The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902, March 21, 1901, Image 1

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VOL. XII.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, MARCH 21, 1901.
NO. 48.
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WE CANT HAYE EOTH
If W tiaWii.li Militarist. f.reet Stead
ies , ry atjui llg T, We Cea't
lis I tan 1 1 -
trt.I I fea r.i ratt
V.'2.ir.Kt'ia. !. C . March 1. KOL
it i-.a as c?jr wrt ia Wshingtoo
for - k England's n-tpoEs on
f!. ij-Paun-fot tr-aty would be
:- ! :t 1 u-.t.l or.jr: - tad adjourned.
Jr.- 'ia;ii:trt:oa y rspathized
iih attitude ar. 1 was ex-
t r 1 jriry t J.t tbr -a.te could
!.;..'! t-'- Ei- to the UUT!t-
t-a Asfl- Air. rira alliance which
jil tii'At tti alitfv England
i' 11 ol evt-ry Dtgotia-
jj.' Tu- jMi-a-. f.o-ur, tt-M out lor
4 tiar w;.i; L ouM jw m.;t us to de-f-i
I'-rt4y our Nit;r-iiJi tanal
Eic t rfuf J to je-cxt the
,iL,'L.;j -I i i . 'J'suj- ! 'f ' . -a: . if
s-adr - IL- .? of cou-
;!, -iI-j t i :jot'4 Ly dc
t isSi-jii. ioj :r.i.. liiLj; tae
, .'! i '.. ; tJa. - t li IirVtrr
fto.i-; r. sv- L--n r::-:-j iuiu.
1 r. . t. a j !;. ;y to i.- t.i a any
way, i.ta twim ci&u.i.t5 next
;&:. r. Lai tt, 4caia;rtoa prefrrs
to cf-r '-tia rft iti. ii ix"!a!.
t. t'fflc !cnho!e ikill I frentt"l
-o it ca la wa.it f iirstaia dc
.!. TLat tL kir.d ot a j:rictie
5ai:r.i.-tra.:ta i.:t itcak oUil lor
i-"it
Ti-'7 '. .i.';i., r r'ar'a h the r-p-aJ-rac
watt 3 it t ;oa deUyc-4 oa
tae utT- Hititi ta- trt-iity xavxnt
as a;-aiv;ritiua lu: Luildiag the Ni
car04 tiaaL VVna .;iaot a billion
j!,., j; half S rcpriatel lor military
ar-2 itrjwri!:? purpo. the rrpubli-
at -1:4 !.(. aat lo a.-
um- further ,
j-f;t.aibiiity. eea lor o meritorious
a proj'---t the Nicaragua taaal.
l-ur:a tt arit thr- -ar the peo
; :;i :.4tr an.p ; ;Mrtuait y to dis
aiir that oar tioia ttic interests are
to - .ruatiy ult td ia order
ta-I j..- . i.ai iiiu b- tpt-at on por
t;o: of o:tr daiaaia cre neither the
. jr coagrt-:siouai reirula-
uya aei harajtr tht extravagance of
rv car ktd after con-
;:-. a4.ra-w: "W are going to
p-ai a ratliaaa cc41ar improving the
tartar at Mansia aad not a cent oa
tL harbor tf the United States.
Tir ii.-ith of ex-Preideat Harrison
l-iiZ&M 1-iZly to ralr.4 his service to
Lis to: a try rr ntly.
i'l'j uo art he ever did while ia
u"u or -ekisg oSte was as valuable
to the i-t.-i'W aj Lu petrch at Aaa Ar
to: lit Ifcenbrr khowiag how the
:a; nalii poh:y violated the spirit
-.aa It-ttc-r thr coaititutioa. It
ra.s a p-ty thai Geueral Harrison
die jvt at the tirae when he
w ir.ust u-tful to hia country, la
a; ttirat uii.raa;-e he could not be
. of aa u-..rc to further per-fr-aai
a.L.t.oa.
il-t- clvij t-ui aai forecful analysis
tf in. pel iiluia appralrd with great
force to tae raak aad air of bis own
prty, who a,re cot blinded Ly visions
ol ;4aa-lvr ia the Philippines.
It will be rrai.tab-red that the
jouthfal aad rampant Senator Bever
: If ia hU si,-:h of January . 1j0.
.1-U: 3 that the Glacials whom we
would tmii-l to our new po&&eioas
' raait W thriueire the highest ex-araplt-i
of our civillratioa." aad as
tared u that the administration could
(e ti uted to Mil the places with en-
tirely cea; ;..-at taea.
Goiag suii furthrr aloag this illogi- j
ral aad fallacious line of political rea-
vjaiag, the itpubiicaas have been !
prcraiirg that the spectacle of our
model froverasseat la Porto Itico and'
the Philippines would exercise a salu
tary tacral laSaeace over the corrup
tion which characterizes republican
rule ia this country.
Let us see Low the problem works
. jt. ik-cator Beveridge has himself
:ven us a object lesfeoa. It is of3
,:!, too. aad cannot be denied.
The recently patUfched report of the
ladiaaa Civil Service Reform associa
t.oa taows that oa April 15, 11. Sen
ator Beveridge had his father-in-law.
aa invalid agd sixty, appointed to the
potal service ta Porto Hico. Oa July
Z, WjZ. he was tracsferred to the mon
ey order department cf the New York
po-tof!lce and given a clerkship under
the classified er ice. still without ex
amination. On February 10. 15K1, the
rcatltraaa was appointed bookkeeper
at the ladianapchs poetofUce at a sal
ary of fl.00 a 3 ear. although be is
fiOt a trains ccouatant and there is
no ue for him if he was.
How handy for aa administration
w -nator to be able to get his needy and
incompetent relatives into govern
ment service by btartiag them In our
ins alar possesions, where no civil ser
vice rules apply aad then gradually
bringing thtm home as fuil-fiedged
government employes.
How nicely theory and practice work
with .Senator Beridge. He has fur
ai.aed t: only one illuminating ex
aa jle of the u-s to whirh our Insular
jw.oEiS will b? pat by uaacrupul
oj puLUciai. Thre will be plenty
otter lt::aa .
o trisraii upon the son
. Titctioa will cut hrt.tate to gather
the t"tK'.i.
Ml CAN SEE KRUGER"
r irrial llwrrlMw wma oppmmtd t
f r KlwUy tUcy warly ry
ltau
A, I l!aon. a lawer ad personal
fri'ad. in teHing of his lat call on
Garia! Harrin. a few days before
&is lt Bine, said:
-We reav-r-d on a variety tf sub
j rts. I htd jtist finiitad reading his
art:c rn the Ber war and rallied
him by saying that when be should go
abroad the rxxt time he worn not be
zd acceptable rejt X the Esglisi
court. He answered with greM quick
nets: ! can go to see Kruger.'
He talked for a time aliout the
Presbyterian creed. He was the chair
man of the committee on revision. He
took up the Cuban question. His
point on this was that we had placed
ourselves in a position before the
world where our sincerity in dealing
with Cuba could justly be questioned.
He W3s emphasizing his former state
ment that the moral law bound the
honor of cations as well as of individ
uals. "His reference to the Philippines and
Porto Itican matters expressed sur
prise that the supreme court of the
raited States had not yet handed down
it decision.
"Later the conversation turned on
trusts. He said he had very definite
id-as on the regulation of trusts, and
teiieved that the problem was one
which w.a fairly within the reach of
ljji slat ion that would commend itself
to the common sense of all good peo
ple. He quoted at length, from mem
ory, from the articles of incorporation
rf the steel trust and expressed a be
lief that a corporation should not be
vlinitted to do business in any state
unlets it carried on its principal busi
t in the state where it was organ
ized and was an actual and bona fide
corporation of that state, not only in
law, but in fact.
"He remarked that money of the
reat trust combinations organized
uruir the laws of New Jersey trans
acted no business in that state and
ne not intended to transact any bus
iness there. Of the general conversa
tion thes are the things that come to
my memory."
BENJAMIN HARRISON
a n f Revolutionary Sires Who Stood
bj tb Constitution. tb Doclaratlon
nd th Tlg to the lay of hit
Jwth.
The death of former President Ben
jamin Harrison will occasion, pro
found regret among all citizens and in
every portion of the republic. While
advanced In years he had retained in
an unusual degree his physical and
mental powers, and It had been ardent
ly hoped by his countrymen that his
life would long be spared.
Benjamin Harrison represented the
highest type of American brain3, man
hood and citizenship. His great
grandfather. Benjamin Harrison, sat
in the continental congress with John
Adams and Thomas Jefferson, as a del
egate from Virginia, and was one of
the signers of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. His grandfather. General
William Henry Harrison, was a dis
tinguished soldier of the war of 1812-
14 anfl was thn ninth nrirlTit nf thA
1S41, but living only a few weeks after
he assumed the presidential office. The
deceased inherited the abilities, pa
triotism and lofty Americanism of his
ancestors, and when he cam3 to the
presidential. chair In 18S9 was the sec
ond instance in which a single family
has twice held the highest office in
the gift of the republic. The first in
stance was the Adam3 family, and the
becond the Harrison family, and it is a
coincidence that the progenitors of
loth were signers of the Declaration
of Independence.
Benjamin Harrison was a lawyer, a
soldier and a statesman. He had won
fame at the bar before he entered the
arena of national politics, and it is not
too much to say that he will take rank
as one of the very ablest lawyers that
the country has ever produced. His
last great effort as an attorney was
before the Anglo-Venezuelan commis
sion at Paris, on the Venezuela boun
dary case, and fully established his
reputation a one of the master legal
intellects of the century. He met and
worsted Sir Richard Webster, Eng
land's attorney general, Id an argu
ment that has never been surpassed as
a brilliant forensic effort.
Aa a soldier he developed not only
personal bravery, but rare military
tact and ability, and made for the regi
ment and brigade that he commanded
a record for soldierly courage and ef
ficiency In action not exceeded by any
In the armies of the union.
As a public man he was honored
with such positions as governor of Ind
iana, senator from that state and pres
ident of the United States. In politics
he was a republican, and he was not
lacking in the partisanship of the
time. He has been subjected to harsh
criticism by his political opponents,
but the sincerity of his belief and the
Integrity of his purpose have never
been called in question, even by those
who differed from him. On the new
Issues which have arisen since he left
the presidency he has not been In sym
pathy with the party of which he was
a bright ornament. In his recent pub
lic lectures and addresses he severely
arraigned trusts and imperialism.
Among the men of his day and gen
eration there has been no more emi
nent American than Benjamin Harri
son. His mental equipment was var
ied. He was a great man in many
senses great as a constitutional law
yer, as an orator, as a legislator, as
an executive, as a soldier when in the
service and as a citizen in private life.
He was not a magnetic man as Blaine
was, but his mental caliber was of a
sterner mold. His personal life was
blameless, and his friends and neigh
bors knew him as a courteous, upright.
Christian gentleman. He began life
in poverty and worked his way to the
very front of the world's stage of force
of character, and a power of brains
that finds few parallels in the annals
of the republic. He will pass Into his
tory as one of the great men that Am
erica has produced, notwithstanding
that as president he failed to use his
power and personal influence to stop
the tendencies of his party that al
ready were plainly In evidence. -
THE RAILROAD POWER
Communities Come to Fear the Frown of
the Railroad Managers More Than
They Fear the Frown of God,
The whole nation has been watching
what a couple of railroads can do to a
legislature ever' since the senatorial
contest began at Lincoln. What they
can do, and have done to whole com
munities is not so universally known.
But the question whether railroads
shall continue to exercise sovereign
powers without supervision or control
looms up, as one of the most vital and
pressing questions of the near future.
The Omaha Commercial club has been
inviting discussion of the "question.
That is the famous body that unani
mously declared that if Holcomb was
elected governor and the pops came
into power, this state would be ruined,
the fields lie uncultivated, the business
houses would be deserted, society dis
integrated and the few inhabitants
that would be left would revert to
barbarism. A change seems to have
come over the spirit of their dreams.
They invited ex-Attorney General
Smyth to deliver them a speech on the
railroad question. Smyth talked
straight populism to them as did also
Ed P. Smith, and they not only list
ened to it respectably, but the speaker
was enthusiastically cheered.
Mr. Smyth went over the whole
question. After indicating that the
Weber bill did not attempt to fix a
rate for all articles shipped, but only
for the bulkier commodities, such as
live stock, grain and lumber, and that
it prohibited discriminations and im
posed severe penalties for the viola
tion of its provisions, he asked,
"Whence comes this power of the state
to regulate the charges which rail
roads may make to their patrons?"
"It comes," he said, "from more than
one source, but chiefly from the fact
that no railroad company could be con
structed for any considerable distance
without the exercise of the power of
eminent domain; this power is partic
ularly a sovereign power and belongs
to the state alone. The state conferred
this power upon railroads, a power
essential to their existence, and in re
turn for it the railroads assumed cer
tain duties to the public, among which
were the duty to charge for services
no more than is reasonable and not
to discriminate in their rates so as to
give one patron an undue preference
over another. These duties are rarely,
if ever, observed by the raProads.
Tbeir whole system of business is
based upon a principle antagonistic to
them."
In suport of this contention he
showed by the testimony of railroad
men, taken in the maximum freight
rate case, and in the case of the state
against the Union Pacific Railroad
company, that the rates on oranges
from California were the same to Oma
ha as to New York, and that in many
instances one shipper was charged as
much for hauling his freight thirty
miles as another shipper was charged
for hauling the same kind and quan
tity of freight 100 miles.
Instances were given where the
rates on freight from Omaha to points
in the state were 5 cents a hundred
higher than from Lincoln to the same
points, although the distance from the
latter was considerably greater. He
said that by the exercise of this power
of discrimination, the railroads were
enabled to build up or tear down a
community at will; that it was a dan
gerous power to entrust in the hands
of private individuals, and that some
communities had come to fear the
frown of a railroad more than the
frown of God. ,
He continued that the rates now
charged in this state are too high. In
proof of this statement he presented
the testimony of Mr. Dillworth, one
of the witnesses in the maximum
freight rate case, to the effect that Ne
braska rates were about 40 per cent
higher than Iowa rates. This could
not be justified on the theory that the
Iowa roads earned more per mile than
the Nebraska roads. The earnings per
mile of road on the Northwestern in
Iowa in 1893 were $5,000, while the
earnings of the Burlington in 1899 in
Nebraska were $8,000, and the earn
ings of the Union Pacific about $5,500.
"According to the interstate com
merce commission reports, the Iowa
road received $1.21 for each ton of
freight carried, while the Nebraska
roads received $2.10, or 79 per cent
more. The cost of operation in Iowa
as compared with the income of the
roads was 6 per cent lower. The cost
per train mile of the Burlington &
Missouri in Nebraska is 94 cents,
while the cost of the Chicago & North
western railway in Iowa is only 92
cents, or 2 cents less.
Mr. Smyth showed that cattle rates
had been raised from 15 to 20 per cent
during the last year, and that there
was no excuse for this. The Burling
ton road earned more in 1900 than in
1899. While the Union Pacific paid in
round numbers $7,000,000 in dividends
in 1900 as against $3,700,000 in 1899,
the earnings of the Union Pacific en
abled it to pay about 4 per cent on
$100,000 per mile in stock and bonds,
while the road was worth, according
to the testimony of its chief engineer,
but $30,000 per mile; thus compelling
the people of Nebraska to pay $3.30 in
interest and dividends where they
should be required to pay but $1.
In fixing rates, he showed by the
testimony of a railroad man taken in
the cases "which have been mentioned,
that the cost of transportation cuts
little, if any figure. That traffic man
agers know, in the language of one of
their numbers, "no more about the cost
of transportation than the man in the
moon." Fixing freight charges the
rule Is to exact as much as the traffic
will bear, "but never," according to
the testimony of one traffic manager,
"to exact the last drop of blood."
SVith respect to the charge by rail
road men that the rates fixed in the
Weber bill were outrageously low, Mr.
Smyth said those- rates were substan
tially the same as the rates fixed by
the state board of transportation a
year ago. The board invited the rail
roads to join with them in investigat
ing the reasonableness of those rates.
But the railroads refused to do so and
instead secured from the federal court
an injunction restraining the board
from making the Investigation. Then,
Mr. Smyth said, was the time for the
railroads to show that the rates were
unreasonable, if they believed they
could show them to be so, but having
taken the course they did take, it
seemed to him quite clear that they
could not prove the rates to be unrea
sonable. In conclusion, he insisted that the
republican party was the railroad par
ty of the state; that it no longer made
any pretense of representing the inter
ests of the people where they conflict
with the interests of the railroads.
There is room, he said, for but one
railroad party, 'but there is room
for a party which will insist that the
railroads obey the law, keep within
proper bounds, respect the rights of
the people and keep their hands off
the throat of government. The only
party fitted to occupy that room is the
democratic party.- Those who would
stifle its voice When it should speak
out against railroad domination, do
not understand its mission. If it be
true to its traditions and the prin
ciples of its founders, it must take a
definite position with respect to the
railroad question, and that should be,
'justice to railroads as well as to farm
ers and merchants, and death to cor
poration domination in the state of
Nebraska.' "
HEART RENDING
A Noble Woman, Descendant of Many
Generations of Patriots, Denounces
McKlaley.
Below is a letter received from a
woman, whose son, Lieut. M W
of the signal service, was killed in the
Philippine islands. The heart-broken
mother states in terms most positive
that she would rather far have her
only son in Paradise than serving in
the army of the United States engaged
in the most unholy war..
This lady, as she states herself, "is
of a family whose record dates back
over eight hundred years, with men
of rank and influence among them-1-from
a family that in colonial days
cast their fortunes with the colonies
against the crown and left estates be
hind them to do it. I dislike notor
iety, but if my letter will help your
country, you are at liberty to publish
it." The letter was written to a repre
sentative Filipino who was at Wash
ington and was as follows:
Norwich, N. Y., Feb. 9, 1901. Senor
Fontela: I sent one to Senator Mason
of Illinois and one to Senator Berry
of Arkansas and I sent the letter with
pity and pleading but . . I oubt :if
either had any effect: "I am only" a
woman who loves her country and
feels deeply the present disgrace and
wrong done to the Filipinos.
I enclose you a newspaper clipping
which will tell you all about how this
war has hurt me for that Lieut.
W mentioned as killed was ' my
son. With my last letter to him I
sent a copy of Senator Hoar's speech
in favor of the Philippine question
and begged my son to come out of the
army. He .entered the army at an
early age in the signal service and
served several years. But when he
again entered it and was ordered to
those islands neither he, nor I, thought
it was for war on .them. He thought
it was to help them to their indepen
dence and it is impossible for me to
forgive the men, who have brought
about all this woe. I despise McKinley
just as I despise any man who per
verts his position to serve his purse
or person. Our country is worse off
than yours for we are doing wrong
your people are suffering wrong but
the witches pot is boiling. God grant
our land be saved.
My heart is broken and I presume
yours is also. Do I blame the poor
Filipino who fired the shot? No! I
do not! I blame McKinley! I despise
him. God received my son into Para
dise better than in our army in these
days. Men and nations do not bear
prosperity and if you get your liberty
and a free government, you will find
that your people will grow corrupt.
I pray God for your land. My prec
ious boy is near me as I write it
nearer far nearer. When the sea
with its miles flashed between and I
feel that he forgives the Filipino who
fired the shot that set him free. Most
truly yours, J . S . W .
Later it was shown that a band of
about 300 natives were out to capture
the wagon train, but why they took
my son instead is something I do not
understand. J. S. W.
In another letter she says:
The news of my sons death was
flashed across to us on the 4th day of
last October and though every one
has been very kind to me, yet your
words of full understanding of what it
is all to me, have been a comfort such
as nothing anyone else could have
spoken or written. More than 28 years
ago everyone died that loved me and
I was left with a little son but hard
as it is if I must choose I would rath
er be where he is today, in Paradise,
than to be in the army of the United
States doing the wicked work of Mc
Kinley. The conduct of the administration
toward your people is dastardly and
shameful and I pray God to atone you
all for It. Many a Filipino mother has
wept In agony above their murdered
sons and my heart has grown more
to them since my loss. I am. most
trul. your friendt . J. S. W.
McCABE'S SAINT
Ha Signs Appropriation Bills on Sunday
and Thereby Throws Doubt on
t Their Legality.
President McKinley's action in ap
proving appropriation bills on Sun
day, March 3, has had all official
Washington in a fret lest the laws
should be declared void. A declaration
of the illegality of such laws by the
attorney general would require an ex
tra session of congress to reapprop
riate more than $300,000,000 to keep
the wheels of government running
during the next fiscal year.
The acts which the president ap
proved on Sunday and which are in
volved in the question discussed are
the following:
Postoffice approp. law... $123,782,688 75
Naval approp. law 78,653,973 75
Sundry civil law 62,553,108 21
Legislative, executive
and judicial law....... 24,600,753 S6
General deficiency law.. 14,340.574 94
Indian approp. law 9,596.221 09
St. Louis exposition law 5,250,000 00
Total $318,777,320 59
CAPTURED TEXAS
The Corporations Seem to Have Got as
Complete Control in Texas as They
Have in Nebraska.
The Texas legislature continues to
make pops by the thousand. It is ov
erwhelmingly democratic, but it has
repudiated about every principle set
forth in the Kansas City platform. It
began by inviting Dave Hill out there
to make an address. Then it sat down
on all of Governor Hogg's plans to
restrain the greed of the railroad cor
porations. It has been going from bad
to worse. The other day it surrend
ered, horse, foot and dragoons, in open
daylight to the railroad corporations.
That was a little to much for some of
the Bryan democrats. Judge W. W.
Dillard gathered up his private papers,
cleaned out his desk and announced
his departure from the legislature.
Judge Dillard opposed the passage of
the bill allowing railways outside the
state to lease Texas railways not over
115 miles in length. The bill passed.
Today Judge Dillard said:
"I am going home. This legislature
is controlled by the railway lobby, and
I have lost more self-respect since I
came here than I will ever regain. I
have been to the theatre, where I paid
my money, and I have seen the boxes
full of legislators who were guests of
the railway lawyers. I will go to my
people and tell them what I have seen
and heard, and will ask them what
they want me to do. I have my resig
nation written out and am ready to
send it to the governor."
Judge Dillard charges that the rail
way lobbyists have put the gag rule on
the house and that no legislation can
be considered even, much less passed,
without their consent.
MONUMENTAL LIARS
A Specimen of the Falsehood Constantly
Appearing in the Great Plutocratic
Dailies.
Among all the lying newspapers in
America, Chicago has an average lot.
No one can believe anything that he
sees in a Chicago daily. As an exam
ple of their mendacious falsehoods it
will only be necessary to notice a story
that every one of them published about
a riot in the village of Highwood, oc
curring upon pay-day for the soldiers
at ft. Sheridan. The Chicago Rec
ord's account, and all the rest were
similar, was as follows:
"Highwood is a military camp to
day. Martial law was proclaimed last
night by Colonel Bowman, command
ing at Ft. Sheridan, who sent two com
panies of infantry to protect the resi
dents of the peaceful suburb, not from
a foreign foe or from rioting people of
the town, but from soldiers of the fort.
"In addition to the infantry twenty
five special deputies under Marshal
Gordon guard the town.
"Colonel Bowman's action was the
result of a reign of terror started early
last evening and kept up for several
hours by drunken soldiers. Stores and
saloons were sacked, citizens knocked
down and the soldiers, as is the custom
of most of them, have been busy ever
since getting rid of their money.
"The trouble was started last even
ing by Corporals O'Brien and Stayd.
They went into a Highwood restau
rant and ordered supper for two. Both
men had been drinking and were in a
quarrelsome mood. They picked a
fight with the proprietor and his em
ployes and then proceeded to "clean
out" the place. They shot at the lights
and smashed the windows. Several of
their comrades heard the noise and
joined them in wrecking the place.
"Corporal Jack O'Brien, Corporal
John Stayd, Fifth infantry; Charles
McCullough, Henry Rixon, W. J. Mo
ses and Fred Adelberg, recruits, are
now in the hospital laid up by their in
juries, and numbers of other soldiers
fill the guard house, while many vil
lagers nurse painful cuts and bruises."
One and several, collectively and in
dividually, are falsehoods. In plain,
everyday, colloquial Anglo-Saxon they
are lies, without basis of any kind
whatever, and the men who .wrote
them are a pack of liars.
(1) There was no declaration of
"martial law" in Highwood and no
"two companies of soldiers" were sent
to the town to protect it, nor for any
other purpose. A patrol of possibly
twelve men passed through the streets,
but -this is a common occurrence and
In no way indicated any special dis
order. (2) There was no "rioting," no
buildings were injured neither stores
nor saloons. During the night a
tailor's shop was burglarized, but
whether by soldiers or others no one
knows.
(3) Not a shot was fired in the town.
(4) No "special deputies" at all were
sworn in under anybody. Gordon is
not marshal of the town, the marshal's
name being Roger More:
(5) No villagers were injured.
(6) Citizens of Highwood unite in
pronouncing the past week one of the
most peaceful weeks that have oc
curred In connection with a pay-day
at Ft. Sheridan, in spite of the fact
that the garrison at the fort is larger
than usual on account of the recruit
ing of the Twenty-ninth regiment
there.
These stories were published to en
courage the re-establishment of the
army canteen. It is said that the offi
cers at the post got a big rake-off from
the breweries whose beer was sold in
the canteens. Notice is taken of the
matter to draw attention to the fact
that it is these sort of newspapers that
the voters must rely upon for their
information. Think of the moral
standard of the men who are engaged
in publishing such sheets. Not one of
the whole lot will ever publish any cor
rection of the lies sent forth. All Chi
cago and all the country where those
newspapers circulate will continue to
believe that there was an awful riot
at Highwood. During a campaign
they will set afloat just such lies and
the people will have no chance to get
the truth.
The Chicago papers are no worse
than those of any other city. This is
an age of mendacious lying. The read
er will perhaps ask, what is to be done.
There is only one thing to do. Take
The Independent and get the truth.
The editor of --this- paper saw those
stories when they appeared. His long
experience with plutocratic liars Jed
him to conclude that there was not a
word of truth in them and no notice
was taken of them.
v
ENGLISH WHISKEY TRUST
It Was What Downed. Gladstone and
Turned the Course of Empire They
Make Peers of Whiskey Men and
Give Them Seats in the
House of Lords.
A series of public meetings, or,
rather, conferences, have just been
held in Manchester, in which Lord
Peel, lately speaker of the house of
commons, took a deciding part for the
purpose of devising and deciding upon
some course of action to be taken
with the view of compelling the con
servative government to show a little
more interest than it has lately been
showing in the work of temperance re
form, writes Justin McCarthy in the
Independent.
Lord Peel, since he released him
self from the laborious duties of the
speaker's office, has. been devoting
himself unweariedly to the consider
ation and the promotion of legislative
measures to combat the increase of
drunkenness throughout these Islands.
Some few years ago Lord Peel presided
as chairman of a royal commission
which was appointed to make inquiry
into the whole subject. The commis
sion could not agree upon any plan of
legislation, and, in fact, the majority
of its members were opposed to all leg
islation which could by any possibility
be made effective in dealing with this
growing evil. I am only repeating
what was openly said at the time, that
the majority of the commission was
made up of men who were more or less
under the Influence of the great capi
talists by whom the country is sup
plied with intoxicating drink.
I do not believe that any of the
great commercial and industrial trusts
of which you complain so much in the
United States can possibly have more
influence than is exercised here in
England by the brewers of beer and
the distillers of whisky. A great brew
er of beer or a great distiller of whis
ky is certain in England to be raised
to the peerage. I could name several
men who are members of the house of
lords at present who have acquired
that dignified position merely because
they or their fathers were successful
manufacturers of intoxicating liquors,
and, having acquired vast fortunes by
that industry, made lavish public ex
penditure of money in the patronage
of popular charities, and thus adver
tised themselves as public benefactors.
The liquor trade is an organization of
immense importance in all parliamen
tary contests, for the public-house
keeper is in the. vast majority of cases
a mere dependent on the brewer or the
distiller, and has to bestow his vote
according to the direction given to him
by his master. Now, the powerful
brewers and distillers are generally
on the tory side of politics, and the
present government : has, therefore, a
good deal to thank them for. The late
liberal government owed its overthrow
mainly to thev earnest efforts of Sir
William Harcourt: to introduce a
scheme of legislation which would
have Interfered with the profits of the
liquor trade. ' ' , .
Lord Peel, who, as I have said, was
president of the commission to inquire
into the whole subject, drew up with
his own hand a minority report, as it
was called a report embodying the
views and recommendations, of those
members of the commission who
thought with him. There was nothing
extravagant or even immoderate, there
was nothing impracticable or fanci
ful in the recommendations of Lord
Peel. He is not a fanatical teetotaler;
he is, in fact, not a teetotaler at all,
and is not the man to indulge in any
hope of making everybody sober by act
of parliament, but he is a man of ear
nest purpose, of great intellect and of
comprehensive practical knowledge.
Ideal Enough For Earth
Miss Bridesoon:. "What is your
idea of the ideal lover?" '
Miss Yellowleaf : , "The . one - who
marries."--ApriI Smart Set.
POPULIST ECONOMICS
While the Sociological Principles An
nounced at Omaha are now Forging
Forward, Populist Money Theories
' Are No Less Certain of
Triumph.
For years The Independent has tried
to clear the discussion of political
economy engaged in by the people of
the senseless terms in common use.
The employment of those terms only
confused thought and landed the ora
tors in an impenetrable fog. The
democratic orators were afraid to drop
them. They imagined if they did that
they would be called populists or so
cialists, and they continued to use the
double-back-action blunderbusses that
were furnished them by their enemies.
The Independent appealed in vain to
the orators to stop their use. It point
ed out time and again that "value"
could not b "measured" and that the
term "measure of value" was non
sense. Most of them after a while
stopped talking about "intrinsic val
ue," but they went on using such
terms as "standard of value," "unit of
value," "double . standard," and many
other phrases that the republicans fur
nished them free of charge. Perhaps
the most senseless of all these terms
was "unit of value" as if a value could
be divided into units. If asked what a
unit of value was or how many units
it took to make a value, they were all
at sea. When the editor of The Inde
pendent was one of the vice presi
dents of the bimetallic league he fre
quently made strenuous objections to
the terms used in the literature sent
oukv But.the managers were so fear
ful that they would be accused of pop
ulism that they continued to use those
senseless4 terms. It is d relief to see
that Gen. A. J. Warner, wha, was the
head of the bimetallic league.Abas at
last obtained the courage to take'the
populistic stand and argue the money
question from the premises which were '
the foundation of populist political
economy. In a recent paper Ije says:
nounced by a distinguished economist
the "bane of economic science." Out
of this has grown three or four other
terms equally pernicious. If we could
eliminate from the money question the
terms "intrinsic value," "standard of
value," "single standard," "double
standard," "measure of value," "unit
of value," and along with these that
false definition of money so often
heard, "medium of exchange," much
would be done tc., clarify the discus
sion of the question. Our lawmakers
seem to have thought when they had
hit upon the termj'unit of value" that
they had got something definite and
exact; but a little reflection will show
that a unit of value is as impossible as
a standard of value or an invariable
measure of value. Value is a relation
and not a fixed quantity. A unit is one
in a series of numbers, each of which,
whether a multiple or fractional part
of the unit, is fixed and determinate.
Wre can have a unit of length, of vol
ume or of time, because the things the
units relate to are also fixed and de
terminate; but value is variable and
cannot be fixed. All the powers of the
world combined cannot make a unit of
value. We can have a unit of money,
or of account, which were the earlier
and more correct terms used in the
statutes. Our unit of money is the
dollar. ine weight of the dollar piece,
whether of gold or of silver, is fixed,
and one gold dollar Is the same as ev
ery other gold dollar, but what the
value of the dollar is or may be, what
it will purchase, ' is quite another
thing. That is not fixed and cannot
be fixed. It varies with conditions.
The so-called gold standard, which so
many suppose to be fixed and invaria
ble, is "constantly undergoing variation.
It varies with the supply of and de
mand for gold. It is varied by the is
sue of other money on top of gold.
Who would contend that if the produc
tion of gold should run up to five
hundred millions a year, as it may do,
that the value of gold would not be
changed? Such a production of gold
would in a little time change the val
ue of every piece of gold in the world.
Our gold friends might then conclude
that the wrong metal had been de
monetized. We would still, however,
have a gold valuation. Substitute for
"gold standard" or for "single stand
ard" and "double standard," "gold
money" and "bimetallic money," or a
"gold valuation" or a "bimetallic val
uation," and we would have terms
that would express things as they are.
Again, money is not a "medium of ex
change." Perhaps no three words in
economic science have led to more con
fusion than these three. Goods are
not sold for other goods. Goods are
sold for. money, and money is bought
with goods. In other words, money is
one term in every exchange, and not
merely - a go-between in exchanging
goods for goods. We sell for money,
we buy with money. There can be no
science of money until our literature
is divested of such terms and correct
definitions are substituted for mean
ingless and misleading phrases.
But to come back to the question ot
money supply. Civilization is built
upon equities based upon stable mone
tary conditions, and these conditions
depend upon a stable and regular mon
ey supply. How then shall money be
supplied, and on what principle reg
ulated so as to secure the conditions
upon which the equities of all transac
tions depend? The one controlling
purpose should be to secure the near
est possible approach to stable price
levelsl" Stable price levels Insure safe
business conditions.
Any attempt to discuss the money
question on any other theory leads
only Into darkness. With metallie
money, the regulation is automatic,
that is, it depends upon production.
It is not automatic in the sense of any
nice adjustment of supply to needs
Sometimes the suddIv is
V
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