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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 23, 1900)
August 23, 800. THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT lUPEBlAUSa, TRUSTS, SILVER pr b mi W.J. tUjm mm Cmpltml tirmmmdm I pmm His Hetm front letiafU. ' "Mr, rhalrrtaa. La4i- and Gestle rae&; This itasReai? auJi-ace toaigut latitat- S3 Ittr-t ia the questions L ore the pop tkb ! ery rratify ia t rce. I vast to talk to you a lit tle while and try to convince sorae of ou at S-ast ho care cot acred with lw IS IJJC paI 1-25. il I your CUiy lO- art with t3 tsow. I Am solas to mane that you nUfid that in row - tuat like thi we are all stockholders aad n is the duty cf the directors of j tLe rompaayio run the cwspwln the jaterest of the MvLLftMm. Now, if a nun is a stockholder ia & otapacy. aad the tifrt-rtor doe cot do Lis duty, the ?( , c.M-r vole to turn the di re-tor out. If joi Late a board cf di re-rlo-, aa-S you think that that ha I " .t - v .v .Y? . ,iUn4 of people anywhere? Are you a you think th that bvM wjm 1 , ujon purchase? If Icr wfcat it oirl.t to do In the ,,,, Hr(n Se Cot doles wLat it ousl.t to do in the! later-t of the stockholders, you k&Tf j ro ie-ritat:a& in voting to turn the j: toard out. aid you ajeseit yonre!f with otters who ree was ya. m order to t ia com&sedat'c ur ia no ad em na- tiOfc, "Now " L i !. it s f l!it. of Xhi crt-at r-'jtLc -Lt uM r.ot t.- r--iy to voice our cj:auUi aiid eiprea a prr,:-t Jf w- fr j a prtt.t. ""Oa eW-tjs day rLooj the i-r-tttr of tLi rreal rorj-oratioa taat we c-ali r-5iblic- Tfc tiss is 1raw xr wh-2 e Kast t ie;udment t IZVrlLt'X tLl' rVf1,1' S1 1 t Jn. or icm- two ju-tior.. or t hr- 'i wctiois utai will !f.a . your Biifid about ail tit- of the ttotjr. Th crat trtntJile iss that wha tvpt bki&g tu parti- tL-y Ksra tirri o ;iTtisn that tL party rf-ors- the santrr ia.t-ai of tte s.-r- UEL hou.i a repubhraa ofe , to ;;xm of ijolieur thi.t he ;o-s tot like tsertly bcai,te he in a republican?; WLat do- a rtf.ll'-jin o; to hxs ; j.riy tt:t ksyalty i-n the jart j pro-; t-tta b: own richta ttuS ad tain lit en i the eoterT-meat a " orbits to his own I 5 a? Th Prty of r..uT- to the ia- i dividual thas th itdlvidial ows to th forty. Asd jk tt-iay ia-a are try- ing to taake t L -$ ! things; io be rooi thai th-y thought ad a few ; jar aro. " I heard of ose jsn oae who weat hatiax aa J th-y ayr-J thx-t They; woil4 tak 'turn about" in rooking.' aad thea ttry t.st if aav one of the number tZo-i'.S Cad fad fault w-;th the rookiaar he should take Ms t jrs to cjo 6-it Aa4 so they all trid to lr pal witti at th-y had to -at: hut oa- taoraits tL ttrak was ry to.:?h. atd o or the ia-cibr tbo'iirhtJly t-ca to f ritir fv-. He r ea:d 'Tats t ti.e toasa-! tu.k that 1 --r Raw a lif -Lsit 1 lje it. lApp!aae and laashter. Now I think I know rae republican wco Lave ap-j-rorarh-J ta ; -! tsow lefore tae rtratry with much t'- e:a- flias tsat tLat haater approach-d th- h-f-ted. (Laughter aad applaud. Tfc-y .rg! cct Sjoaie en t:.!ns and they ay that it J the to-h-t th:ag that ti ? were rrr called vpoa by the re pibiie&3 party to eat. tut tha tfcejr partiftaahjp se to th r &-ue and they say. 'n I hke it.- i Applaud and f hae diwusd question before jot ia the pat. lut 1 hav- tot bea a2!-d Kprsc to tafc Lark t a op:aion which I had -ipr--sM oa ti. .- pr-at rio?is. (Great appiauae auri chtr iajr. "A I ipiair.i this afternoon a c;jtioa art- aad becoai- pros.a-at. W? ia it. bat la ia-t:n t do jsot ttTrdr oar belief ta other qucs tioaa. V have fourht agalait the htgx tart?, aad we tell ariatt the hfh tar.5 today because we rreat trait hidlar behind xr ;. . :r r. .vv bought title wto!?3T, maiirr ma.i b; i . . - . . . i . i j , . jrei me . . ...... : therefore ri:: ... -rr r. . I ::." r. i heard a republican in a public " . 'r r J' ? . "Ui,u dear the doctrine that all men I:' Y..1:1 ' fJr:a ) created eqaal. It was in the first rr: republican pUtfcra adopted in 1S3C Trl tZ.r:r IT. tra- .3UU:it was in the platform adopted in plaadenar Arar.ca c:t;z-r. ji,. ii way from the rank and file. I do not f3rat rp!aae.i But i da Wrr11 10 ths maa (rho is 6,n to rard the larl as the ?jprrta i&ue tke money renting ships to the gov u tr? swjk.tiA. if t,u. ! y tf r..,.," ernxnent to carry on a war in the tax. 2 04 can rt rid it Itfiaorrow The ;u-ioc of taialtoa Is oae which rot can ta-t at aay Ura. When the liver sueaiksa caia a p. we puc-d the tari.2 quttloa la tht hajclgiouad a rw:tired with the silver e'J:ii-i n tetltontL tihfr r-a-i v.- 4,Msi.Tf aad therefore respect it every that the Aarit fple hoi!i have aa American financial tM:i.-v without the all or oaeat or ozher taUoa oa -,rth. (Great appha.0-. aad we belie- H udav. ( li , . i i - j - twacte aad cheHar . I woubi ajthaa.M to kick a ! How-r :: u in the! ftce. if I had to ajre'j.t lluKlh dta - tioa oa aaae i i th la:ii srte iCiawatm! ;m!a ,... i " it the oua - tioa of ii&periaii- ti arisen and for the tine iiz it arrt-s public atu alios. If I ajs i:t:a !a a Loue with a reptiiliraa d.cuas aaajie qsetioa aad the house catches re. wt?- nop loag eaoar h to rut out the fire tLaujrhter aad applause, i The repub- !aa pany has iejrted into Anierl- eas to.:iic today a cu.t:oa which af- fed ta Louw ltef and endangers our s-lf-jroverameat- Gtve us the risht to eu!ate oa every ;uetioa aad wel will settle esery question taai concerns ; the Araerjcaa ptp!e, bat w h a yotii take aay the rif.at to rovern our iv, iLea tLat uesiioa frut be t-et-ue-4, aad I waat yoa republicans who Lave difJered fross oa qtie.tioaj in the past to reahxe that the very men who wanted to f&jstea aa Kallfh Caaa riaJ jneta oa this rouatry now want t at"3 a Krope-AB otoa.al s fctera a the I'ait'd States, fGreit applause sad rWntrt TLe very people who were ac4 wiJUtjc tLt the American peck sh3hl attead to their on bus iaefc row aat the American people lo attt-ad ta the h-u:a t-. of other peo l in other parts of the world. (Ap- lasje aad cheeTlas.i TL r wt! lean p-rty do not dare tab qi4t:oa of lm:rialism. The repaUicaa parry says that it . would rather fight the Zt Ll oa the saay quetIoa. 3!y frieads, the re- f uhhtaa party is ju Utter prepared to make the Crht again on the moaey 4uesiiea than it is on imperial Urn. TLe os!y way it make a Crht oa the money 3ptfoa Is to take the credit for a raia ia ?V.raLa that de a large rrc-p. aad f'r a drouth la North Dakota l--t rale the price of wheat. (Ap pt&um aa.d lacghter. The republican party will not be permitted to evade the question which the republican ad ministration has brought before the American people and if you republicans are not prepared now to meet the Phil ippine question, you might as well get ready to meet it. You cannot avoid it in this campaign- (Great applause and cLeeriag.) -When you go to your homes I want you to &ik yourselves and to answer to your own satisfaction, if you can, what iour title to the Filipino is. If he ia , . A,A t him' i Arnl.lllA 1 t, nrM,nt ,h A1 vvj . v- , ehw UJj the eigaature of tfce A1. mighty. (Renewed applause.) If you ; ?h(-fclB1 for noney sbow us w t a American law there is auth . n.n,.hi!,9n here authority for buying a man. Republicans, are you willing to base your title upon purchase? Are you willing to assert that we can buy Filipinos or any other t hat ' J T , tat money can pay for human blood, want to find out what kind of a title you bought. If a man steals a horse he I cannot convey a greater title than he from Spain; how did Spain She cot title by force and your title by purchase be- I come merely a title by force. Do you assort that you can acquire title to a man by force? I deny it. (Great ap- piau.l "I deny the right of any man to make another man a subject by force. Republicans, you cannot draw a line between the right of one man to come out and beat another man into subjec tion and the right of one nation to cose out and beat another nation into r - ihWynion. (Great apptause.) There 1- noplace to draw the line, Republi- place are re- and 1860 foa which Abraham Lincoln ran. Look ' through the lat republican platform ; which was written In Philadelphia I where the Declaration of Independence ! was written and you will And that they did not dare to mention the Declara tion of Inderendence. V.'hy not? Be- .,..,., .... A,.. In n 9 t reatd ecual . (Applause.) The re- publican party today asserts the doc trine that some men are made to gov ern and others are made to be sub ject. (Applause.) The republican party today, as&erts the doctrine that our race has the right to cross seven thousand miles of ocean and take pos sesion of another race. I care not upon what grounds It defends its pol f-v it r-jinnrst rpnn it in inp nrst plW unless it destroys the doctrine j 5 that all men are created equal. Abra- ham Lincoln in one of his speeches -r-vw- .f th. iwhitinn nf indpnpn- rf, fft.r hAvins-nraTKfi the an- - ttora who wrote that document, and , tpoken of those who traced their an c-stry back to the revolutionary fath ers he added there were some in this country who could cot trace their an cteten to revolutionary patriots; that there were tome who trrre cither born ia other lands or were the children of p -op' born on other bands since the revolution, but Lincoln said that when those people came here believing in the doctrine that ali men are created equal tLat that belief bound them all to gether and they were blood of the jlooj and flesh of the flesh of those who woa this nation's independence. : (Applause.) It is that doctrine that all zut u are created equal mat binds to ther the various classes that come to u,ltr'- nce destroy that doc trice aad you at once substitute a con 1 tenlioa as to which is best. Once de ; troy the doctrine that all men are ; created qual aad there is at once a rivalry to see who Ts the most im portant. You dare not destroy that ; .:-r;u (Applause.) It is the foun ' datloa principle upon which this gov ernment rests. Republicans, your pol icy today destroys that doctrine. I do i ut believe that the great majority of iae republicans of this country believe , that that doctrine is obsolete. (Ap- 1 Deueve tnat toe managers ' the republican party have drifted auippiae i nanus; i uo uui apptrai u . ti.e army contractor; i no um appeal to the man who stands ready to ex , ploit the islands when they are sub i jtced to our authority. I appeal to the - Great applause.) And in this campaisa we are going to direct our ' rKac-.eats to the republicans. It is no ; u talking to the democrats or to the ! populifcts or to the silver republicans. i They stand solid on this question (Great applause.! I am going to ap- !P"al to tbp republicans and I am go I leg to treat them as honest and pa itrtoUc people who love their country ! if compete in foreign markets ! aE1 want to see this nation carry out the ideas of the fathers. (Applause.) ' And I want you as you go out among taese republicans to present tnis ques i tion to them and to ask them ques i tions. Make them think; and if the republicans of Lancaster county will think for one hour upon tfce Fnilip ! Pl question we will tnis year carry tills county for the first time. When I say this I am assuming that the peo ple of Lancaster county who have toted the republican ticket are inter ested that this shall remain a re public. You tell me that I am speaking to excite you when I ten you there is danger of an empire. What is an em pire? It L a government which rests cpoa force and conquest administered & coord lag to one plan in one place and aaother plan in another place. It is a government which in stead of deriving Its power from the consent of the governed, derives its authority from the superior force that it can exercise. That is wnat an em pire means. We speak of the British empire because they have one kind of a government in England and another kind la Ireland, another kind in Can ada and stiil another la India; but a republic must have the same kind of government everywhere. It must come from the people and not from the can non mouth. (Great applause.) "Already we have a standing army of one hundred thousand men which wil be made a permanent army if the re publican party continues In power. 1 ready the expenses of the military es tablishment have reached a point where they are more than half of all the money rpent for education in the United States. What do you think of an Increase In your military expenses from twenty-five million to more than a hundred million? That is what it means to have militarism. It means that the money wrung from the tax payers will be used to equip men to kill people in other lands. (Great ap plause.) Instead of becoming better that our light may shine abroad we will not only grow worse here, but will destroy the principle which has made r.his nation conspicuous among the na tions of the earth. (Applause.) "Republicans, remember that your votes count. You may refuse to vote. If. you do you will simply avoid the re sponsibility of the ballot that would be cast otherwise and you cannot avoid the responsibility of your silence. (Au plause.) When you are grven the right to vote a responsibility Is placed upon you and I want you to take these ques tion which are before you for your solution at this time and I want you to see what the result is to be if we vio late these fundamental principles. I want you to see what the result is to be if we allow great corporations to monopolize the products of industry. I want you to think what it means if the young men and women of thi? country instead of aspiring to independence can aspire to be but clerks, and I want you to think calmly and deliberately anu ask j'ourselves what your duty is in this csimpaign. I believe we have confronting us at this time a danger that ought to arouse the patriotic solicitude of all the people of our land. (Applause.) The fact that there met at Indianapolis today men who sup ported the republican ticket in 1896, some of whom helped to organize the republican party, the fact that these men met and made their protest against this policy of imperialism ought to cause you republicans to think. (Applause.) If it was a demo crat who said what Governor Boutell said today you might cast u aside, be lieving that he is a democrat and a partisan. But can you believe that this aged man was crying out against the policy of this administration be cause of unfriendliness to republican principles? If a man prominent as he has been, who has received honors at the hand 3 of the people of his state, who has received honors at the hands of his party in the nation; if this man with but a few more years to live is willing to tear himself loose from the republican party and to break the ties that have bound him to that party of his early, life, is it not time for you republicans to consider what your par ty is doing and what it means if this policy of imperialism is fastened per manently upon this land. (Great ap plause.) "My friends, it is not for me to sug gest what you shall do. Every person must decide that question for himself. But I beg you republicans to take these questions and study them and then to have the courage to make your ballots represent a freeman's will." (Great applause.) Bryan And Lincoln Forty years ago, speaking upon the ery subject that is now paramount in politics, Lincoln said: "What constitutes tne bulwarks of our liberty and independence? It is not our frowning battlements or bris tling sea coasts, our army or our navy. Our reliance is in the love of liberty, which God has planted in us. Our de fence is in the spirit which prizes lib erty as the heritage of all men in all ands, everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seed of de spotism at your own doors. Familiar ize yourself with the chains of bond age and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you have lost the strength of your own independence and become the fit subjtct of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. "They who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it." At Indianapolis, discussing the same theme, Bryan said: '"I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past a destiny which meets the responsibilities of today and meas ures up to the possibilities of the fu ture. "Behold a r2public, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth a republic applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evident proposi tion; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with InalienaDle rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights; that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov erned "Behold a republic In which civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and in which the law restreins every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown, Protection For Farmers. Editor Independent: The farmers- are told that the tariff is to protect mem. If so, why do these tariff laws admit animals into the United States free? Why was the Morrill tariff changed? That tariff laid a tax on horses and kept McKinley's allies off from our market. If the farmers will act in their own interest they will put McKinley out of office and let him go and live with his English allies if he wants to. Why did the republicans demonetize silver? Was it to let England buy sil ver for fifty cents an ounce, coin It and go to other countries and buy wheat and say to American farmers, "Keep your wheat; we can buy wheat else where with the silver you have sold us at fifty cents on the dollar." Put this silver back to $1.29 an ounce and the English will pay that much for their wheat and buy it of us, too. In place of the silver dollar, they have given us a hank dollar with three exceptions ot it. They have also given us the trusts and made a law that a farmer shall put one dollar in stamps on a deed if he don't, he is liable to a fine and the deed is not good. What benefit to vhe. farmer is that? NEBRASKA FARMER. Dickens, Neb. FOR LIBERTY ALWAYS A Special Correspondent Describes for the Indepeendent the Inspiring , Scenes at Indianapolis. INDIANAPOLIS, Ind., Aug. 16. (Special Correspondence.) It Is a proud name the executive committee of the anti-imperialist league gave to the convention it called for the 15th of August at Tomlinson hall in Indian apolis. "Liberty Congress" they called the assembly organized for the purpose of devising the best means for defeat ing the grave danger of Imperialism. From what I see In the republican dailies of Indianapolis I am quite sure that it will be called a convention "packed with Bryanites." If the Ind ianapolis men who are on the spot make this misstatement I do not wish to use the word lie how should organs of publicity far away from the spot know better? There is undeniably some truth in that statement as practically all the anti-imperialists assembled here fav ored an indorsement of Mr. Bryan from the start. Such "Bryanites" as Bout well, Cockran, Moorfield, Storey, G. G. Mercer, Edwin Burritt Smith, Gen. John Beatty, Captain Patrick O'Far rell, Gamaliel Bradford, etc., dominate the convention. They were many of them "patriots" and "statesmen," "men who place honesty above party in lsab they are branded as "Bryanarchists" in 1900. It would be hard to find a convention the members of which represent so much independent thought and intel lectual work as this Liberty Congress. One of the foremost lawyers of Phila delphia, G. G. Mercer, opened the de liberations of the congress; one of the best-known lawyers of Chicago, E. B. Smith, was its temporary chairman; an ex-governor and ex-secretary of the treasury, George S. "Bout well, was its permanent chairman. All three are well-known "Bryanites" the first two were on the stump in 1S96 for Palmer and Buckner, while ex-Governor Bout- well wras a supporter of Mr. McKinley. The committee on resolutions was composed of twenty-five members, ten of whom had voted in I89t for Mc Kinley. seven for Palmer and seven for Bryan, while one had taken to the woods. On this committee were so strong "Bryanites" as Moorfield Story, G. G. Mercer, Patrick O Farrell, Charles B. Spahr (editor of the Outlook), D. W A. Croffut, George S. Paddock, Gen eral John Beatty. Judge L. W. Brown of Ohio, Charles R. Codman of Massa chusetts, Louis J. Ehrich of Colorado, Judge Moses Hallett of Colorado. L. W Habercom of Washington, D. C, who for eight years has been the managei of the republican German literary bur eau; William Potts and Wilson Spen cer of New York, Edwin Burritt Smith of Chicago, Prof. Albert H. Tolman of the university of Chicago, Sigmund Zeisler of Chicago.. J. W. Howard, a colored delegate from Pennsylvania- all of whom worked in, 1S96 for McKin ley or for Palmer inj peaking and in writing, presumably in order to dis guise their sympathy for "Bry anarchy." . . y Tomlinson hall was decorated in an appropriate manner for the reception of the congress. The place of honor among, the banner was assigned to one bearing the inscription j l speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That by our code of morals would be criminal aggression. Some strong partisan of Mr. Bryan must have given utterance to this trea sonable sentiment as the "Bryanites" assembled gave a good round of ap plause whenever these wrords were quoted. Some sentences uttered by the back number Abraham Lincoln and by that traitor of traitors, W. J. Bryan, were also to be seen. This assembly went even to the extent of decorating the hall with pictures of men who sat at the cradle of our republic like Wash ington and Jefferson. The first day of the congress was giv en to speech-making. Rev. Herbert S Bigelow, the young clergyman from Cincinnati, O., who stirred the silver repuolicans at Kansas City with his prayer, did just as well at Indianapolis It is a beautiful piece of religious lit erature. His eloquent invocation waa as follows: "Almighty God, may the spirit of truth preside over the deliberations o this convention. We know, our Father, that the judgment of man is fallible; but we believe there can be no honest difference as to the cardinal principles that govern moral conduct, and we seek to prepare ourselves for the work that is before us by making sure that we are devoted to those simple pre cepts that must appeal with equal force to all those who are pure in heart. We believe that Thou hast created of one blood all the nations of the earth. We believe, therefore. that we do not err in judgment merely, but that we commit moral sin If we treat any of Thy creatures as we would not wish to be treated. We believe that in Thy sight all men have the same right to live, and that when we take the lives of others we do that which we know to be wrong. We be lieve that the right to live means also the right of self-government, by which men secure their lives; and we believe that when we kill other men to keep them from adopting our political faith, we do that which we would all ac knowledge to be a crime if our moral judgment were not perverted by pride or prejudice or corrupted by greed of gam. "We believe that these self-evident moral principles apply with equal force whether we act collectively to gether as a nation or wnether we act as individuals. We believe that what is wrong for a man to do is wrong also for the nation. We believe that when a nation commits any act which is wrong for the individual citizen, wo believe that the citizen who votes to support that nation becomes involved in moral guilt and that his loyalty to such a government is treason against heaven. WTe do not believe that good ever comes out of evil. We believe that national prosperity must be founded upon national righteousness, and that every departure from the path of rectitude must be atoned for either by national ' repentance or national ruin. "Help us in this crisis to be guided by these moral principles; help us to have too much faith in Thy moral law to fancy we can found a nation upon the ,ruin of popular liberty. May we rathsr sheathe our dripping swords in shame. Help us our Father, in this crisis, as in all others. May we have the guidance of an unclouded inner light, believing that that light, if wo trust it, will lead us rn the path ot righteousness and keep all our hearts n accord with those mighty spiritual forces that make for righteousness and j candidate who supports rt, or the dem peace. Amen." - " ocratic candidate who opposes it." The drift of the sentiment among the delegates showed itself first when the temporary chairman, Edwin Bur- ritt Smith, closed his arraignment of imperialism with the following sen- tences: "We may differ on minor questions, We are united in our devotion to the J republic of Washington and Lincoln, i in our faith in the supremacy of the constitution, in our belief in the Dec laration of Independence. Because we believe in American ideals and in all that has exalted the American name and made it throughout the world the synonym of liberty we oppose the an- cient heresy of imperialism. We pro- pose to disregard all minor questions and issues while we drive from the temple those who have betrayed the law of the nation s life. "The executive committee of the American anti-imperialist league have invited to this congress those who rep- resent all point of view or present duty now held among independent voters, The correspondence of the committee indicates a difference of opinion whether the congress should name or indorse a so-called "third ticket," or whether, in view of the fact that he and his party have shown the patriot- ism and the courage to meet in the gate "the vanguard of returning de- spotism," we should indorse and sup- port the candidacy of William J. Bry- an. We believe that an open and frank placed the democratic party in corn discussion of this question of method plete control of the legislative as well by the congress will tend to clear the as the executive branch or the govern air and justify the conclusion which ment, with full power to enact all its you shall finally reach. "It would not be proper for me, as your temporary chairman, to antici- pate that discussion or predict its re- sult. I may report that our corre- spondence, which is large and extends to the entire country, indicates that independent voters In large and in- creasing numbers will vote directly for Mr. Bryan. Others deem it desirable to have a "third ticket" as a means of withholding votes from Mr. McKin- ley. Some of these express their own intention to vote for Mr. Bryan, cou- pled with a desire to provide a ticket for those who will not do so. Some believe this to be a good time to found a new and conservative party, that may in time dispute the control of the government with the survivor of the existing parties. Each of these views are ably represented in the congress. "Mr. Lowell shortly before his death stated that N. Guizot once asked him the republican party is successful its ! how long he thought the American re- control of the judicial as well as of the public would endure. Mr. Lowell re- executive and legislative departments plied: So long as the ideas of the of the government will be absolute, men who founded it continue domi- and its disposition to exercise all its nant.' To this Guizot assented. The power for the enforcement of an im campaign of which this gathering is perialistic policy cannot 1 be doubted, an incident will determine whether At the end of four years imperialism the ideas of the fathers continue domi- will be so firmly imbedded in our nant in the hearts of their children, political life that it can never be ex There is no reason to despair. The pelled. people have not rejected the . prin- "Mr. Bryan's election of itself would ciples which, in . Mr. Lincoln's words, put a quietus on 'the imperialistic ad 'are the definitions and axioms of free venture. No policy specifically con society.' WTith him we may still be- demned by the people has ever been lieve that 'today, and rn all coming adopted in our system, and imperial days, the Declaration of Independence ism will prove no exception to the rule, shall be a rebuke and a stumbling "The country having pronounced for block to . the very harbingers of reap- justice, politicians of every shape and pearing tyranny and oppression.' description will be eager to do justice, "In conclusion permit me to say that and when the desire for justice is sin the final test of the capacity of a peo- cere, the way to justice is soon dis ple for self-government is their abil- covered. ity to sink all minnor differences and "Since the election of Mr. Bryan is squarely face a vital issue. Such an certain to deliver the country from the issue is presented by l.ir. McKinley's imminent peril of imperialism, can tho demand for a vote of confidence. We liberty convention hesitate to support applaud every effort to withhold ap- him because of impalpable danger aris- proval of his course. Let us take such ing from his opinions on subjects with action as will most surely serve the which ,as president he cannot possibly cause of liberty in whose name we deal? I confess it is hard to under- meet." stand the attitude of those gentlemen The first mention of the action of who have supported him if the conven- the democratic party and of Bryan's tion had been silent or evasive on the name met with almost unanimous ap- free coinage of silver, but who hesitate plause. to support him. on a platform which But the ovation of the day and, fti excludes that question from the serious fact, of the congress was the recep- discussions of the contest by relegat- tion accorded to ex-Governor George ing it to a subordinate position. S. Boutwell when he took the chair. "The democratic platform declares To hear lawyers, preachers, professors that imperialism is the paramount is- and others of equally nigh intellectual sue of the campaign, and Mr. Bryan's standing shout like at any ward meet- speech at Indianapolis accepts this ing and see them toss hats in the air conception of the issue, emphasizes it is surely a rare spectacTe. But this is what was done when tnis man, bowed down by the weight of nearly eighty- three years, appeared on the platform a man who was governor of Massa- chusetts before the republican party existed, one of the founders of the In my judgment the platform act party and for many years one of its ually adopted by the democratic con- most distinguished members in the vention should be much more satis house and senate and the cabinet, To- factory to sound money men than any day, of course, as the great republican statesman, Mr. Perry Heath, asserts, Mr. Boutwell does not count at all. He would if he acted like Senator Hoar! It is nearly impossible to describe the scene which followed Mr. Bout- well's following words: "How is the overthrow of the ad- ministration to be accomplished? In my youth I had no disguises. I turned aside and left the democratic party when it surrendered to slavery. In my age I leave the republican party, now that it has surrendered Itself to de- spotic and tyrannical motives. I helped create the republican party, a party at that time of justice and prin- ciple and honesty. I now believe it is a party or injustice and despotism, and I will help to destroy it, And how? There is but. one available means and you know what that Is. I am for 3ryan. If there was a doubt In the minds of some of the members how they should act it was dispelled by the venerable speaker's words. It did not influence the congress, but it confirmed its mem- bers in their determmation to do sometmng practical tor the extermm- aiiuu ui impei lausm tusieau oi punmg xvir. xiryan s irana, sincere and un up a third ticket as an Innocent play- equivocal advocacy of the free coin thing for those who are dissatisfied age of silver forced the republican with both of the great parties. party reluctantly to declare in favor But nobody expressed the sentiment of the overwhelming majority of the congress so well and accurately as did Mr. W. Bourke Cockran In his letter to Mr. Edwin Burritt Smith, the chair- man of the executive committee of the anti-imperialist league, which was read to the congress. He writes: "krw YnRk' An?: iiMv npar Sir- T TPirr vptv Tnticb that nwtnr to the business engagements here I will be unable to attend the liberty fotiCTPss at Tndiftnanniis nn twiKth "The attitude of anti-imperialists to imperialism cannot be open to doubt, and, therefore, I assume the object of the convention Is not to express oppo- sition, but to devise a method of mak- ing that opposition effective, "The issue of imperialism having been squarely raised between the two ; great parties, it must be plain that the only way in which a citizen can exer- cise any direct-influence upon the re- suit is by voting for the republican "Nothing can be accomplished oy the nomination of a third candidate that cannot be accomplished equally by absentation from the polls, except that the citizen who remains at uome on election day passes unnoticed, while he who votes a third ticket attracts attention. The difference between a silent and a vociferous refusal to ex- erclse the suffrage is not wortn dis- cussion, since absentation from civil duty is never commendable. When the republic is in . danger the only place for the patriot is in the ranks of its active defenders. Absence from the field of contest or shooting in the air can never be justified, "It cannot be denied that while anti- imperialists unanimously approve Mr. Bryan's position on imperialism, many of them hesitate to vote for his eiec- tion to the presidency because they regard his views upon other questions with distrust and apprehension, "We cannot hope to deal intelli- gently with the issues of this cam- paign until we liberate ourselves from the domination of he questions and passions of the last campaign. Within four years political conditions nave changed decisively and as conditions change issues change with them. "The question whicn the people must decide now is radically different from that submitted to them in 1896. Then the election of Mr. Bryan would have beliefs into law, while now his elec- tion will not result in placing the con- trol of the government in the hands of the democratic party, but in divid- ing its control between the two par- ties. "Whatever may be the result of this election the senate will remain repub- lican for two years certainly, and probably for four. Even if the people raised Mr. Bryan to the presidency in November the democratic party cannot possibly achieve any power of legis- lation during the existence of the next congress and without legislative sane tion no change in the standard of value, no reorganization of the su- preme court, no modification whatever of our financial, industrial or political systems could be accomplished. "There is one issue which the pop- ular verdict will settle irrevocably, and that is the issue of imperialism. If and vindicates it. "But a declaration that imperialism is a paramount issue is equivalent to a declaration that it is the sole issue, for no presidential election ever de- cided more than one question. of the substitutes suggested by older and more conservative managers. Since nobody pretended that Mr. Bryan's opinions on the questions raised by the Cnicago platform of 1896 have been changed, his refusal to disguise them in any way is highly creditable to his honesty, and honesty is the first es- sential of patriotic presidential ser vice. "Mr. Bryan's conversion to a belief in sound money, would in my opinion be a reason for national rejoicing, but any abandonment or- abasement of the frankness and sincerity which have always distinguished him would be little short of a national calamity. "We need not accept Mr. Bryan as an infallible or even as a sound au thority on economics to acknowledge that his integrity, his truthfulness and absolute sincerity have been among tne most salutary influences of this generation on our political life. "It is certain that tnis country is indebted to him for the gold standard law, which, though dt has the defects of its party origin, is the best contri button to our national" stability, since the resumption of specie payments tfle gold standard, "The result was not that which Mr Bryan sought; none the less it was 1 proaucea Dy nim. .Because he was sincerely wrong he forced the republi can politicians to become insincerely right. To this sincerity of Mr. Bryan jthe country Is indebted for the op I portunity to pass squarely and de cisively upon the issue of imperialism If the republic is to be overthrown the assault must now be made in the open "gbt of day. i It is no longer possible strangle it under cover of mislead- ms mm -upuwiuci- purases. "In this open fight for liberty surely every anti-imperialist should be ready I to bear his part. Hesitation to avail themselves of .v the leadership under which alone opposition to imperialism can be made effective through distrust of the leaders views on economic ques- ,- tions and not in issue, would be as senseless as hesitation to employ a surgeon on wiose skill depended the sole prospect of life, through dislike ; of his religious beliefs. , It can hardly be necessary to say that we who, four years ago, sacri ficed our political prospects and per sonal associations rather than lend even a passive support of silence to ; declarations which we believe to be ; subversive of order, will pursue the ; same course again if these questions 1 should ever recur. I The best evidence of our capacity to deal with the Issues of 1902, or 1904, i whatever they may be. Is to deal In- telligently now with the issues of 1900. j On that issue Mr. Bryan stands for justice, liberty and constitution, and? since all these would be imperial by ; his defeat, . it is to be hoped that the liberty convention will not be swerved from supporting him by prejudices springing from antagonisms or by f groundless apprehensions of the fu ture. Yours very truly, "W. BOURKE COCKRAN." I wonder if Mr. Cockran will be de clared as a man of no influence, too, as has been done with ex-Governor Boutwell. While the Liberty Congress held its meetings in Tomlinson hall, an assem-1 bly of about a dozen young reformers met at the Commercial club, bent on organizing a new, third party, which should serve as a nucleus for all the conservative elements who are dis gusted with all the old parties. Usual ly the old men are considered conser vative, but among anti-imperialists it seems to be different. The old men were at the Liberty Congress ready to indorse Bryan, while the young de sired to organize a new party for con servative people. The platform which is In the form of an address to the voters, contains; one paragraph that defines our im perialism in the best manner hitherto known. It says: "There is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the legislature may not invade, if he may be taxed by a legislature in which he is not repre sented, or if he 13 not protected by fundamental law against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of the president offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Phil ippines no hope of independence, no prospect of American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no represen tation in the congress which taxes him. This is a government of men by arbitrary power, without their con sent; this is imperialism." The proposition to indorse Bryan elicited a long drawn-out debate. All the "third ticket ' men, members of the so-called National party, had been admitted as full-fledged members of the Liberty Congress. Nearly all of them spoke in behalf of striking out the paragraph advising voters to sup port Bryan. They were supported by some members of the congress, but they were not able to turn the tide. Fifteen votes was all the strength they could gather for their proposition. , Nevertheless the "third party"- men eft with the best feelings, thanks to me admirable work of Mr. Zeisler, who was in the chair during the debate on the platform. Every opponent of Bryan's indorsement was accorded a fair hearing, and Mr. Zeisler firmly called down some over-zealous "Bry anites" who tried to howl down those men who were, according to republi can newspapers, the only sincere antl- mperialists in this garnering. The supporters ol ryan have rea son to rejoice over the accession of the anti-imperialists to their ranks. The members cf the Liberty Congress were not many in numbers, but they are men who count. The same men who have denounced Mr. Bryan as the greatest evil on earth in 1896, gave him an unqualified indorsement in 1900. There was very little talk of the "lesser evil" the main argument of many McKinley men in 1896 but there was a general hearty tribute to Mr. Bryan's honesty and sincerity. B. HERMANN. Campaign Song Air: "Mary Had a Little Lamb." Teddy has a little gun, little gun, little gun. Teddy has a little gun, Always keeps it cocked. Chorus Whoop-tee doo-dle doo-dle doo Doo-dle doo doo-dle doo Whoop-tee doo-dle doo-dle doo Doo-dle doo-dle doo. Teddy has a uniform, uniform uni form, Teddy has a uniform Wears it every day. Cho. Teddy has a little sword, little sword, little sword, Teddy has a little sword, Wears it in his belt. Cho. Teddy likes a little fight, little fight. little fight. Teddy likes a little fight. Just a little fight. Cho. Teddy has a running mate, running mate, running mate, Teddy has a running mate, A little running mate. Cho. Teddy makes a little speech, thro' his hat, thro' his hat, s Teddy makes a little speech Thro his soldier hat. Cho. Teddy has some little' wheels, little wheels, . little wheels, , Teddy has some little wheels - 1 In his little head. Cho. Hanna'll have a little show, little show, little show, Hanna'll have a little show An Teddy'll be the clown. , Cho. Teddy likes to 'lectloneer, 'lectioneer, 'lectioneer, Teddy likes to 'lectioneer, 4 1 Thinks he is a terror. , Cho. But Teddy'll feel a little blue, little blue, little blue, Teddy'll feel a little blue, " Next election day. Cho. (Sing last verse very slowly, and the chorus with, increased enthusiasm.) Crete, Neb. For the Nebraska state fair the FE. & M. V. R.R. will sell round trip tickets to Lincoln and return at one fare plus 50 cents for the round trip on Septem br 3 to 7. All trains stop at F,ir grounds. ' . .. . ' t : l : i.