deptemoer cf. 1800.
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
Brj23s lilzi Da Speech
Mr. Chairman. Ladles and Gentle-rr.-s:
I &m zrtx'Jy obliged to the com
m'.tt for tbe Invitation which enables
ta to participate is tee t-ir'oratioa of j.
Labor day at this puce. This cj
Las Lra wisely fct apart by law to
-t.aix th dignity of latxr and
Jerta mhUh erpM-iaJry arm the Jn.
lrrfta of the w-arc-r. The labor-
Ire ma constitute o large and to in
ritsprnavable a jortioa of the popula
tion that no KrUl. KOoak or polit
ical "ji-rtion ran t treated without
an implication of th-fr connection
therewith- Hut there are wo? que
tiou wh!h to jch thra immNliatIy,
Ml ttfc-r otiy opt-rate upon them
in a gnral way.
Th f rst this? to b eonf1d-red i
thr U'jortcr man's ambition; wtt are
Lis tint a.r.d h:s pt-rp ; for what
: !. striving? Tne animal iie--d only
t--M and h!tr b-'s.u !.e h noth
ing tut a l-vSy to far for; h'it man's
-!i as rr.or- fcuEn-n:.i. T r.- ar.i
iiu 1 omplis h a it I Lur.gry, and
'-r,!"t.t-d i ijmt-r I ap-
IjMt; hijt rar, ras. Ii th lraajce
f h- CrTor, i a thr--fM t!r.r
and tR'it't 4--cT' tL fcad and tfc
L rt 4 n -i a. th- tJr. H la not
'-d w;
ith r,-
t f !. r.::-JS all
w, of i r rt r f-xn to
Lira. Hi fu;tit:t?- rait be as ua
iiBit'tl a a is apjrat;na.
in 4ti i.tri aid in other clv
: i'ra or roi far v-r. fjs-rnBKi
r r.jrtfc i psrtSf-3-ar c r cpat ioq.
' std ta.-. tl.'.s rouniry -arb
ff r. . i. ". r't r f.r ;.t , ! tm. rati
er;v- fr It- h:t!, rar in L!iM-u-.
r? t rr r. ir' ? . :.J tt. at -n-f
& r.t.i.rn z rr,ut t k?t opn.
No t i ih2-atiws can t ross:4red
IT?t h:ch d-! not pUtt a top
i t! i-TtMJtt of ry rti;d !rn into
th- morSfj; th nar-r r irpnsfi to
fh: id-aS, th - r-r i o-jr Hvilita
to&. TLck' hi 'ora ; ;!! of xiM-a-g
ot.d:tjor: 'ir.r.trt be put aide a
iit urtr Of th p-a.r. To fek a
'"-?. for trT buM- of f o -rn-tr
:.t !& r-.o: j-itrjotlr t!s.a to pmi5t
fy i.d jt-ni asd th-a fra down
.l t-ritH-itni. TLt-re cuuld be to an
tiror.ftii t t e a tLo- r.fic! in
th tarjo-- ffr'jpaTios, ar d there will
rrt. LD a.1 j re.-vsr:.;- the szsutual
;.ct;o.i h! ti art- t.".- t-tween
oien Oar d-:re !
sld be. not
to j.iiat- the into warrli-S
fj-'tior.. ljt to Snnir thtn into better
ar;uaintatiee ar. 1 er-a?-r aympathy
w;tb ah orLr Tfce rasty whifh
7
toward the
rKh :.d tl :.t rrs
-rr.t:rr." rr,4L:f '-t
t ht'h tLe rich
tcntri the poor
w o1;! i if
e- fa kn-w th
were content to
t iy ii t rui-a of ju-
t:.
Tr eitr- f-f K' :ty are really
i. far rt t. y apjar. Tcom
!. w "k r -r a .- t'Say may. ua
ilr a ffpjrt pc.rtCi-tt, i erpiuyers
f-w J rr itl ti i.s of tfcoee
w i.o ar -tt; p;.- rs to-lsy riiay ia a
b-rt t:s;e iy iUr-rfc. .:ce r.o
o-" ; x JiAe te-rity from the evil
e--f of a i& 1 la
a. J ttrive
w;ll prote-t eeh
rfor i..:tKa w! 'r-a
rittzn in hit rirht
ar,1 in the en-
,vrn.f.t of the fr'jit o
t:s own
and his
pen
own itterntj
It j of a.4 v a r. tir fr th nrh a well
a tr- ft jr ;rt tte rhtMr-a of all
fprrt unity to ure as edu
tatiora; for dix-atn -lden the in
1:iioarr htiizoc. increases Li ea-
pa Jty for ufulne, taultipliea his;
tjoymeat and taake htm in erery i
way tsore r:rL,l- to tociety. Vic- ,
tor liio d--rr-.t-l .. n.ob as
the human rare to mtery. Thoee who .
r w:j-toio tare a lLtL i'ater-?t.
and tl.fyil4 feel . moral eonr-rn, in
i-r :-;.i:r from ry hun.an
tret. A a;M-ry ia leaned the i
ur:ty of property is increaaed; no- '
tits !;fe t protects :a proportion as '
ia7 x ".r. i pre-rsot"!.
Why htu4 the man who eat at a
wii upp.,i tat .. forget tte
w i.o- t..i f-irr-ithe tL f o4 ?
hf n
tte r-jtr.
ho m h.ms-elf
by th tr fr?rj:t the nua whose labor
in the ftfret or in tte isine bring
forth the f! Why ihouid tte man
id in the h t pruJuct of tte loom,
fore f the eic who eallouaed hands
rr-ake f.r. rioifcinir itle? Both
thr conaumer and the producer are
t. -Mr , t-t of the two the producer
x,rt.f hrrt is K:nt of tirr;- atd la
jo:rt t-f iK.p-jrta.sre. 5hall the rose
hi-jo3:ii ia beauty and theddiag
it fr2grar,t the air, dey-pi. the
root of th- t'tta t-oaujbe they
come
s:.ro actvai tontart
troy th- hwJ ar.'J
with the fco-S? IV-
th roots and
a -cor,i bad miii ap;-ar. aj beautiful
and aa fragrant a the f.rt. but de-
etroji the rc...; t.
L-vi and t u.h will
per:h.
k How can tL war-earner secure
that th-are of the a.rth bounties and
the government' protection which he
der-T The i.scta.tio formed t-y
workltgmen hat t-e-n prteiuctUe of
much rood.
i t
orrs-iition as we noi
4
it i t.e proct of industrial con-
v.j-. Th- it-dividual foa.3 hlmMrlf
at a difa-iattare when tfeal;cg with
th t-orporate employer, and the or
ganizalioa i-ot only enahlea him to ;
tonte for hi nghu upon terms
ore r.-arly hut it i-tiiaulate '
him to fcttdy arid orderrtad the con-
d:t:ona which surround him.
The iaUr organization ha been '
for-3.o! in ado:ating the reforms;
w-hsrh Late a!rea4y b-e-a fectir-!. SeT- j
eral jears a?o the rtt ballot was '
demanied y the wajce-earners for (
thir own prot-tios That ballot ha 1
ben obtained, and through ita opera- '
tion tho who toil far indiriduabi or
corporation are able to protect their
Soutical right ar.d to u-e tt ballot
acmording to th-ir own judgments. This
is a long rtep ia advance.
Th labor organization Las done
crocs to leen tt evils of -child labor.
So or.e can vis;t the factories where
ehiMren are employed without con-
tempiatisg the crtm which is bing
Perpetrated upon posterity. If there
u ay temporary ecoacmic advantage
is the employment of chiiiren of ten-
der age. it U in jfniStatt when meas-
ured agair.t the permanent injury
Hone ta prst and .iture genera-
tion. to rob . chi.d of it school
A VT'f l L Uf3 .lU
V , Ly i?-1 tor tkh on,y the
- t 1 is even wome.
tion. To rob child of it school
The tabor organization ha also con-
uwg mm shortening ox itiflom of a majority of the people.
hyrs of to:I. and it hotj3d not cease f Neither proposition is sound. Most 11
ft e-orts uitil th eight-hour day i not all, of the evils complained of' in
a3red- -rproximtely, one-third of 1 government are traceable to the fact
tfce twerty-four hours must be riven
to sleep; if another third of the day
is devoted to manual labor, only eight
hours are left for eating, for going to
and from the place of work, for the
reading of current news, for mental
Improvement, recreation, social Inter
course and domestic life. Since the
hours occupied In eating and travel
' cannot be encroached upon, every hour
add to the day's Hbor must be tak-
en from the time for available Sntellec
us.1 dertlopmcnt, recreation and the
famlly-
The labor organization has been a
consistent and persistent advocate of
the doctrine of arbitration, although
it is o.tncult to see wny he burden of
this reform should be thrown upon the
laboring man. Surely tho employer.
If he would take a comprehensive view
of his own interests, would be as much
benefitted by arbitration as the em
ploye, and because every prolonged
font' ft between labor and capital
brings interruption to business and
pecuniary Io8 to those who are in no
way responsible for the disagreement,
fofiety In general is even more inter-
--ted than employers or employes. The
deire for Justice Is so univeieal that
the public can be depended upon to
support the finding of an impartial
ioard f arbitration as certainly a3 it
ran to hupport the successful con
tenant in a law-suit. The court of
arbitration is one of the certainties of
the future, and when it Is secured and
perfected, we shall wonder why its
coming was delayed so long.
The bHrk list, by means of which
employers combine to deprive the dis
charged workman of re-employment,
is one of the more recent menaces to
the laboring man. The "independence
of the wage-earner decreases as the
difficulty of obtaining employment In
Teafe. and the skilled workman,
whose life has been spent in acquiring
efficiency In a certain trade or occu
pation, becomes practically the chattel
of tho mployer If every opportunity
to make use of his experience Is closed
by agreement between employers.
The laboring man is also Interested
in legislation prohibiting oriental im
migration. It is unfair to the Ameri
can workman, who is the foundation
of the nation's wealth In time of peace
and its defense In time of war, to sub
ject him to the danger of having his
occupation given to an oriental la
borer, often brought in by contract,
who has no permanent interest in
ojr government. If the Asiatics come
here, work for a few years, live on a
lower scale, and then carry home the
net proceeds of their toil, the drain
upon our money supply will be similar
to that caused by landlordism in other
countries. The political objections to
oriental labor are scarcely less weighty
than the economic ones. Race preju
dice cannot be disregarded, and we
; hare seen how, In every industrial de-
predion, race animosities result in
' riot and bloodshed. We cannot afford
t to bring into this country those who
cannot amalgamate with our people.
The attempt to use the injunction of
i a court to deprive the laboring man
of trial by Jury should alarm all our
' people, for while the wage-earner Is
i the first to feel its effects, the prin
' -ip'e, which underlies government by
inJun'on Is so far-reaching that no
; one can hope to escape ultimately. The j
; thing forbidden by an Injunction
j would, without the injunction, be eith-
er legal or Illegal. If it would be le
j gal. the Judge usurps the function of
! the legislature when he forbids it. If
' it would be illegal the injunction of
; the court is unnecessary, for any one
, who violates the law can. upon convic
tion, be made to suffer the penalties
prescribed for such violation. The
meanest thief and the moet brutal
murderer are entitled to trial by Jury;
why should this right be denied the
laboring man. Those who oppose gov
ernment by injunction are not in favor
of lawlessness; they are. on the con
trary, the best friends of law and or
der. They deny the right of any man
to violate the law in an effort to ad
vance his own interest, but they in
sist that it is inconsistent with nnr
ideas of government and dangerous to
i " ----- v J j uw-W w . feU
; three-fold power; first, to make the
! laws; second, to bring accusation
; against those charged with the viola
I tion of the laws, and, third, to sit in
Judgment upon the cast. Government
: ty injunction is so indefensible that
the anti-injunction bill. Indorsed by
the Chicago platform, passed the sen
ate without a yea and nay vote being
demanded, and since that time no par
ty platform has specifically Indorsed
government by injunction and no
prominent member of any party has
entered upon a defense of the system;
and yet corporate influence is so strong
that it has thus far been Impossible to
secure any remedial legislation.
The fact that United States senators
are elected by legislatures, rather than
by the people directly, lessens the
laboring man's influence in securing
favorable federal legislation. When
the action of a political convention
must be submlu- to the voters for
ratification at the polls, the convention
is constiained to nominate a candi
date acceptable to the people; but
when a senator is chosen by a legisla
ture the individual voter ia far le3s
considered. Even when direct brib
ery is not employed, the Indirect influ
ence which corporations can exert Is
resorted to. and more frequently still
money is secretly used to aid legisla
tive candidates in close districts'Such
obligations are usually repaid in the
caucus and. as a rule, the majority
In the caucus controls the party which
ha the selection of the senator. If
this question were submitted to the
voters, the majority in favor of the
election of senators by direct vote of
tte people would be overwhelming.
, ad yet partisanship has delayed the
adoption of this amendment. The
people submit to policies which they
do not like rather than secure Im
provement by a change in party af
filiations The labor! n man favnr H irrrt loc.
Uslation wherever practicable for the
1 same reason that he favors the election
of senators by popular vote. Direct
j legislation brings the -government
? nearer to the voter. There Is more
j virtue In the people than ever finds ex
' press ton through their representatives
To hold that a renrntatiTO -5n art
! for th nnnla hottc than ttiAV on
for the people better than they can
fCt tor themsu- is to assert that he
! Is as much Interested In the people as
they are in themelre nA that h
wisdom is greater than the combined
that the representative of the people
has personal interests at variance with
the interests of his constituency. Cor
ruption in municipal, state and federal
governments is due to the misrepre
sentation of the people by public ser
vants, who use their positions for pri
vate advantage. The people should
have an opiwrtunlty to vote on public
questions when those questions can be
submitted without too great inconven
ience or expense.
But the laboring man is evei more
Interested in the proposition to estab
lish a labor bureau with a cabinet
officer at its head. Such a bureau
would keep the executive in constant
touch with the wage-earners of the
country, and open the way to the red
ress of their present and future griev
ances. If labor is given a place in the
president's official household, the man
selected will necessarily be a worthy
and trusted representative of the peo
ple for whem he speaks, and his pres
ence at cabinet meetings will give to
those who toil for their daily bread as
surance that their interests will be
properly guarded.
Mr. Gompers, the chief executive of
the federation of labor, has, in his cor
respondence with the secretary of the
treasury, so ably presented the labor
ing men's reasons for opposing a gold
standard and a national bank currency
that it is not necessary to discuss those
questions at this time.
The laboring man has abundant rea
son to fear the trusts. Mr. Charles R.
Flint, in a speech delivered in Boston
more than a year ago in defense of the
trusts, frankly asserts that one of the
advantages of these combinations is
that "in case of local strikes or fires
the work goes on elsewhere, thus pre
venting serious loss." Is it possible
that any wage-earner can fail to see
how completely the trust places em
ploye at the mercy of the employer?
The resolutions adopted by various
labor organizations in condemnation
of militarism and imperialism justify
me in making a brief reference to those
questions. No class contributes more
than the labor class in proportion to
its members to the rank-and file, of
the army; no class contributes more in
proportion to its numbers to the ex
pense of tne army ana no ciass is
more menaced by the existence of a
large army. Most of the countries in
Europe which maintain large military
establishments collect an income tax
which adjusts the burden of the gov
ernment to the income of the citizen.
Here our federal taxes are largely col
lected upon consumption, and while
they are income taxes in the sense that
they must be paid out of the incomes
of the people, yet the exactions are not
proportionate to the incomes. The
taxes upon consumption bear heaviest
upon the poor and lightest upon the
rich and are, in fact, graded income
taxes, the per cent collected decreasing
as the income increases.
If this nation adheres to the doctrine
that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the gov
erned, and the people have an easy
and ready means of correcting all
abuses, the government will not need
to be "supported by a large permanent
army for every citizen will be ready
to defend such a government from at
tack. The only domestid- use for a
large standing army is to suppress by
force that discontent which should be
cured by legislation.
To support a permanent army of
100,000 men requires approximately
one-half as much money as is annually
expended for education in the United
States. Ho wmuch cheaper it is to
uplift people by the gentle and peace
ful process of intellectual development
than to blow them up with powder
and dynamite!
Imperialism involves a departure
from principles which were universal
ly accepted in this country until with
in two years. To Know that all men
are created equal one needs not the
wisdom of a sage or the learning of
the schools. It was declared to be a
self-evident truth: it was evident to
those who pledged their lives to the
maintenance of the Declaration of In
dependence, and it ts evident still to
those who are not blinded by the glam
our of wealth and the glittering prom
ises of a colonial system. If all men
are created equal and endowed with
Inalienable rights, it follows as a logi
cal and necessary sequence that gov
ernments were instituted for the wel
fare of all and derive their just pow
ers from the consent of the governed.
On the preservation of this doctrine
our hopes depend; if it is abandoned
there is no foundation upon which a
government like ours can be con
structed. Do not allow yourselves to be de
ceived by those who question the ca
pacity of this people or that people
for self-government. Macauley, in his
esray on John Milton, points out the
folly of attempting to prepare people
for self-government by denying them
the right to participate in their own
government. He said:
"Many politicians of our time are
in the habit of laying it down as a
self-evident proposition thet no people
ought to be free until they are fit to
use their freedom. The maxim is
worthy of the fool in the old story who
resolved not to go into the water till
he had learned to swim. If men are
to wait for liberty till they become
wise and good in slavery, they may
indeed wait forever."
When I say that those who distrust
the capacity of the people tor self-government
tend directly toward mon
archy, I am only repeating what Lin
coln deliberately declared in his first
annual message. He said:
"Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted
at as a possible refuge from the power
of the people. In my present position
I could scarcely be justified were I
to omit raising a warning voice against
this approach of returning despotism.
It is not needed nor fitting here that
a general argument should be made in
favor of popular Institutions; but there
is one point, with its connections not
so hackneyed as most others, to" which
I ask brief attention. It is the effort
to place capital on an equal footing
with, if not above, labor, in the struc
ture of government. No
men living are more worthy to be
trusted than those who toil up from
poverty; none less inclined, to take or
touch aught which they have not hon
estly earned. . Let them beware of sur-
estly earned. . Let them beware
rendering a political power wh
already possess, and which if
Jin ... u " ' t
which they
surren-
close the
door of advancement against such as
tney, and to fix. new disabilities and
burdens upon; them till all of liberty
shall be lost."
The warning Is even more needed
now than it was forty years ago. The i
Army and Nary Journal is already ,
justifying the colonial idea, and de
claring that fate has decreed for us a
destiny in which an imperial execu
tive, free from the restraints of a
written constitution, "will govern sub
jects according to his own pleasure.
The Investors' Review, published at
Boston, in its issue bf July 28, says:
"Only a blind person can fail to see
that remarkable transformations of
one kind or another are in store for
the race; hence the folly of asserting
that the poilcy of this country, which
is destined to play such a leading part
in human affairs of the future, shall
be governed for the most part by polit
ical maxims uttered more than a hun
dred years ago. The greatest evil
which now confronts this "republic is
the clamor raised by, a certain faction
for a settlement of our problems of
state by just such a method as we have
)
been deprecating. Considerably more
than a century ago a certain notable
declaration was made in this country
to the effect that all men ought to be
free and independent. This is merely
a generalization of the French school
of Voltaire and the encyclopaedists-It
is a dictum absolutely lacking founda
tion In history and incapable of syllo
gistic justification: It was, however,
a handy phrase for us to employ when
asserting our right to break away from
the mother country; It suited the ex
igencies of our situation in 1776 ad
mirably, though in itself but a bit of
sublimated demagogism. The declar
ation was a serviceable means to the
end that was at that time desired. To
bring forward this declaration in this
year, 1900, In connection with our
treatment of the Filipinos and the Cu
bans, is as gross an absurdity as ever
was practiced. To do so is to offer an
insult to the intelligence gf the people
who first subscribed to the declaration
in question."
But why quote from newspapers as
to what may be done hereafter In the
presence of a law already enacted
which makes subjects out of Porto
Ricans, withdraws . from them the
guarantees of the constitution, and as
serts the power of the president and
congress to govern them without their
consent and tax them without repre
sentation a power as unlimited and
tyrannical as was ever asserted or ex
ercised by any ruler in all the history
of the human race. This doctrine has
not yet been approved by the people:
it furnishes the supreme- question of
the present campaign. In the pres
ence of these perils the laboring man
has a responsibility commensurate
with his opportunity. Without a large
percentage of the laboring vote no par
ty can win an election in the United
States. The men who work for wages
can, by throwing their votes on the
one side or the other, determine the
policy of this country. They need not
march in vparades; they need not
adorn themselves with the insignia of
any party, but on election day their
silent ballots can shape the destiny of
this nation, and either, bring the gov
ernment back to its ancient land
marks or turn It Into the pathway fol
lowed by the empires of the old world
There is more catarrh in this sec
tion of the country than all other dis
eases put together, and until the last
few years was supposed, to be mcura
ble. For a great many years doctors
pronounced it a local disease, and pre
scribed local remedies, and by con
stantly failing to cure with local treat
ment, pronounced it incurable. Science
has proven catarrh to be a constitu
tional disease, and, therefore, requires
constitutional treatment, Hall's
Catarrh Cure, manufactured by F. J.
Cheney & Co., Toledo, O., is the only
constitutional cure on the market. It
Is taken internally in doses from 10
drops to a teaspoonful. It acts direct
ly on the blood and mucous surfaces
of the system. They offer one hun
dred dollars for any case it fails to
cure. Send for circulars and testi
monials. Address,
F. J. CHENEY & CO., Toledo, O.
- Sold by Druggists, 75c.
Hall's Family Pills are the best.
A Pretty Good Moon
. Paine's "Conquest of the Philip
pines," the great spectacular show at
the M street park, is drawing good
crowds, and it deserves them. Some
of the scenery is very realistic. The
moon is nearly full now and the other
night she sailed along majestically" in
the clearest sky, apparently just above
the hills surrounding Manila bay. We
were amused to hear a young couple
sitting in a seat to our left commenting
on the fine work the artist had done
in painting that moonlight scenery.
"It is., so much like the moon that it
shines," she murmured. And he said
he thought the ships beat the moon.
THE LINCOLN ACADEMY
The Preparatory School to the State
University has, in its fourth year, de
veloped into a complete high-grade
academy. Many young people have
only a short time to spend in school,
many others want to finish prepara
tion for the University in the shortest
possible time. Ambitious young peo
ple of ability save both time and ex
pense here and at the same time do the
work far more thoroughly than can
be expected in any high school. In
structors are among the best In the
state, and are recommended by Uni
versity professors.
Eight courses University prepara
tory, general, classic, scientific, lite
rary, professional, normal business.
Fourt hannual announcement free.
FARM TO RENT
Well improved 80 acres in Seward Co..
ieo., 4 miies irom rauroaa, vzo cash
rent. Address 12a Nebraska Independ
ent, Lincoln, Neb.
W. M. BAYARD,
Furniture, Stoves, Carpets, Etc.
Many Barg-alns In Second Hand Goods
Second Hand Store, 1325 0 Street
Lancaster county people can nowhere
get so, much reading for the money as
in The Independent with the Lancaster
County Supplement.. From now until
November 10 for 15 events.
Bryan's Masterly Speech
es and Their Effect.
POWERFUL CAMPAIGNING.
Secretary Hay as a Hauler Down
of the American Flag.
TEDDY IS TEE WHOLE THING.
Alta-eld Portrays the Brargmrt In
His Trae Color Stroma: Possibility
That tne Democrat May Carry
Ohio Philippine Poilcy of the Ad-
! aalnistratioo Different Kinds of
Expansion.
Special "Washington Iitter.l
In prize ring parlance Bryan Is a
wonder.
He succeeded in making a speech at
Indianapolis against which even the
most bitter Republicans have nothing
to say except that he ought to have
discussed 16 to 1 instead of imperial
Ism, which the Kansas City convention
declared to be "the paramount Issue."
What a contrast all this forms to the
howl of ribald execration with which
his wondrous speech at Chicago In
1896 was received! Truly Bryan Is to
be congratulated on having conquered
the good opinion of his enemies.
Sure as a gun is made of iron the
white man is mighty uncertain.
It grieves me sorely to state it. but it
now appears that the theory embodied
In the presidential questions propound-
eA at- a hannruit Hnwn ennth at
o'clock in the morning "Who will haul
down the American flag? Men of Dix
ie, w''l you haul it down?" is an ad
justa le theory made to fit circum
stances. This discovery causes me to
somewhat lose faith in human nature.
For many moons rantankerous Repub
licans have at long range denounced as
traitors all who would not subscribe to
the idiotic doctrine that under no cir
cumstances whatsoever should we pull
our flag down from any place where
we had floated It for any reason. Such
jabber as they got off was not pleasant
to hear or easy to bear.
Hauling: Down the Flay;.
But, mirablle dictu! now, after all
this boasting and cavorting around,
after all this playing of the Pharisee,
Colonel John Hay, secretary of state,
gives away to Johnnie Bull a strip of
Alaska 20 miles wide and oyer 100
miles long! Didn't our flag float over
that strip of auriferous soil? Hadn't
it floated there triumphantly since
1867, when Andrew Johnson and Wil
liam II. Seward added Alaska to our
possessions
And in order to make
Mr. Bull this valuable present, will it
not be necessary to haul Old Glory
down? Isn't this the swiftest and most
thorough expose of rank hypocrisy in
modern times?
Colonel Hay Is one of the most amia
ble of mortals. He is a scholar and writ
er of rare ability. His "Pike County
Ballads" are famous, and his "Life of
Abraham Lincoln" is a standard work,
but I fear that Colonel Hay's residence
at the court of St James has given a
bias to his thoughts and sentiments in
favor of Mr. Bull which is detrimen
tal to his country. If Colonel Hay
doesn't quit coquetting with John, his
name is not likely to blossom in the
dust. The Hay-Pauncefote treaty was
a nauseating dose for the American
people. When they discover that the
colonel has presented Mr. Bull with a
valuable strip of gold bearing land sev
eral times as large as Rhode Island,
they are quite likely to make It un
pleasant for the amiable Colonel Hay.
Teddy Is It.
Colonel Teddy is It He has been It
ever since he delivered that St Paul
harangue. By this time it has perhaps
percolated through his noddle that It is
dangerous for the occupant of a glass
house to throw stones. Ex-Governor
John Peter Altgeld in that Toledo
speech to which I referred in my last
letter says:
Who, then, is this man, and what is bis history?
Personalities are offensive, and I will not indulge
In them. But sumly, when we are thus brutally
sssaulted, we may ask who it ia that is berating
us. I will notice only a few of the incidents of
hi public career, which throw light on the ques
tion of his sincerity and discretion. I find it re
corded that years ago he waa a member of the
New York legislature, and on one occasion he
reused the hopes of the country by making a
speech against a class which he called the crim
inal rich. But he at once dashed these bones by
turning around and voting with and for these very
criminal rich whom he had denounced.
In the years 1SS7-S he held a federal office in
Washington, and in order to escape paying his
taxes in New York he signed an affidavit and
swore before ths ever living God that he waa not
citizen of New York. If this was true, then, under
the constitution of New York, he would not have
been eligib'e for the governor of that state. By
subsequently accepting a nomination and election
to that office he nhowed that he did not believe
his own affidavit. This being so, may it not be
that he does not believe the charge he baa made
against uar .
It is next recorded that he entered the Spanish
war in Cuba, and, although his regiment was
commanded by another man, he succeeded, by
meana of that modern weapon of warfare known
as a newspaper bureau, in winning more renown
in s week than General Grant did in tour years of
bard fighting, and he seems to be the only man
on thia continent who boasts of having, with his
own hand, ahot down and killed s Spaniard that
was fleeing from the battlefield. In his book he
says: "Aa they turned to run I closed in and
fired twice, missing the first and killing the sec
ond." He then boasts that he had considered
this feat unique. And so it is. He is the first
brave man to shoot an enemy in the back.
Again the modern historians tell as that it waa
he who first demonstrated to mankind that how
ever useful the camera may be to science, to art
and to industry, its true mission is to develop tin
plate heroes. x
The records at Albany show that the governor
got the legislature to pass a law taxing tbe fran
chises of corporations s most righteous law.
But the records also show that, at the demands ot
Tom Piatt and the corporations, he reconvened
tie legislature In extra session and bad it chang
this law as the corporations dictated.
Tbe canal fund of New York bad been robbed
cf about 9,000,000 bj Republican politicians, and,
although he talked loudly of prosecution, the goy-
ernor baa net brought on of these men to Jus
Bee. ' '..
History record the fact that the goyernor baa
never lost an opportunity, when standing iri the
temple or the market place, to make loud prot
estations of heroic virtue. : but the historian haa
searched in vain for any evidence of performance.
The Tolume of profession ia full, but the page of
performance ia a blank, v
I wish to avoid even the appearance of severity,
and aa I have not the language to properly char
acterize this man's career. 1 shall not attempt it.
He ia the right man to defend criminal aggression
and the abandonment of plain duty by the presi
dent, lie is the right man to defend a war of
conquest, the burning of towns, the slaughter of
people and tbe assassination of liberty. But the
Democratic party will pa no attention to hi
vulgar assault.
If anything more caustic than that
has appeared since Sir Philip Francis
wrote the "Letters of Junius," I have
not seen It. What's more, Colonel Roose
velt richly deserved the excoriation.
Polities In Ohio. .
I have been in Ohio lately, giving
political joint lectures at Chautauquas
with my Republican friends, Hon. Jon
athan Prentiss Dolliver of Iowa and
Charles B. Landis of Indiana, and.
while I am neither a prophet nor the
son of a prophet, I should not be at all
surprised to see Bryan get the electoral
vote of Ohio and to see a majority of
the Ohio delegation in congress Demo
cratic. Now, mark you, I am not claim
ing Ohio, but I am stating that from
close observation, from conversations
with all manner and condition of peo
ple, my conclusion is that Democrats
have the best chance to bag Ohio that
they have had since Franklin Pierce
mopped up the earth with General
Winfield Scott In 1852.
The Jones vote added to the McLean
vote would give the state to the Demo
crats by some 50.000. and that's pre
cisely the thing which makes all things
uncertain and which keeps everybody
jumping. Where will the Jones vote
be found this time? Is the question that
gives Mark Hanna trouble, for Mark
knows none better that if it once
gets orated about that Ohio is a doubt
ful state that fact alone will defeat
Mark
At Lancaster Colonel Davidson and
I had what many said was the greatest
crowd assembled in "Ohio at a political
function since the log cabin, coon-
skin, hard cider, campaign of 1840.
Excitement was Intense, which bodes
good for tbe Democrats.
Human Katare the ' Same Every
where.
Napoleon once said, "Scratch a Rus
sian, and you will 4nd a Tartar," and
It really appears that If you -scratch
the average American citizen you will
strike a savage. , JTor r years a good
many good people B bJfihly. respectable
communities, layinthe flattering unc
tion to their souls that they are better
than the rest of us;c have had a great
deal to say about Che lynchings in the
south and west and vhave Intimated
very broadly thafHjre, Ke denizens of
those regions, .were'' lapsing Into bar
barism. I believe they have even gone
so far as to organize an -antllynching
society in Boston, the undisputed hub
of the universe. The intention of this
amiable society is to educate the peo
ple of the south and west into such a
beatific state of mind that they will
cease to lynch outrageous criminals. I
have no doubt that the Intentions of
these Bostonese reformers are good,
but It is said that hades is paved with
good Intentions. I once read of a little
girl who put some obstacle in the way
of a philosopher who was always star
gazing. He fell over it and barked his
shins and angrily inquired why she did
it She Innocently replied, "To make
you observe the - beauties closer at
hand.
During the Greek war for Independ
ence John Randolph of Roanoke visit
ed an aristocratic lady neighbor of his
and found her busily engaged making
clothing for the naked Greeks. When
he started to leave, the front yard was
full of half naked pickaninnies. Point
ing his long, bony forefinger at them,
he shrieked to his hostess, "Madam,
tne tireeks are at your aoon l com-
mpnd1 these two anecdotes to the Bos
tonese antilynchers and would suggest
to them that they send an agent forth
with to Akron, O., a Republican city
in l Republican state, the state of the
president, of Hanna, Grosvenor and
Foraker and many other apostles of
the true, the beautiful-and the good.
Out there the other day they had the
worst riot which has taken place since
the Cincinnati riot some years ago.
Strange to say, this rioting, bloodshed,
arson and murder grew out of the fact
that a negro brute had criminally as
saulted a white girl. Now," mirablle
dictu! this Is the very same criioe for
which southerners lynch men. All of
which goes to show that human nature
is the same In Ohio as in Mississippi,
and the only way the society can stop
these lynchings is by devising a way to
stop the commission -of these crimes
for which men are now lynched.
I am not an advocate of lynch law-
far from it but I will undertake to
say without the fear of successful con
tradiction that under the same provo
cation as that under which southern
people lynch brutal outlaws and under
which the Akron mob was operating a
lynching can be pulled off with great
eclat within sight of the headquarters
of the Boston Antllynching society, and
I would not be at all surprised if some
of the members of the society would
take a hand at the rope, for, after alL
they are only human, and Mark Twain
says we all have a heap bf human na
ture In us.
Philippine Policy.
Among the very strongest and ablest
men in the house of representatives is
the Hon. James R. Williams of Carml,
IllsM popularly called "Bob" Williams.
He knows what he wants to say, and
he knows how to say it He strikes
straight from the shoulder every time.
He is something more, however, than
a very strong speaker; he is a student
and a thinker. He is as faithful to
Democratic principles as Is the needle
to the pole.. There is not a member of
the house on either side of the Dig aisle
who does not entertain a wholesome
respect for Bob Williams.
In discussing tbe policy of, the presi
dent toward the Philippine Islanders
Congressman Williams rang the bell
every shot,
In concluding his speech
he said:
But in answer to all these allegation? w art
met with the very eloquent but empty phrase,
Who will pull down the fUgT" I answer, the.
American government, whenever its honor and
glory require it, but no other power on earth shall
ever haul it down. Our government haa alwajre
pulled it down from places where it did not be
long. It pulled it down in Mexico, in Canada, .
and, if we observe our sacred pledge, ws will haul
it down in Cuba whenever its people desire it.
We had better haul it down in Cuba now than
have it wave over that fair island aa the banner
f larceny and corruption. I would rather see it
sro down in honor than up in dishonor: down as
the emblem of liberty than up aa the emblem of
despotism. Our flag should never remain in any
land where tbe constitution can never go ana
American liberty can never dwell. 1 would rather
have it snatched from its mast M thousand times
than see its sacred folds unfurled to the breeze as
the new banner of American imperialism, the fu
neral signal of the republic. s
Who will pull down the flag? ' I ask: Who will
pull down the Declaration of Independence? Who.
will pull down the constitution! ice saa ecno
comes from the White House, William, the con
queror, he will pull them down. He has already
torn from their sacred pages the sublime senti
ments of liberty and freedom and written in their
stead, in letters of blood, the "bitter words of
tryantiy and oppression. i ! i
Would to God the Republican party of today
contained within its ranks another Lincoln, to
check it in its downward course of criminal ag
gression and restore it to the sacred precincts of,
human liberty it once enjoyed.
But the question ia frequently asked ny gentle
men on the other side. How can the Democrats
oppose the annexation of those islands when Jef
ferson, their great founder, was such an expan
sionist? Jefferson waa an expanaionlst, but not
an imperialist. Jeffersoni expansion consisted in
acquiring territory here on this hemisphere, then
in the possession of a foreign power, thereby re
moving from our very doors a European colony
whose presence here made war more threatening
and defense more difficult. -
McKinley'i expansion gives ys territory 10,000
miles from this capital and can-tea ua right into
the broils and entanglements of all the warring
powera of jurope. Jefferson's expansion 'removed
the foreign flag from our shores, while McKinley'e
expansion carries our Sag into a foreign land.
Jefferson's expansion, strengthened our. fortifica
tions and made it easier to defend our territory
than before, while McKinley'i expansion weakena
our fortifications and makes our national defense
more difficult and expensive. Jefferson acquired
territory with a. population of one to every 25
squsre miles, with a climate adapted to our peo
ple and suitable tor American homes, while Mc
Kinley fa trying to acquire territory with s popu
lation of over 70 to tbe square mile, with a cli
mate entirely unfit for our people and never in
tended for American homes. Jefferson acquired
territory to become future states of the republic,
inhabited by American citizens. whUe McKinley
is-acquiring territory to become colonies of ths
United States, inhabited by subjects and not cm
sens. Jefferson expanded the republic with our
territory, while McKinley 1 expanding our terri
tory without the republic. "
Jefferson's expansion carried to ths inhabitants
of the new territory the glad message of peace and
constitutional liberty, while McKinley's expanaion
carries to the inhabitants of the new territory ths
sad message of death and despotism. No liberty,
no freedom, no happiness I Jefferson's annexation
gave the inbabitanta of the ceded territory rep
resentation with taxation and a government with
the consent ot the governed. McKinley's annexa
tion gives to the inhabitants of the new territory
taxation without representation and government
without the concent of the governed.
Jefferson's expansion was republicanism ; McKin
ley's expansion ia imperialism.- How absurd to
compare the ' peaceable - annexation of territory
here on our own hemisphere, right at our own
door, thinly settled, good climate and suitable- for
homes for our own people and for future states of i
the republic, with the forcible annexation of sev
eral hundred small islands .7,000 miles from out
nearest shores, with a climate unfit for Americans,
with a dense population of people alien to ' our
government, our institutions and our civilisation.
Who will be so blind ss not to see ths distinc
tion?
No. Mr. Chairman, McKinley imperialism wilt
find no likeness in ths whole history of this re
public. Thank God, America has had but ons
Napoleon, and I hope she may never have an
other. '
Already American liberty under this adminis
tration has become too timid to sympathize with
tbe oppressed ot other lands now struggling for
that same liberty and freedom which we ourselves
enjoy. If we had a Washington, Jefferson or Lin
coln in ths White House today, ths American gov
ernment would be sympathizing with 'the liberty
loving Boers of South Africa instead of their Brit
ish oppressors. .. .
But it is whispered we are now in the act of
becoming a world power, and no ons must disturb
the evolution. Why, sir, ws hare been a world
power for over a hundred years. We are now, and
tor years have been, the mightiest world- power
on tbe face of the earth, made so not by war, but
by peace long reigns of peace. Sir, what has
contributed more to our rapid progress as s na
tion than the pure sunlight of pe:e, which baa
cast its rays of glory into every corner of ths re
public t " . .
Under its sweet Influence we have expanded la
education, science, art, literature, useful inven-
tiona and all the .happy auxiliaries of a progressive
civilisation. Who is not proud of our whols his
tory ss a republic, living under the constitution
and within the constitution aa our fathers made '
it ? Who would exchange it now for an empire f
With such supreme satisfaction of our past, why
imperil the future by. attempting new schemes or'
trying new experiments f Why not permit the old
ship of state to saU on upon that same well tried
sea, which will surely carry, it safely; through to
higher honors and grander glories tor. the repub
lic t , . , ,. r
But, alas, 'who will haul down the flag? T an
swer,, who will haul down McKinley?- The people,
ths liberty -loving people. They will: haul him
down' early."in November, They will' snatch from
bis imperial brew his glittering crown bought
. with the blood of his countrymen 4nd enthrone in
his place of power that gallant champion of hu
man rights, that fearless defender -of human free
dom, and crown him with the Declaration -of In
dependence and the constitution of ths republic
Americana In Spain,'' '
A Madrid correspondent of tbe Balti
more American says: "The Spaniard
makes no distinction between the -people
and products of England and North
America, but labels them all 'Ingleses.'
Here 'American' means South Ameri
can, representing countries with which
these people are much more familiar
than, with, the tjnlted States, and If
you tell' them that you are an 'Ameri
can' they Immediately express sur
prise that you do not speak Spanish as
fluently as they do. "
This misunderstanding seems to- be
equally shared by the South Americans
who come to visit the mother country
and who frequently apply to the Amer
ican minister at Madrid for assistance
or advice when they should go instead
to Chile or Peru or wherever they hail
from. All this seems natural enough
In view, of the close relations that have
always existed between Spain and her
ex-colonies, but it is not flattering , to
the national pride of Uncle Sam's sons
and daughters to find their beloved'
land sponged off the map altogether."
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