
ductive large crops of cannibals,
freaks and insurrections being their
chief products, while small bands of
bolomen can be raised at will by the
priests (we have one in our guard
house who is to be shot on the 12th
of the month).
The1 natives are very industrious;
their chief occupation is digging
trenches and setting man traps. Their
houses are made of bamboo and dirt
(chiefly dirt). The Filipino marriage
is very impressive and their women
very much respected, so much so that
they are allowed to do all the work,
while the men sleep or sharpen their
bolos to be ready to butcher the first
stranger they can sneak up behind.
Their dress is unique in the extreme
conspicuous on account of its absence.
"Gae" strings are very fashionable if
made of brilliant colors. I gave one
to my best girl made of blue and red
silk ribbon and she is the envy of all
the coons in town.
Their chief amusement is cock fight
ing and stealing. But they are very
religious, always going to church be
fore fighting their chickens. Their
chief diet is boiled rice and fried sar
dines (fried in cocoanut oil)! They
eat three times a day when they can
get it, and go a week without eating
when grub is scarce.
Manila is the chief city and is noted
for its houses of ill-fame, dirt and
Chinamen. The principal exports of
the islands are rice, hemp and dead
soldiers. The imports are patriotic
lunatics, hobos, footpads in uniforms,
rifles and ammunition. Fever is so
prevalent that one morning last week
the whole Island shook; I heard, one
fool say it was an earthquake, but It
was fever.
Communication between the islands
has been established by using mos
quitoes as carrier, pigeons. I am ser
iously contemplating investing my
savings in a tract of land here and
training the mosquitoes so as to do
away with . the necessity of the inven
tion of flying machines, for I think an
aerial carriage hitched tandem would
soon antiquate the brightest dreams
of our aerial experiments.
I have a little poem written by one
of our boys, which will help to satisfy
your curiosity so I will give it to you
right now while I am giving you the
rest of it.
COMMISARY AND CONTENTS.
In the town of Carigara
Stands an old and worn-out shack
And what I say about it
I'll swear it Is a fact.
The roof will not protect us
From the never-ceasing rain.
We've 'been drowned over and o'er
But in hope we live again.
The floor is sunk low in places.
When will it fall? is all the talk-
Resembles much the rolling billows;
Makes us sea sick when we walk.
The stairs resemble a trapeze
The doors have fallen in,
So when you wish to enter
There's no trouble, just step In.
The commissaries all are rotten
And send forth an awful smell;
When you make a meal of them
You've a pain no tongue can tell
The cheese is walking and conversing,
The butter has begun to sing.
Roast beef also loves to warble,
Bacon does the highland fling.
The rice rose in rebellion,
Swore it would burst its clothe3.
Pepper sauce blew off its stopper
And put an end to all its woe3.
Ginger ale got contrary,
Bubbled over at the spout.
Swore he'd drink all the "Shasta"
If we didn't take him out.
The commissaries have a chorus
They dearly love to sing.
And just before the dinner hour '
We hear . their voices ring:
"Please, Mister, do not eat us,
If you know what you are about,
Our cans have long since been busted
And our juices all run out."
Now, sister, I believe I have given
you a synopsis of the Philippines that
will cover all those questions. How
do you like it? What sort of a coun
try is it? Do you live well? Do you
get any of that embalmed beef? (I
only wish it was embalmed it would
not stink then.) What do the people
do for a living? etc. If there are any
questions not answered in the above I
hope you will remind me what they
are and I will ry my best when I have
tirre again.
As ever your loving brother.
The pr -posed amendments to the
Minnesota constitution whereby an
income tax shall be levied in lieu of
all taxes on personal property ought
to be adopted. The principle is demo
cratic and right. So mucn personal
property escapes taxation that It is
hieh time states should abandon the
principle and . tax incomes instead.
The income tax is more equitable, and
more easily collected. The tax on sal
aries over $1,000 is of doubtful pro
priety, however, ' and if care Is not
taken in making the exemption, the
United States court may take a hand
in saying r nether it shall stand, nr
not. If a salary of $1,000 is wholly
exempt, then $1,000 of all . salaries In
pyres of fhat, amount shouldbeex-
POPULISTS ENTHUSIASTIC
Stand by the Party Organization and Wilt."
ins; to Co-operate with alt Working "
for Good Government State
..Committee Meet.
Wednesday the populist and demo
cratic state committees met in Lin
coln. In both bodies the utmost har
mony prevailed, although the sessions
were exceedingly spirited. The demo
crats met at the Lindell hotel and the
populists at the Jeffersonlan club
rooms.
At 2 o'clock Chairman De Franca
called the meeting to order and stated
that the first matter to be taken up)
was the organization of a populist edl-
torial association. Eric Johnson, ot
the Wahoo New Era was elected a
chairman pro tern and J. H. Bayston
of the Stockville Faber secretary.
Chairman De France stated that thp
object of organizing was to bring th
populist editors in closer touch with
each other; that the democratic edi
tors very properly have an organlza
tlon representing their political views
and that a populist organization, mo
delled along similar lines, ought to be
effected, not in any manner to ant
onlze, but to work in harmony with
the democratic association in strength
enlng the reform press of the state.
Spirited speeches were made by
Messrs. Saunders, Tibbies, Wilson.
Wolfe, Mcintosh, Porter, and Senator
Allen. Upon motion of Senator AU
len, Eric Johnson was elected presi
dent and Hugh F. Mcintosh, of the
Nebraska Farmer, secretary for the en
suing year. An executive committee
was appointed to draft a constitution,
solicit members, and call a meeting In
t':e near future. This committee con
sists of the chairman and secretary,
Jacob V. Wolfe, E. A. Walrath of the
Osceola Democrat, and II. T. Wilson
of the Gage County Herald. Beatrice.
Fifteen editors then signed the roll
and the meeting adjourned subject
to the call of the chairman.
The editors who signed the roll
were: J. H. Bayston of the Stockville
Faber, Wm. V. Allen of the Madison
Mail, E. A. Walrath of the Osceola
Democrat, H. T. Wilson of the Gage
County Herald, Beatrice, C. B. Sprague
of the Blair Republican, Hugh F. Mc
intosh of the Nebraska Farmer, Eric
Johnson of the Wahoo New Era. War
wick Saunders of the Country Pub
lishers' company (ready print house),
Omaha, C. B. Manuel of the St. Paul
Phonograph-Press, J. Compton of the
Greeley Citizen, Anna Gray Clark of
the Ogalalta News, T. H. Tibbies and
C...Q. De France of The Independents ..;
After the editorial meeting ad
journed Chairman De France called
the committee to. order. He said:
"The subjects which I believe need
attention may be summed up as fol
lows: "1. A complete revision of our com
mittee records, bringing everything
down to date on the card index sys
tem. "2. Authority granted the chair
man to select sub-commltteemen In
each voting precinct, to represent the
state committee during the coming
campaign.
"3. Selection of a special commit
tee for the purpose of preparing
manuscript for a hand-book on state
matters to be used in the coming cam
paign. "4. Conference with the democratic
committee looking to a determination
of the respective strength of the two
parties in each county of the state.-
"5. Arrangements with the various
ready-print houses for better political
service to their populist and demo
cratic patrons.
"6. In the event that a populist edi
torial association be organized Jiere
today, appointment of a special com
mittee to work in conjunction with
the editorial association in devising
some method of increasing the sup
port now given to the popull3t week
lies of the state. Otherwise such spe
cial committee to go ahead on its own
motion in formulating such plans.
"7. Conference with the democratic
committee on fixing the time and plac
of holding our nominating conven
tions, as well as the representation of
each county in each convention.
"8. Conference with. the democratic
committee on the question of appoint
ing a joint finance committee with full
powers for collection and division of
campaign funds."
The first matter taken up was upon
fixing the time and place of holding
the state convention. Mr. Tibbies
moved that the matter be left to tfc
executive committee. Some of the
members believed it better to fix the
time and place then, and amendments
were offered, but afterward withdrawn.
Finally the motion was carried with
the amendment that "it is the sense of
this meeting that an early convention
be held." About this time a represen
tative of the democratic committee re
ported that that ' body had left the
matter of calling a state convention
in the hands of their executive com
mittee. Former Senator Allen introduced a
resolution which brought out some
ringing speeches by a number ot thfe
committeemen, and was finally adopted
unanimously by a rising vote amid
great applause. The resolution Is as
follows: i
"Whereas, Strenuous efforts are be
ing made in several states to disband
and disorganize the people's party.
commonly known as the populist par
ty, and bring about an absorption of
Its membership by other political or
ganizations; and
"Whereas, Many gentlemen hereto
fore known as populists, some of
whom have been highly honored by
the party, have abandoned the organi
zation and have become members of
other political parties; and
"Whereas, It is the solemn convic
tion of-this conference that the peo-
1
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