vl December 12, 1901 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT. Bryan on Roosevelt. - President Roosevelt's first message to congres3 contains much that can be commended by members of. all parties?- After paying a high compliment to Us predecessor he discusses the question of an archy at some length, and proposes certain rem edies which The Commoner will discuss hereafter when those remedies are embodied in bills presented for consideration of congress. He pays a deserved " - I V . . .- i i x .1 . : -rtf. Via Imnnrf. luuuie iu agriculture uiiu eiiiyuaauco ""i'"' $ance of the preservation of the forests. His recom- Mcendatiqns on the subject of irrigation are espe cially good. He seems to fully appreciate the magnitude of the subject and the limitations ivhich he suggests are eminently wise. It is to be licped that congress will heed his advice and in all legislation bear in mind that "the only right to water which sho'u Id be recognized is that of use," and that "in irrigation this right should attach Jo ;j)e land reclaimed and be inseparable there- t-m." His comnarison between the granting of perpetual water rights to others than the users" mJiifXthft "frivine- awav nf nornetual franchises to the public utilities of cities" is just and timely. His indorsement of the Monroe doctrine is em phatic and comprehensive. His remarks on the i laoor question indicate mat ne nas a ciearei -C ccption of the laborers' struggles and difficulties I than some previous presidents; his plans, how fr "j"er, fr the amelioration of the condition of lsfj-ilaboring man are. open to discussion. J i . rpi rlomnnrnti! urill rliccn-nt frfim his hieh tariff remedy the laborer has been suffering from the aoministration of that remedy for about a quarter of -z. century. There is virtue, however, in the prtsident's advocacy of the eight-hour law, and of regulations to prevent over-work and unsanitary conditions. He failed to condemn government by injunction and the blacklist, both of which have caused much injustice to the wage-earners. I Hi! JJrtJSlUtJUL a 1 el uni uicuua LI kili iuc vu.- ,e question are welcome; they will insure a romnt extension of the Chinese exclusion act. i'hile many of the republican leaders lean to the iiieap labor side of the Chinese question, there will !sbo enough republicans ready to act with the demo crats to mane iuuie any uiieiujji lu upeu uui uuui lo Chinese emigration. P j ' The president has stated his position with 3 clearness on the general subject of emigration 1 . l 1 a .!! 1 1 1 ,3 . ana on me EUDject 01 civil service, aim lie pieua his; administration to make the appointments in the army and ,navy depend upon merit and not v.pon personal, political or social influence. Ae gives considerable attention to the size of the navy, and urges a considerable increase in the naval strength of the nation. His recommendations upon the subject of the merchant marine and on the subject of interstate commerce are not specific. He wants to see the American merchant marine "restored to the ocean," but he does not definitely indorse the ship subsidy bill, which gives the interpretation whien republican leaders have placed upon the republi can platform. While he favors an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law In the interest of the patrons of the road, his lan guage raises a suspicion that he is also willing to cencede to the railroads the pooling privileges for which they have contended for several years. In discussing the tariff question the president aeiunes what is not true..namelv. that there is reral acquiescence in our present tariff . system tj: a national policy." He recommends a limited tem of reciprocity, but wants it distinctly un- Ifj jtood that we must not concede anything that . t' bally of any value to us. No one can read that ilon or nis message without being convince.! 1 3 'U-the reciprocity idea will be entirely subordi ted to the interests and demands of the ben eficiaries of a high tariff. In fact, he says as much when he declares that "reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection," and, therefore, like a handmaiden, subject to discharge on short notice. The president follows the republican platform, and recommends the creation of a new cabinet po sition to be filled by a representative of the com mercial and industrial interests. It will be re membered that the democratic nlatform advn- f rated the creation of a department of labor, with a cabinet officer in charge. The difference between I a representative of commerce and industry (al- ready represented to a large extent by the secretary cf the treasury, who is closely associated with the bankers, by the secretary of state, who is in ".tact with our consular representatives, and the attorney general, who has for years been Jimate with the great corporations) and one aking for and representing the great wage-earn-' .classes of the United States ought to be appar r ent to anyone. ) The president's recommendation in regard to t an Isthmian canal also follows the rennblican nlaf- form. and leaves out all mention of the route to be followed. There, is a widespread opinion that the Panama canal project has been used by the rail reads to prevent the digging of the Nicaragua canal. The mes-age indicates that the president appreciates the importance of the canal, and ths 1.ves us some room to hope that even though he 1 does not specifically indorse the Nicaragua route, he will not permit the railroads to further delay the inauguration of thi3 great enterprise. The president makes.no reference to the Boer var. ; Whether he has been so occupied with pub lic affairs as not to have learned of the struggle going on in South .Africa; whether, having learned, of it, he considers it a matter of trivial importance;' whether he sympathizes with the Boers, but is pre vented by allegiance to his party from giving ex pression to that sympathy,- or whether his sym pathies are with England in her efforts to extend her empire, all these are left to conjecture. Scant attention is given to the money ques tlon; less than three hundred words are used to set. forth the president's position on a question which the republican papers declared to be para mount in the last campaign. Below will be touzd the only reference to this important subject: The act of March 14, 1900, intended un- equivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our government bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. Thi3 condition it is eminently desirable to maintain. In many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty for the' proper ... exercise of the banking function, but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country . shall be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and com merce. Does sthis mean that the president does not favor the proposed measure making the silver dollar redeemable in gold, or does it mean that he is going to adopt the plan followed by the gold standard advocates in the past and prevent as far as possible the discussion of financial measures? He does not mention the branch bank or the asset currency? Does it mean that he does not favor them, or that he prefers to have them sprung upon congress and rushed through before the people have a chance to understand them? If measures are necessary to protect the people "against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics," why not present such measures for the consideration of the people? If the cur rency should be made "responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce," why not out line a plan so that the public generally can ex amine and discuss it? Everybody reads the presi dent's message, but comparatively few people know anything about the bills presented. We shall see, as time passes, whether the currency question oc cupies as small a place in congressional considera tion as it has in the president's message. The two subjects specially emphasized in the president's message are the trust question and the Philippine situation. A perusal of the president's utterances on the trust question will convince any un prejudiced reader that the president has heard from the trust magnates since he made his Min neapolis speech. His famous phrase in regard to the shackling of cunning is reproduced, but it is so diluted with warnings, cautions and fears, as to be scarcely recognizable. It is evident that the presi dent has been deeply impressed by the doleful prophecies and threatenings of the monopolists. He is willing to admit that the consolidation of capital which is going on is a process which has aroused much antagonism, but he feels it neces sary to add "a great part of which is wholly with out warrant." He borrows the phraseology of trust defenders when he asserts that "the average man, the wage-earner, the farmer, the small trader, have sever before been so well off as in this country aud at this. time." The inference is natural that th.3 trust evil is not really serious, if industrial condi tions are as favorable as the president assert. He borrows the epithets of the trust magnates when he warns the country against "ignorant violence," against "the ignorant or reckless agi tator," against "crude and ill-considered legisla tion" and against "appeals, especially to hatred end fear." It is doubtful whether any one as bad ly scared as the president seems to be is in a proper frame of mind to calmly consider an effec tive anti-trust law. He gives the benefit of the doubt to the corporation, and nowhere expresses ac much solicitude for the rights of the masses cf the people as he does for the interests of the great combinations of capital which in his opinion "will take the lead in the stiife for commercial suprem acy among the nations of the world." To em barrass them would be, in his opinion, to "cramp and fetter the youthful strength of the nation." The only remedy suggested by him is publicity, and in discussing the subject he uses illustrations which convince one that he has no objections :o private monopolies. He puts them upon the same footing as a national bank, and simply insists that they shall inform the public as to their busi ness methods. He refers to the evils of over-capitalization, but does not suggest any specific rem edy therefor. We are to have publicity first, and investigation afterward. It will take some time to get the idea into operation, then the constitutional ity of the law will be attacked and prosecution will have to be suspended a few years until the case is reached in the supreme court, and that will tide the party over another presidential election. If the president is in earnest in his desire to shackle cunning, let him recommend the passage of a bill which will compel the supreme court to give im mediate consideration, to questions arising under laws which, like an anti-trust law, affect the en tire people. The president intimates that a con stitutional amendment, may be necessary to au thorize congress to take comprehensive., action against the trusts. It is to be. hoped that this suggestion will not be made an excuse for -delay. The American people are losing millions of dol lars every week because of the extortion of trusts, &nd there Is no time for delay in dealing with this question. The fatal mistake made by the presi dent is that he fails to recognize that a-privat-? monopoly is always, and under every circumstance, a menace to the public There can be no sufficient or satisfactory regulation of a private monopoi". It. is essentially and eternally wrong. -It hag'' al ways been regarded as an outlaw against society; it has never been defended until recently, and it Is lamentable to learn from the president's message that he has been constrained by the trust mag nates to withhold his positive and emphatic con demnation of the monopoly principle. There is nothing in his message to indicate that - he has any fear of the effect of a private monopoly. When he declares "that combination and concentration should be not prohibited, but supervised, and with in, reasonable limits controlled,'' hejgnores entire ly the vicious principle of monopoly. No exten sion of foreign commerce, no development of do . mestic. industry could for a moment justify a pri ! vate monopoly, even though such monopoly could be shown to be advantageous in both respects. On the subject of imperialism the president, without attempting to defend the principles in volved, shields himself behind the force of eir- cumstances. He assumes the patronizing air of thp advocates of "destiny" and "duty" and, insists that "our earnest effort is to help these people up ward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government." And again he says: "We hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people in the tropics to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of th really free nations." He thinks any attempt to give them independence now "such a desertion i f duty on our part as would be a crime against hu manity." He seems to regard a government based upon force as the best government for certain classes, and free government as only possible un der certain circumstances, for he says "it is no light task for a nation to achieve the tempera mental qualities without which the institutions c? free government are but empty mockery." and he adds that "our people are now successfully jroverr ing themselves because for more than a thousand years they have been fitting themselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end." He declares that large portions of the Fili pino race are starting 'very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirtv gen erations ago." The question irresistibly rises in one's mind, if the Filipinos are a thousand years behind our people and must be governed by us he; cause of that fact, how can they ever catch up with us unless they develop more rapidly than we do? Capacity for self-government is a relative term, that is to say. some people are capable of govern ing themselves better than others. We have not reached perfection in this respect and the Fili - pinos certainly have some capacity. If we are all making progress it will evidently be necessary for the Filipinos to improve more rapidly than we do in order to narrow the gap between us. This doc trine is a dangerous one, because it justifies the pretensions of an imperial government wherever people can be found rich enough to invito ex ploitation and weak enough to be conquered. Conscious that "destiny" and , "duty'..' would r.ot appeal to the commercial element of ? the re publican party, the president proceeds to recom mend legislation that will give American citizens a, chance to garner up the undeveloped wealth of the Philippine islands. He says: "Of course.no business man will go into the Philippines unless 5r is to his interest to do so, and it is immensely n the interest of the islands that he should go in." That is the argument always made in behalf of capital. It is assumed that the "inferior race" is longing to be developed by foreign speculators, and it is admitted that the speculator will not go un less it can be made profitable to him, therefore laws must hold out inducements! .Congress must take possession of the resources of the Philippine islands and offer them as a reward to Americans who will go there and develop them. The Ameri can people will furnish sn army to hold the Fili pinos in subjection, while the synd'. Vites and cor porations will gather all the wealth in sight. This is the Philippine question in a nutshell: Hold the inlands: providence gave them tn us and we must make all the money out of them we can. Show the taxpayer that it is his duty to bear the burden, and you will have no difficulty in showing the exploiter that it is his duty to reap the reward. If the republicans in the senate and house at tempt to cairy out the president's recommenda tions on the Philippine question, the opposition will have a :-plendid opportunity to manufacture maurial fo.- the next campaign I t1 "i " 1 V"" 1 -ill. iM i.i SPECIAL OFFER 'Old Settlers1 Club1 Whiskey The only whiskey that has been used for years by the OLD SETTLERS of the West. It is as necessary to have good whiskey a3 it is to have good food. "Old Settlers' Club" has stood the test of time, taste and comparison. A- Full Quart Bottles 3.0O W e pay express charges this side of the Kockies. West of the Rockies we pay the charges on 24 quarts or over. To insure prompt delivery let us Lava your holiday order now. CHICAGO TABLE SUPPLY CO., 264266 State Street, Chicago. "(- " ... ; The Favorite Schiller Piano. 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I don't know that I'd like to see nim even governor, because then he would not have any time to spend with mamma and me, and . he'd be always, working and never get any rest." v Thus did William, Travers Jerome, Jr., 6et a limitation on his father's po litical career, according to a' Lakeville (Conn.) dispatch to the NewTork Even ing Journal. ' . ' "Chinky," as the son of the district attorney elect of New York is dubbed, is eleven years old, but he is politically wise beyond his years. Constant asso ciation with the men who always sur round his father has brightened J:he little, chap "wondrously, and his likes and dislikes 'for the candidates In the late eampaign.are pronounced. "I like papa most because he Is my papa," he" declared, "and next because he is an honest man. He didn't need to be in this election, but I'm glad he ran, now that he has been elected, be cause he will show the people what he Is made of. "Oh, he's going to surprise everybody before he gets through! "Yes, I like Low and Shepard both. I like Low principally because he is educated and believes in education. Not enough attention is paid to educa tion in our country, and that is the cause of most-crime. "You can just bet Mr. Low will build plenty of schools and run them in good shape." "Chinky" is an athletic lad, and while his father is in the country he drags him off to play golf every, day. He can handle a horso, ride a wheel or pull an oar. Withal he is very studious. MAY LOSE HER PENSION. Dr. Mary Walker Accused of Vili fying: President McKinley. Dr. Mary E. Walker, the woman suffragist who wears men's apparel, ls liable to lose 'her pension for alleged "treasonable utterances" regarding the late President McKinley if H. Clay Evans, commissioner of pensions, has his way. " When the president's assassin was sentenced to be killed, the doctor called at the ticket office of the New York Central Railway company in Oswego and delivered a harangue to a crowd in the waiting room in which she is al leged to have used this language, says the New York World: "The state of New York in killing the assassin by electricity is just as great a murderer as is the assassin who killed McKinley. The latter in sending armed troops to shoot down the Filipinos in their own homes and country was a murderer." United States Marshal McLoughlin of Binghamton went' to Oswego the other day to look up the facts and ob tain affidavits. In an interview Dr. Walker said: "WThat I did say I am ready to, say anywhere." In the civil war Dr. Mary Walker served as-an army nurse and was dis charged as a "surgeon of volunteers." A few 3'ears ngo she was granted a pension of $15 a month. NOVEL TRANSLAKE TRIP. Captain Mayo to Make the Voyage Alone In a Lifeboat. Captain It. D. Mayo of Muskegon, Mich., will make a perilous voyage in his strange life saving device from Chicago to Muskegon the latter part of November in order to demonstrate practically the merits of the boat, says the New York Times. The craft with wrhich he will make the trip will be bO feet in length and G feet in diameter and is the one which has been shown in the exhibition of boats at Havre, France, tViis summer.' . The captain expects to make the translake journey in two days provid ing he has favorable weather. He will take with him an oil stove to keep warm and will be amply provided with provisions in case he is delayed by storms. He will make the trip alone. The Mayo life device is cone shaped and is a boat within a boat. The In side boat is on pivots, which enable it and its occupants to remain right si(ye up no matter how much the life craft Is L tossed about by the elements. ,The boat acts on the principle of a log In the sea, rolling lengthwise with the waves, while inside the occupants are shelter ed from the storm. There am devices for preventing any water from entering the outside shell while air circulates freely. The boat can be propelled either by sails or oars. Pensions For Bank Employees. Plans providing for a pension fund for aged employees of the Fourth Street National bank in Philadelphia were favorably passed upon at a meet ing of the board of directors of that in stitution the other day, says the New York Times. Hereafter when one of the employees is considered too old for work he will be put on the pension list, no matter what his age. The fund will be entirely gratuitous, a cer tain sum being laid aside by the bank each year to provide all expenditures In pensions. Resolutions calling tor a death benefit for the families of em ployees were , also favorably passed upon. . nieher Hotel Rates For Coronation. While a raid upon west end flats and houses is being made in view of the coronation and already, fancy prices are the rule, the hotels have so far not taken next summer's great celebration into their consideration, says the Lon don Mail. Except in a few isolated cases there have been no applications for rooms for next June, and conse quently the special tariffs, which will, of course,, be advanced on the normal, have not yet been drawn up. 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SLOSSON, Agt,, Lincoln Isebr. mm mrmi A TRIP TO FLORIDA THIS WINTER Would be an enjoyable one, arid if you so desire continue a little farther and visit our new possessions Havana, Cuba it's only a day's ride on the steamer." 5 & S & & S & S K ! S & S S S J CITY TICKET OFFICE J : BURLINGTON DEPOT 6 Cor. 10th and O Sts. 7th St., Bet.-P & Q. Telephone 235. Telephone 25. j3 The Heroes of Transvaal More valiant they than ancient war like Greek; More constant than the steadfast wolves of Rome, The brave Boer, desperate clings to, plain and peak, And sternly dies for Liberty and Home. He guards the camp thTough cold wet winter night, And cautious scans the wide veldt for the foe; On the chill ground, reposing from the fight, War-worn comrades forget their country's iwoe. In front, not far off, lies his father's farm The loved home of his boyhood hap . py days His dear old mother whom God save from harm Still keeps the helpless children there, and prays. His brave old father went with bold Cronje, N And died on St. Helena's abhorred ' rock. O, may Napoleon's awful curse, this day, Fall full on England with an earth quake's shock! See, through the misty night, that lurid flame ' Mount up, and shed its baleful glare afar! i It shows a flag henceforth a flag of shame, Which burns the widow's home, and calls that war! , The widow and her orphans, Britons drove, With the cows, to the concentration camp; . And there by heat and cold and hunger ttrove To conquer courage, cannons could - ? not damp. Where are those heroes, whom brave ' Teddy led, And tore such prey from Weyler's bloody hand? k The truest hearts that e'er for Free dom bled, i f Implore you now to help a worthier land. J ' Sure God has well approved your no '. ble dbw'--Tv. : ' ' ' . -... ; ' For by strange V&ths to power, your i f Chief, He led. ; Still loftier heights are his, if he but ! heed " God's call, and checks the murd'rous, Briton's tread! While all the world has gone to gain and greed, ' The Boers alone, corrupting gold despise; With steadfast, manful valor, grimly bleed, And Wealth and Ho me for Freedom sacrifice. No more shall we, to stir men's hearts ' to flame, Sing praise of Salamis and Mara thon; Majuba Hill and Spiori Kop shall shame ' The gilded glories of the Parthenon. How can brave men, aloof, still "idly stand, . And see the noblest heroes of all time, . , - Go down to death, defending Free dom's land, From arson, murder, rape, and ev- ery crime? W. H. Ashby. The Grout Bill At the meeting of the National Live Stock convention in Chicago last week the Grout bill was extensively dis cussed. : Leonard Pearson of Penn sylvania, speaking for the dairy in terests who uphold the Grout bill, led the debate with the plea that with oleomargarine selling under its own colors, butter could hold its own. "You cattlemen," said he, "insist that color ing of oleomargarine should be al lowed, yet you insist that the wool in terests should - be protected against shoddy masquerading as wool. - Ex-Governor Packard of Iowa moved that the whole subject be deferred, when Judge Cowan arose and said that packers, had as much right to color oleomargarine as dairymen have to color butter. The discussion was participated in by members of tho Kansas, California, Missouri, Michi gan and Iowa delegations. It was the first general debate of the convention. Judge Cowan brought the speaking to an end by moving the previous ques tion. The resolution against the Grout bill was adopted, but over a good-sized minority. HEADACHE At all (rug stores. MSSSSBSBSSBSSskflSl 25 Doses 25c