,''
,:,'-' ' r , (.v.
.a
3
r in
TV
HI
VOL. XIII.
-i , i
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, JANUARY 30, 1902.
NO. 37.
YOUNG MEN'S DEATH KNELL
t-
Concentratlon of Wealth Like the Vander
bllt Fortune Will Destroy Their
. Independence
Many times The . Independent has
tried to impress upon its readers the
enormity of modern fortunes! No man
can comprehend what a million is, let
alone what two hundred millions, like
the Vanderbilt fortune, represents. We
have printed calculations of how" long
it would take a man to accumulate
a million if he saved a dollar above
his expenses' every day and worked
without ceasing. We have tried by
other illustrations to impress upon the
minds of the people the danger to lib
erty and independence that lurked in
these immense fortunes accumulated
by a system of robbery such as the
world never saw before. We especial
ly recommend the new subscribers to
The Independent to read the following
article from the pen of Dr. Lyman Ab
bott, recently published in the Medical
World.
Commodore Vanderbilt, at his death,
was reputed to have been worth $200,
000,000. In order to help us to appre
ciate the meaning of two hundred mil
lion dollars, let us put it in this form:
Let us, for the moment, accept the or
thodox theory that t,he world is six
thousand years old, and that Adam,
(created at. the end of the first week
of the first year), began saving and
putting in a place of safety one hun
dred dollars per day, beginning on
the first day of his life and continuing
at this rate during all the intervening
ages and centuries to the present time,
putting in 300 working days per year,
and never having a vacation or any
sickness, his savings (interest not con
sidered) during all this time at the rate
of $100 per day would not amount to
as much as the fortune that .Mr. Van
derbilt accumulated during the com
paratively few years of a single life
time. It must be remembered that the
elder Vanderbilt began life with com
paratively nothing, and did not have
the advantage of a fortune to begin
with.
Doesn't this sound like a fairy story?
Isn't it simply beyond belief? It
seemed so to me. How many days of
your life have you been able to make
and get $100 clear above all expenses?
Suppose you were able to do so every
day, and that your father and your
grandfather and your ancestral line
back to the revolution had been able
to do so, and that each generation had
handed the savings intact down to the
next generation, and so on at the stea
dy and unceasing rate of $100 per day
clear, until the entire precious inherit
ance was. turned over to you, to he, so
increased every day by you, how much
do you think you would have? A
mere pittance compared to the Vander
bilt fortune, for the revolution was
but as yesterday compared to the time
of Adam. One hundred dollars per
day clear is getting rich pretty fast,
isn't It? And from the time of Adam
is a long time to continue this race,
isn't it? It seems beyond belief that
any man should have amassed a for
tune equal to the sum total of $100 per
day from the time of Adam. Before
retiring that night I put the problem
to the test of figures, and was sur
prised to find that the fortune of
Adam would fall about $20,000,000
short of that of the Commodore! The
figuring is easy. Work it out for your
self. Every school boy should work
it out, and then go home and ask lii3
father why it is in this "free and
equal" country any man should have
the .oportunity to get so far ahead of
his fellows. How many fathers would
be able to tell how it was done? Ev
ery school boy should take the matter
to his teacher, also, and ask all sorts
of questions about it. Then it should
go to the Sunday school teacher for
a consideration of the ethics involved.
How many doctors could give satisfac
tion to an inquiring school boy con
cerning the economic principles in
volved in this Vanderbilt case? And
what remedies would be suggested?
When I began writing these lines I
intended to enter upon a rather full
discussion of "how it happened," and
how the same principles and methods
have piled up other vast fortunes
(from the earnings of the people),
and how the same is going on today
undisturbed, because of the indiffer
ence of our people, who are all-powerful
in such matters when they see fit
to use their power. But it occurs to
me that it would be better perhaps
more Interesting and instructive to
first invite a. discussion on this case
and the principles involved by the
doctors of this country. How will
you answer this inquisitive boy? The
question is "up to you," and you can't
escape it by "I don't know," and It
would be humiliating to you. an in
telligent American citizen, to make
this confession to your boy. I hope
that none will make the infinitely
worse and , utterly unpatriotic reply,
"I don't care." If you should take hold
of this question, it will take hold of
you. If I had access to the school
boys of this country like I have access
. to the doctors, I would try to inspire
the future voters to astonish the pres
ent voters with their interest in pres
ent important, problems and a deman.I
for their satisfactory solution. School
boys like fair play; and upon the play
ground they give and demand fair
play. When they become voters they
may carry this wholesome habit with
them, and then look out. The Vander
bilt feat will not' be possible. Such
inequality and unfair division of re
sults would not be tolerated for a mo
ment on the play ground. Any healthy
boy would say, it isn't right; it isn't
fair; it isn't desirable; a one-sided
game isn't even interesting. Why
don't men feel so, and act so? May
be they will' some time. If they don't,
where will all this end? " "
I recently asked Mr. Henry D. Lloyd,
present time. He at -once saidi ''The
rapid concentration -of? wealth. " , He
further said: "If this -thing keeps, on
at the present rate, itwon't be long
until the children of excellent families
will have become servants,'- 'lackeys'
and 'flunkeys' "of ' the wealthy - few.
Those who gye' up independence the
most completely, and become the' more j
subservient, will become the most sue J
cessful. Thus a premium will' be put j
on subserviency." - This, sounds worse j
than a death knell, to Young-America;
Yet Mr. Lloy d is one of the most acute
observers of social conditions and. ten
dencies, i I asked, him what he thought
of a certain remedy .which I. Proposed, i
He said, "Very good; very good." But
I will not myself discuss remedies this
month.' I will be modest and give the
floor first to you. I will ask .you to
stick, closely tto the subject, How did
the elder. Vanderbilt 4 get his $200.
000,000? This question-is-not Vander
bilt the man. but the e'eonomic rela
tions between him and the rest. of the"
people, in the accumulation of : his
$200,000,000.,; What economic; princi
ples do .you; - see' clearly involved?
What remedy or. remedies would "you
suggest? I hope that you -will carry
this problem with you until you have
done some. serious thinking. Think of
the $100 a day from Adam till the
flood, then, according; to .the tradition,
in Noahs ark "till; after ItheVflootd, the
income continuing incessantly, then
till the time of Jesus, then duriijg; the
entire Christian .era,",. through the mid
dle ages up to modern times, then till
the present momenti thisprincely ac
cumulation of $100 clear i per 4ay, and
the sum total does not equal one of pur
modern fortunes ! f Is it - right t? Is H
good public policy to permit' such" un.
limited accumulation; in. private-hands?
True, we do not wantyto. discourage
enterprise, neither private nori public.
Also, . every one should receive the re
sults of his own industry iandenter
prise. Please , put . emphasis f: on hi3
own. When you see one man accumu
lating a fortune of. $200,000,000 during
a life-time,. and when we. are, led. to
realize, ,as above, . what $200,000,000.
means, we see how large the, problem,
is. Keep the problem with you until
you reach some solution ; satisfactory
to yourself. : .'v;j' ;i-
MARCHING BACKWARD
WHEN TEDDY WAS A BABY
Miles Wsi Fighting for the Unlea and Lin
coln Wne Conferring Honor After -" ft
Honor on Him .r
On Saturday v Lieutenant - "General
Miles, the commanding; general-;of. the
United States aimyn
ited the White house at - Washington
In a, life . of sixty-twa fyeafs,-. which
had brought . him a into . contact,, with
ten presidents, he had,, gone 'through
many experiences,- and; doubtless .felt
prepared for anything he,1 might? en
counter in . the home ' 6f ; any gentle
man pf his acquaintance . '
But General Miles' found - something
new in store. . In the presence of eight
or ten other visitors President ,'ftbose
velt is said to have turned upon him
and exclaimed: . ' V !
"Your conduct "is worthy of censure,
sir. You , had no business to express
an' opinion, and I am surprised that
a man of your experience and military
training should be guilty of Such' a
gross breach of discipline." T 1
We cannot help : thinking " that if
President ' Roosevelt had taken time'
to recall certain circumstances he
would have hesitated, before adminis
tering to General Miles the" rebuke of
a schoolmaster to an unruly pupil; i f
For instance: - " .
When Theodore Roosevelt ; was two
years ten months and thirteen days oil
Nelson A. Miles entered the army as
a volunteer. He fought in the bloody.'
battles of the peninsula, before Rich
mond and at Antietam.. " ' " . i
On September. 30, '1362,- wbenf Mr,;
Roosevelt was three years eleven
months and three days old, Miles be
came colonel of his regiment.
On May 3. 1863, when little Theo
dore had reached the age of four and
a half years, and was doubtless lux-"
uriating in his first trousers,. Colonel
Miles was earning the medal of honor
for distinguished gallantry, in the 'bat
tle of Chancellorsville, while ho!4ingi
with his command, a. lino of f abattiB
and rifle pits againsta strong force of
the enemy until severely" wounded.-5 -f '
On May 12. 1864,-MIles became brig
adier general of " volunteers"' 'fPr .dis
tinguished service dming ' the battles
of the Old ; Wilderness and I Spottsyl-i
vania Court House. At this time Mr
Roosevelt was five and a half years old
and the Hon. Elihu Root; now secre--tary
of war, was just graduating from
college preparatory to "studying; lawaj
On August 25, 1864, two s months be
fore young Roosevelt's- sixth ; birth
day, Brigadier " General -- Miles was
brevetted major general for highly
meritorious and distinguished- cph
duct throughout : the campaign-, and
particularly for gallantry and -valuable
services in the 'battle of. Ream's sta
tion." . . ; ' ;-':.:-'.'" ;:.!v:.
All these - distinctions 7 were con
ferred by 1 Abraham Lincoln." n earn
ing them . General Miles -was wounded
three, times'. ; "; '-t rvU-
In view of these facts, does itnot
seem to President Roosevelt as? if he
might gracefully leave any reprimands
the veteran commander . :-may.-' 'have
earned to the ordinary -course df mil
itary justice, instead of volunteering
rebukes of his own T New 'York Jour
nal. : .-.1. ' a--- v
Commander Scheepers: of . the tioer
army, who was captured while, sick'
was shot in cold bioPd by the -order of
Lord Kitchener January ; 'l 011 the
charge of being a traitor to King Edr
ward. It is not at all improbable, that
Botha or De Wet . will retaliate jafl-i
shoot, the first - British officer '.of Jlik3
T-rTir tbnt..thpv..i.antnrp TtiW wJ
The Effect That Imperialism Ha Had on
J ' the Intellect and Morale otI)r.
v:; -'' ; "'v tyman 'Abbott . -
1" A few years ago there was no more
advanced and ,up-tordate reformer than
Dr. : Lymail Abbott. When the Span
ish war broke out he became infected
.w'lth'i the; virus of -imperialism and it
has worked a devastating change in
his ethics : as well as in his political
views. He now thinks fthat govern
ment by ' force' is the righteous idea
and " that the "Declaration " of Indepeh
denbe Is hardlrfit for old wadding. In
1890,-T before the Omaha platform was
writteut, Dr.; "Abbott was advPeating
the doctrineswhich were ."finally pro
claimed in it. Jn "1890 he' had an ar
ticle In 'the Forum i Of which the fol
lowing -is a" part. That was before
the' word "populism" came into exist
ence and he used in its place the words
"industrial 'democracy." But it means
exactly, the same thing. This is what
he thought and 'wrote ! before ; he be
came" an imperialistic degenerate:
"Industrial democracy is not anarch
ism' and does not tend toward it. : An
archism 7 is the doctrine that' govern
ment is' an evil 'and should be abol
ished; the doctrine that "government
is a necessary evil,", pushed to its ex
treme by striking but the word nec
essary V an exaggeration of individual
ism; laissez-faire gone to seed. It is,
indeed, ' the antipodes' of democracy,
for'democracy assumes in men a competence;-
for organization; political,
educational, industrial The one is
f ouhded upon a profound distrust of
man; the other upon a profound faith
in him. "Industrial democracy is not
nationalism or state socialism. It does
not -confound the functions of gov
ernment. and :of : industry; it' does not
propose - to put k two incongruous du
ties upon" the same 'organization. It
does not propose that the state shall
own all the tools and order all the in
dustries of the: community. It does
not necessarily even look in that direc
tion. It is certainly not individual
ism with' its. pagan "motto, "Every one
for himself and the devil take the
hindermoat'Vand the equally brutal
motto (which belongs to the beasts of
the forest, - but not to man made . in
God's , image ami for the realm '. of mu
tual -service); -4The . struggle for exist
ence,) the survival, of the fittest,".- and.
as a consequence,; the tragic ."unsurvi-Vjar'-pf
-the unflttest. , Yet it involves
something: of leach ; one of these three
systems. ,The industrial' democrat
T'-.i. ......
WQUia, witmtne anarcnistj-,reauce gov-
li!ke the " anarchist, he vwould i preserve
government as 'a necessary, and beneficent-
means 'of .preserving ; liberty.
Vith ' the . socialist, he ; would ; give to
every ; man i a. share : inl the control of
the -world's - industries, and, conse
quently, ;in their gains -and losses ; but
uhlike- the! socialist, ; he would adjust
both -control and participation in the
pr ofits.,according . to the measure of
each marl's contribution, not in the
ratio - of his" need., and, in the inverse
ratio of his contribution. With the
individualist, .he would leave each in
dividual with a free contract in the
open-market; but, unlike the individ
ualist, he would recognize the truth
of 1 the aphorism, "When combination
is possible, competition is. impossible."
and he , would make, unauthorized and
undemocratic combinations impossible
by -promoting combinations of labor
and V capital, upon democratic prin
ciples; that is, upon the simple prin
ciple of the-greatest good to the great
estrmimber. . If I am asked to be more specific, and
to 'Indicate what" reforms industrial de
mocracy involves. nd what are the
flrstv steps it - will take, toward their
realization, I reply ' illustratively, not
comprehensively. Industrial democracy-means
the recognition' in private
industries : of Professor Jevon's aphor
ism; that combinations should be per
pendic'ulaf.'pot;';;horltontalr:.:'.tbat',iis, that-there shPuld be a combination of
labor and capital in one organization,
in competitldn with a ,sira ilar combina
tion o labor and capital in a rival or
ganization, not a combination of all
capital in battle array aarainst a com
bination of all .labor. Thus it means
an extension- of profit-sharing and : co
pperatipn fpr-bPth-of which "the de
vice pf iPint-stbek cprporatipns is pre
paring the way; It means certainly npt
a' nationalization ot all .-wealth;, but
such legislation as' will preserve to the
people ; the values which properly be
long to'the people rthe mines and oil
wellst the undeveloped land ralues. the
for.csts, the great ... franchises, and the
forces ,of nature given by pur present
patent--laws toa absolutely to the pat
entee, who is rarely the real discov
erer' or -inventor. 4 It; -means-such re
f9rm of taxation as .shall prevent the
imposijipm of. taxes pn;the many, to
create a surplus in the treasury ;p.ut of
Which to-pay bonus.es or to lend money.
tot . th e, : f e w, whether the. borrowers ; be
niahufacturfrsf railroads ship-owners
sugar-growers,,' or - farmers.- , It; means,
the tptal abpiitipn. pf the methods of
partnership i nowain vogue, byV wliioli
te, tatef furnishes, fundsto certain
enterprises-r-spmetimes, ecclesiastical,
sdmetimes JeducationaJ , sometimes in
dustrialand leaves ) the,, control . ip.
private; hands,;.; and' the." profits, when
there are any, :inprJvate. poakets.v It
inean,s the adoption of the broad prin
ciple,; f;No; appropriations by the gov
ernment to aiy' organizations not; un
der: public control and for the public
benefit.",- ;It means, not the, conduct
pf the . industries of the community; by
he.,: state,- but' the regulation -by the
state- of C all industries on ' which; the
life of the stae depends; of all natural
and necessary monopolies, such as tele
graphs, railroads,; eater-supplies, pub
lic lighting,; and UheMike and the ab
solute ownership ' and administration
by, the state pf all such industries, in
can hire private corporations to serve
it. It seems to me to involve munici
pal ownership and administration of
all street-lighting,' and all street car
routes ; federal : ownership of; all the
telegraph and telephone service; state
regulation of ajl mines and oil . well3;
and federal regulation, though prob
abry not. federal, ownership, of all in
terstate railway systems.
These seem to ; me tP be . the . first
steps; in. the forward movement." Yet
respecting these specific steps I am
not dogmatic.- ; My ; object is accom
plished if I ha ve succeeded in setting
clearly before, the' reader, the process of
the evolution of i industry from slav
ery, or ownership of the laborer by the
capitalist, to feudalism, or ownership
by .the capitalist- of the land, with a
lien on the- laborer; from feudalism'to
individualism, or free competition, in
an open market, pf ah almost wholly
unorganized industry; from individ
ualism to the wages system, or ( the
organization of industry on oligarchic
principles under J captains of industry,
responsible only to God and -their own
consciences;' froml the vages system
to industrial democracy, or a system pf
industry founded upon, and effectually
applying, the princinle that wealth Js
of the people, should be for the people,
and must eventually be administered
and controlled by. the people.
REPUBLICAN POSITION
We ere in the Philippines and Regardless
of Klght or Wrong We Will Murder1
Them Uatil the Remainder
Submit . .- v
We are now on our fourth year in
the Philippines, and we know that the
Filipinos are hostile to us, through
every grade of society not absolutely
bound to - us by salaries and 1 position.
The whole thing is . a source of keen
disappointment. The Philippines ar.
worth'little to us, commercially. They
are not the "gateway to China." r ' They
never will be, and the opening of the
Nicaraguan canal will put them still
further away from the path of com
merce to China and to Japan. They
are, and will continue to be. a tremen
dous burden to us financially, to say
nothing pf the ; host of disagreeable
constitutional arid economic -issues
which they; arouse.f
- But we are there. vWe are not going
to get out. No 'matter what facts are
developed, this country is , going to
rub ? out r Filipino resistance. It may
be wrong, it' may be in violation of
the-' Declaration of Independence, it
may be terribly expensive but we ; are
going to do it: : President- Roosevelt is
committed to it, and he has over three
years in which to 1 act. By that time
the Filipinos will be thoroughly sub
dued. As to details, . our people t will
continue r to hear contradictory stpries
from the islands, just as the '' British
press and : people do f rpm . Sputh Af ri
ca, but we shall go on with the same
persistence that the English do. We
shall be even more persistent, for the
Philippine expense, . though large, is
not so dismal a load on us as our
British friends are staggering under.
We have more - bitterness and con
tempt for the dark races than has any
people, save the Australians, and. we
are -going to stamp out the Filipino
opposition, regardless of academic con
siderations or any talk about the in
herent rights of self-government, just
because we have started out to, and
have, as the countryman used to say.
got our national "dander" up. Boston
Advertiser (rep.).
(The British tried that policy once
when -it didn't win out, and; a paper
published ; within, sight of Bunker Hill
should not be entirely oblivious of.
that fact. Ed. Ind.)
; Don't Teach Politics : ; ;
' The powers of the, trusts and .the. in?
terests pf the. privileged few demand
that the 'pebple shall be kept in ig
norance pf any (practical way of; re
lieving f themselves of the barnacles
that fasten -themselves upon society
and live " from the labors of others.
The following from Collier's Weekly
shows that they are determined that
boys now in-the high schools and who
will - soon- be the rulers of this land
shall, have no instructipn upon that
subject: It says: ,
-"California is famous for the pre
cocity of all its growths, so it is not
surprising to hear that at Alameda
the, pupils of the high school' had a
good jdeal to do with carrying an im
portant; election; involving the 1 issue
of a large amount of bonds for school
purposes. : The students, had ;been
studying '"practical politics," - and pn
election day the boys gathered at the
polling ; places, while "the J girls, with
true maidenly reserve, remained ;at.; a
distance "but not a . vpter , esqaped
them." -The -experiment was so suc
cessful that we feel bound to report
it, but yre , should hesitate to recom
mend "practical politics" as a regular
part 'Of our high school course of
study." tit is an interesting; sport, and
sometimes a , valuable pursuit,! but it
involves features that are part of; the
grim lesson., of mature life,- and are
not good, "milk food for babies.", : The
boys and girls of the Alameda high
school .would be ( better off at - their
algebra. They will learn more, about
politics, than they wnat to know -when
they come; out into the wjorld, -unless
California refPrms in the meantime."
THE NEW YORK GOLD RING
Has Nebraska had enough of the re;
deemers? Eugene Moore got away
with ; $20,000, Bartley with $800,000,
Mosher as ; custodian of" state,' funds
with $200,000 and Stuefer with the aid
of Neligh' with $15,000. Besides that,
the state will be saddled with a new
debt of . about $1,000,000 at the end rf
their first - term ? of redeeming. The
They are Determined to Wipe Out the Gold
.rv ReserTe In the Treasury hy Putting -:
Burdens Upon ItTha.f It :
Cannot Bear
Not satisfied with the fact that the
full legal tender silver dollars coined
at;- United States mints are in active
circulation, either as such coins or
in the form of silver certificates, the
small gold ,-riag in New , York with
European connections backed by the
larger and no. less mercenary national
bank .trust, is- seeking through its
agenxs, in congress to place a new and
uncalled for burden upon the $150,
000,000 gold reserve in the treasury.
The bald proposition of redeeming
silver dollars in gold as a means of
maintaining the? parity of the former
has no experience behind it, for in the
latest; Wall street" money pinch that
-of" 1899 coined silver was at a prem
ium in. New' York city,, because the na
tional rbank clique; f or the purpose of
bearing stocks, was charging exorbi
tant pHces for currency. Hence, mer
chants, manufacturers and others with
large pay rolls to meet, .found the sil
ver dollar ,a very useful piece of coin
a full and complete legal tender for all
debts and dues, even custom house
charges, except where otherwise pro
vided by contract. ' "
If the . present system of coinage
continuesand it is well backed up oy
current demand the silver bullion ac
cumulated ; under the Sherman act of
1890 will soon apear in the form of dol
lars, "'.making close to $700,000,000 as
the total stock. The gold coin in cir
culation is at present in excess of'$l,
000,000,000 and is steadily increasing.
When the republican party reversed
itself in 1867 and quit drawing in the
greenbacks to please the bankers, the
stock, in circulation was $346,681,016.
arid no party leader, has since been
bold enough to seriously propose the
decrease of this stock.
The greenbacks are safe on the $150,
000,000 gold reserve, which is nearly 44
per cent of their volume. The silver
dollars are safe so long as their legal
tender character remains unimpaired.
Hence there is no ; financial reason
why this legal tender character be tak
en away by act jot congress and the
gold reserve in the treasury subjected
to an i additional ' strain which might
easily break it should war or panic in
Europe place a premium on gold and
invite the New York agents of the
European banking houses to raid the
treasury gold reserve" with silver dol
lars, silver certificates,- gold certifi
cates" arid greenbacks, which; under the
nev legislation- would all be redeem
able in gold, , either directly, or. with
slight indirectipn.' ' - r ." ' l , "
The ahiount of uncovered and, there
fore, idle silver coin in the treasury
at Washington averages close to $7,
000,000, a mere nominal sum. At cer
tain seasons of the year coined sil
ver is scarce, 'there' being a Special de
mand for it in connection with the
jrret harvests in the south andwest.
The east yet adheres to the paper? cur
rency and carefully .draws its pocket
book to p:?y street car fare. But the
habit . is - purely local, and after thr
middle of Ohio is passed one sees " it
less and less. The law of convenience,
tne.ref ore, together with the law of
legal tender, will: take ample care of
700,000,0u0 of clean silver dollars.
The example of France should be
useful at this time.' When London has
a panic spasm, New York suffers, but
Paris ' escapes because the French
government and ' the Bank of France
have wisely reserved, and boldly ex
ercised, the option of paying out sil
ver instead of gold upon any and ..all
demands. Under these common sense
conditions the Bank of France is abls
to report, .0-;cembeT 28, 1901,'$492,896,
115 in., its told . reserve, , against $171,
S6Q.6i5 in-the Bank pf England. France
has a pqpuiation of soriie 40,000,000 de
pendent upon her, available gold-silver,
stocks over $700,000,000 all told
while; England has a war; in' South
Africa and. a population of sPme, 400,
000,000 t.p take care of, all depending
on the . small reserve of gold in the
Bank oi England. JEnglish agencies in
New Ycrk appreciate the existence of
that $150,000,000 yellow plum in Wash
ington and will .welcome the passage
of the Hill-Qverstreet bill 'as a conven-'
icr.t pole to shake if'down. , - 1
f Th j passage of Athe bill recommend
ed in the hPuse will be geing put of our
way to, borrow, trouble :to take a need
less share in the wars and panics of
worn-out and . over-taxea Europe, rso
intelligent patriot will vote for such a
measure, which threatens the gold re
serve in the treasury for the narrow
purpose ;: of accommodating bankers
and brokers . who reap a profit by ca
tering to foreign demands for the yellow-
metal. Denver; News.
KITCHENER A PARIAH
The Murder of Commander Scheepers ' was
an artof Anarchy and It was Aided and
j Abbe ted by Sd-Called Civil-
"";.' ;';v'-;-;;'.;:;'$ ized'; Nations
-i Many of the new. subscribers to The
Independent; t especially, those in the
far' eastern 'portion of the; union, may
not be acquainted : with the life' and
record ' of .the w-riter of .the - following
cbmmunication"; Gen'.; Victor Vifquain.
The Independent therefore " deems it
proper s to say t nat u enerai r y 1 r quam
received - hfs " commission , -from the
hands of - Abraham Lincoln and if he
had remained in the army after thi
close of the civil war would today, by
seniority of the date of his commission
in the regular army, outrank General
Miles!- Congress voted to him a gold
medal "for valor and gallantry on the
field of battle and he is one of the very
few; who possess such a token of - the
regard of the whole t nalipn.-;-? At ihe
close of the?.' civil ywar,4 although ofr
time of peace, and preferrcid to go back
to civil life until his country should
again need his service. At the break
ing out of the Spanish, war, he imme
diately offered his services and was
made lieutenant colonel of the Third
Nebraska of which regiment Colonel
Bryan was the commander. . In the
long interval between the close of the
civil war and the war against Spain,
General Vifquain did some excellent
diplomatic service. He iss a thorough
soldier and military man, perfectly fa
miliar, with the army regulations and
laws of war. This. being the case his
opinion upon those subjects should
command attention: . .. .
Editor Independent: I have read
your editorial under the heading
"Changing Laws of War." j...
First of all, officers, especially com
manding officers, must be gentlemen,
and Kitchener is a Pariah, Second,
the Geneva treaty and the ''Red Cross
society, do not, cannot refer to such
cases as that or Commandant Scheep
ers, they refer only, to honorable war
fare, not to downright murder.
But then what are we to do about It?
The civilized world I call it civilized
by courtesy looks on just as Nero
used to look on and allows the abomi
nations to gomerrily on! And of nil
so-called civilized nations the United
States and Great Britain are yet , by
far the least civilized of all; the most
cruel and the "most heartless. i
I am somewh at amused at the fact
that you are surprised at. Great Brit
ain's conduct in the Boer war and that
you should forget yourself so far as to
speak of morality to that crowd; the
bludgeon is the form . of argument to
use with such. " ' - ,
Have you forgotten what they hav
done to our people in this country;
what they have done in India, in Chi
na, on the Nile, and all over the world?
Have you forgotten,- that Nana Sahib
who fought for his native land was tied
to the mouth of a canon and fired into
shreds? How have they treated their
own subjects in Ireland?
The only thing to be surprised at is
tLat we are following in the very foot
steps of Britiania and at our very first
effort we are able to keep up with her.
We loaned her $50,000,000 to prosecute
her war in Africa. We sold her all the
mules and horses needed for her infam
ous business. We have aided and
abetted in - the crime of crushing ... a
heroic people. . .
It is matter for surprise, indeed, that
we should tolerate our .traditional
enemy to crush civil liberty, thus do
ing, much in destroying, confidence -in
and love of our own institutions, ; i I
know, that the ' tendency is that way,
hut never thought . that we could lectin..
so fast as we have the. artot govern-;
ing people without their , consent, even
to the point of insisting that it was
right. v;And , all .that for "business."
Business without honor and without
regard to fundamental . law, is piracy.
And then they mount their4high horses
(look holy)"and cry out: "Anarchy."
Britain is playing and teaching an
archy in South Africa. . Two republics'
model " governments-have':. ?boen
wiped out and are ruled today by . the
sword and torch; and we are doing
little better in the Philippines. The
murder, of Commander Scheepers was
the act of an anarchist and I hope tht
Kitchener, for that murder and many
others that, he is responsible' for will
never get out of Africa alive. I fur
ther hops that the - kind-hearted Am
erican financiers who have loaned the
$50,000;000 to assist' in the Boer mur
dering will lose every penny Invested
in that "thirty pieces of silver transac
tion." '.- ;
Weylerism in Cuba led us a great
way towards making war on Spain
only about four years ago and both the
United States and Great Britain .are
making Weyler blush with shame-at
his meekness and foolish" sentimental
ity when he reads of "concentrados"
in the Philippines and; South Africa.
What next? We may soon reach the
old inquisition systems of statesman
ship. VICTOR VIFQUAIN.
, Lincoln, Neb.
Siberian Railroad
W. R. Holloway, consul general at
St 'Petersburg, sends tp' the state de
partment an interesting report , on
.railroads in Russia. - He. says : ! '
"The Russians ' are congratulating
themselves on the completion of the
Chinese Easternrailway through Man
churia, the extension , of ;. the trans
Siberian railway which , furnishes di
rect connection between St. Peters
burg and Port. Arthur. It is expected
that the. trip will be made in less than
twenty-eight days in the near future.
It is now just ten years since the first
tie was laid on the trans-Siberian rail
way, which has, been built from start
to finish by Russian engineers and
workmen, laboring under great difficul
ties and adverse climatic conditions,
at a cost, of 172,525,000. i The distance
from St. Petersburg to. Vladivostok is
6.677 miles and the fare is as follows;
First class $128.75; second class $87.bl;
third class $46.35." ' -' "
It will thus be seen that the fares re-,
ceived by American railroads are far
in' excess of those collected : in -'Russia,
nor is the superior . service pro
portionate with the excess. ; v
" Some men seem. to . harbor the ,id-5a
that. the rancorous hatred of the re
publican leaders and wi'th which they
have inspired in their following is to
the name "people's party" or "pop
ulist." that if some other' name wore
adopted ; it would be much better.
These men argue that If we create a
new party and call it the "allied par
ty" . that this hatred' and opposition
will disappear although the populist
principles are made its platform, it
would not take Ions for the subsidized
organs of the republican party to maks
the name ; "allied ' party" ' just as 'in
famous among - their ronllet head: fol
lowers as that pf populism now is. It
THE HOUSE CHEERS BRYAN
right on the Philippine 11111-Buylnf
More Islands Election of United States
Senators by the People "Will not
Make Platforms
Washington, D. C., Jan. 25, 1902.
(Special Correspondence.) It was the
mention of the name of William Jen
nings Bryan that stirred the house
to a realization that he is still the
true leader of democracy in its
broadest term. The body was discuss
ing the urgent deficiency, bill, and ono
of its clauses provided for an appro
priation to build a, military .post and
fort just outside the city of Manila
in the Philippine islands. The demo
crats were vigorously opposing this
provision of the bill on the grounds,
first, that it was a new appropriation
and so had no right' to be tacked to
an urgent deficiency bill; and second,
that the bill made a prpvision for au
utterly ' un-American : object. Tbo
democrats . waxed eloquent in opposi
tion to any bill that had for its result
a step toward the ultimate keeping
of the Islands. Many of the minority
had spoken, while but few of the re
publicans dared to face the charges
made. Congressman De - Armond of
Missouri was on, his. feet arguins
against, the. bill's specific provision,
when "Fire-eater" Grosvenor jumped
to 'his feet and asked If he might ask
a question. Mr. De Armond Is always
willing to reply to questions asked,
and was especially willing because of
the " fact that he had just returned
from a trip to the Philippine islands
and so was , thoroughly conversant
with : the insular affairs. : Grosvenor
replied .that he wanted to know if
"William Jennings Bryan could not
be summoned and asked - to give hl3
reasons ,fpr , advocating.: the passage
of the treaty :with. Spain!:; And when
told that this was . elevant, he pur
sued his subject - further by asktng
Mr. Do Armond to give Bryan's rea
sons for his actions in this connection.
De; Armond replied that he would not
presume tQ speak for Mr. Bryan, for
that gentleman was. .fully capable to
speak for himself and generally did so
in a . manner that made his opponents
feel ticklish, i But in view of the fact
that Grosvenor was known broadcast
as: the "mouthpiece of the McKinloy
administration,'.' he thought Grosvenor
could do a Ut,tle explaining himself.
Grosvenor, replied i hptly that such a
charge against him was untrue, but De .
Armond in his 'answer gave Grosvenor
the 'hardest sitting down on that this
"white-haired hypocrite" has -had for
many a day. At the mention of
Bryan's name the dempcratic' and ppp
ulist members rpse to their feet and
cheered to the 4 echo. The demons tra
tion was so pronounced that ..it took
even the democrats not to say the re
publicansby surprise ' and all future
reference to " his name. In the course
of the evening's debate . brought the
same response ;fr"om the fusion mem
bers. ? The demonstration was really
remarkable.and reminded the majoritr
of the time, when Bryan appeared on
the . floor . several years ago and was
greeted with' wild .applause. At that
time you will remember the, repub
licans fought fiercely to keep the fact
of his being applauded from the. Con
gressional Record, but were defeated.
But to the urgent deficiency bill. It
was passed on Friday with little oppo-
sitipn. The democrats scored their
first victory oh the - floor in connec
tion with this bill. The provision fof
the fort outside, of Manila was de
feated after a two days' argument and
the democrats had won. But this vic
tory was temporary, for the repub
licans Immediately, amended the bill
by providing for an appropriation of
$500,000 for the shelter of the American
soldiers' in the Philippines and this
was passed" with unanimity. Of course
the democratic - victory was but a
technical one, for the majority put the
bill in a: way that opposition could not
be made to it. The democrats in vot
ing for the bill declared that the re
sponsibility' for the Philippine pro
vision rested on the republicans.
In the senate the Philippine tariff
has been under discussion and tho
same arguments are made there as
were made in the house before the
bill w;as sent to the senate. It is pos
sible that it will be a month before
the bill is passed. It will probably bo
amended and sent back to the bouse.
But meanwhile the democrats' are get
ting some good campaign material in
the Record. ; ' 1 . .. .
The canal question remains much in
its original status. The Nicaraguan
canal bill is before the senate, but
consideration of it will not be taken
until after the passage of the Philip
pine .tariff bill. -
, The United , States secretary of stata
has signed, a treaty with the Danish
government providing for the purchase
of the Danish West, Indies by the
United States for the sum of $5,000,000,
and the president has sent the treaty
to the senate... This bill provides for
the cession of . the islands for the
above mentioned - sum to the United
States as, soon as the treaty shall have
passed congress and shall have been
adopted by the Danish legislative
houses but there is a condition. The
Danish people, realizing the tendency
of the United : States government to
govern people without their consent,
have made the conditipn , that tbey
will not adopt the treaty until a com
plete investigation is made v of the
islanders to get their consent. It is
not supposed that there will- be no
objection from the people of the
islands', because "the treaty is so
framed that ,it .will .pot call upon the
people : to surrender 'I their Danish al
legiance and they may remain Dane
in fact, meanwhile enjoying whatever
commercial advantages they may de
rive from the United States owner
ship.: The, plebiscite Will not be con
trolled by the United States in any
