August 10, 1900
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
7.
BRYAS'S PLAIN TALK
Diicrssn Parao&irst Qsestioss f
the lAcnocritic PUtfora.
EVILS OF EEFUELIC15 FCLICIES.
R:hte mt th rsl la I allea Stale
4 -air" Terrllarlra !
trr af taa-aeriallaaa aaal Milt
tartsaTa Tw Hepaall.
Ia re? to the feeder of the com
Station for 1ic president-jr by the moti
tVatloa e-oissat tee of the desssoeracy, t
Itf la&apolia, Wf4sfwir, Acjfut ,
William J, Ir? a n aaid:
Mr. Ciairsrsaa ard lr.br of the Notl
fJVc3 Comsctt. I atail. at an early
day. ax$ ta a raor fontl i&ajs:r. apt
tfc feoniutioe w tv-h u tender, ana I
sLa:i t ILt Uj !kvm If vmrUrv -rwered
e ifc dmcratlc platform.
It stay rot fc out f plar. Lwvr. to
sufeasut a few vfcr atlona at ttls tiro
tie th general Jr-t-r of the rot; lest
tfir wa &d 5ufifj which
W Uf4 i t .f larasowU importance
tn t Li f tx.;lrn.
U Ln I aay ttl ti- r.r.it f : I a
ro.t-t ltfe jRwtvr i the h&4
at,4 m itaeract' th br. f da not jo
f w r tKit all our ;; .r.ta delib
raftr h'-a t civ to organised wealth
pre-irs.aliL.c -t. is tfce aifalra of
tt. fotn. &,;. ts I s- aan tfcat on
fe R;nf t tv- of it ay ti rp-b-li-
j-art t .'rtsr-l-d fty tb Itf d"
a a rwt!)r trd le at prur.lary
eM'ratMi .t--4 Ls ixrr t. urr.at. rights.
T-rtt fc-"i3 I ti turn xd tt dUar.
tat tt.4t U. r f roffft It ! d ia
it-e a-. lrr t. 5'..r Ttu t th
prc5 r r .f ia a e vt; r...'t sit "tx-f a ee !
t? t. Mt. J.r.!r of UJ.
it f It tttl'rr tjrj-lfo'. Mas 1 th Biaa-
tr. fErfiT f i rr,ifc.t. tjt fi'.5l U t-
-' t tis2. t-C.jr. rfe.itcn lc-
a : -d fRan tr rar.t.
T? r-ijtaia wf jf!miL suaS rf t to
a. a r-4 Jj41 rli la aw," ar4 tfca
Cr-rirtjt f JJsiirwis ttt tt:i ti-t!4 fe a
C trrt.t "uf t ftttir t-jr It. tfl
a ?r tip ttTc dirnr3d
ar,j tt l&trvr(.tll!a f co nsnvf nt
ar -, c to aiivar.c tti ttst-rt f
M.r w a jiti-a u f favor
Tit 0tr af Ilrrar.
Tfc f -rr.sr mi j-rr la t'! faakire war
Vi- tt hit. t a.-rjtai;tlvi f Hb; It
K e-r CiM b.r4 irs-fiutrjr. cof-
ar;4 tbrllt n tb roctrary. It civ
l ry f ::isa tt g ratt jjoStUf aUn'
t t3!s t -i. tm it ftrcmla feljjn
f" ti"n ia t? .f;0 'trfct t ll jro--
t, fcia hUr Jrtfrty rlgtits ar
to-M v. -r fci. fcwtr.an nefcta ar re
irt4. Im-fry atr tr a rlvi2Sa-
Sa at.ua rj t& rr tf f avclty
i'i a If- a r urufi;.t. t t.i ,mr1ta.
r- tj a nr.L ls xp.i from ao
' rr- r ttrs f.r r..R.riatU-n tot
tfc ri"$. tB rMier to aoc-Jetjr.
Jf tr rat r. tt ta at tfe xp'fiae
-f ta i. Iti tva lr.juati t fcltn
t jrtij Li So;r.j i-;nc to another.
T Una r.;4. htr tfrouch rlaaa
irtiatn f la t.h atw of raary
ictrt:ij.. tr.ja u i-. th nth! a n
rt. ih : aurratc paxty a. "Tbou
Lalt toe.'
RattB Kara.
Ailr;t tta ar aray5- 4r-'axaTeattvly
ir.U, tut ;-U'.'a:: -1 f f arUliy to
r.i.Kijcf ra aaatnl ty aab
i:ft ssll--. tutaStbihtfflart aciatl
a 8 r RuftWf b. tweauaa Cff tL!r at
: t ns-t f thir t rt r.air.r. sr ctvtr
xf.-'.r i.j-j'j-rt to 6.iMirtfr ar.ticrantlc to
tf fyrn,r taLuc ? tts-ir .-a n J art
l-V U m ujxrd to aCv t LtBt-
hit.. fry t. ftt!M thmaU
' tr c-;j ttr.sr4 u m4: rt-ulUeaRa
c r rt-rrr.rlj ! !t. jrrti;-
t r.'m M-a;r,j- n ncuw for CJv
'' e.tw'al t-Aj,k rfi.xtttl tf tfc natlox
i i"t Kit..y . tp at.i:a&a m t toa4 to
t4i r. j,ii4itfa itjr (ti pay-
t.i?i-ai tt. tr cow look!: i
tft r- i nf a prjtual actf tr-
f ; C 1 . r,- .t:' ar a t. tnrcjrly
!tt'fT'! r.t. f.rf Wctaiie tLKa)ra
a lib it 6)vaia that tir ar cjS truat
trvt. at..,., in tr.:r riir.4 tt
t-t ? . t w t t.roirc more
r-'i ---r . ,r . (j a(.!jr. r.. la
' -t. r t -rai tt. t our,ir ui&
' 5 ! f. o: .r atat.Cinc array.
v rr,:i.c 1; t i f it. ,l(iuib'
m -' f" f .r4 larg lt,ro
'a t.t jntutt rru::t ry tat.nr:mbt:
fpsiUwM ki siiri4 tn tr incejr.d-"'-'
ai-& ti. r.t.v3 aaa ia tarrul.
' a-tth fr uot. !ofria al-
i:a !-. rfutu at.a iU 1 1 r yeara acta
rtoi.ta "."'r :.. ar;n-atioH- aa lm
rr; ' ' i & rnisiui. ar tiw aur
t..t tt i b-fc iastswarai i.i criminal to
r r abJMfmjLtkm. TLat arttaan-
r.lio t- air Lu4 tai.y t t?rart
Ui,crr t rtir.. L,a Ur a g-ortloti
tf tf r--t:t- r. jrry ran w raan vr
te t. rw !,:; roriair.a tu b an.
rtrr a f :rr rU4as ljr r ln-
3 to O ny vj'rfjf th rlxttt ta
fni.k.i II. jiir-y f tb ad-
n.ttriwij. tfiit uitn tAt:caito tbey
'-- i4i t!ft jr(x.,B xa Ciay aaart-
j-rijrt 4r;ic ttf -rvtr- ,f !&. i4-
feift tfc !u bli!y a,nJ
tftr-'tisrc a rir art4 jkSC piaa for
eaUJaat ant th bli:j4ta qvttiB. th
rjtiU:ia vrr.um a 14 a t tftrm
tt Urrr j,art a.i n u 4vutc4 tu
U-aa'.ir.c ax-3 .- wt.aratvtUtioti.
Is attresitli t jrra n-tMtiatuie ;ura-t-w.a
.f-a tt.a tvuBtry t tfc a;rlatta i
t tHKa a SU Sn'frlv tt ary atruct ar
f ar lutrruuttt. th rrpuiiicAa la4
r aTSt Mar vi-r.c f tfclr aUioa
tc.rnl ef tL Tiir icaia t ttia (arty arJ
f t t-;r ss.i--t wuaervi . y to cua
Lary cvauii rra'lvfea.
fiat tb-y ?.a:j r.of n pm.it!4 to vaS
tii atujftai:a af.4 f r-rr Lliot ls
af-Ut tiy fc cl-rat;y fcrci.cfct into
th arr. ci pcUiit Vtn tt j riint.
a'jrtsl fc-y srajt-ttcaiiy utUmii
t of tt. S.o - aa! aR.t. ntrd
Cn a ajr aUfe tj.aia Jor th purpoaa f
aM:- tb atrurc-'.t itrtta tt Cuba,
I; rs,jr.try. w".tiOiii rrgara to arty, at
(.Uu4l Aii&ruck tt Cmocrata rctc
ts4 ti..t ti avdiblLl tratiLeo vo.I4 ca
aariiy cl a j;.U-al a dT At axe from
ti txaitt ff a a ax ahirb. in th very
ilt.r tt caa, rsl kais J ia a
ctfS't rictory, tfcjr i4 atth til r
jvufcttfAJa to tla vii-rt wtsich thy car
t tt prd'.t. Vfca tt m.t mm
vr at tu rsatU.n ldr bee an to
5ct tl&a prvj'TlmSj 0i ciotiia4 policy .
tiSHB t cixar.:!t4 ttalC
i-a ttea jrtIt CsalJy 114 Wfor th
arsata m. trty m'tecii rcxcsuxe4 It. ln
$ kdcc c C !. tVlit J"TO ii3 tar tt
-;oa af taa It-iUj.ss Islands ta tLa
ITai'jwt 8ttia. tbm Kivar of imrlaJlana
le-a&a aw a;-axTt iat masy prfrrrl
to rart thm trca.tr a4 rt th Ula that
tsuc&t fllw rat&rr tLaa La tb ctutaoe
f crrctijf t arrora f tLa treaty toy
t& ta4-ir-ds arti cf thi o&ustry.
Trat la la fal.
! tt aoex th ewx&ber af th wtw
l:ii it Uttr to ratify t treaty aal
4 tto wax. ri tt -iatitr. re
tfc - far wax $&. tur. aaj
u&et tv to tfe r::j.iaKi th init.
sc ce:cht t forced from IS pal
fey a. oaar traty.
lm ruw vX Umi cxtUcija w&Ich but m
tioa arou4 In aomt Quaxter X taka tbla
ceioo t reatata tha reaaons ctron at
tixat time. I thoucbt It safer to trust the
American people to give Independence to
tb FUpt&oa thaa ta trust lb accom
pUaJ&meot of that pvirpoa to fliplomacy
with aa CBlrtarvdlr naUon. Lincoln em
koi4 an axaniment ta tha queatloa. when
Jt aakad: "Can aUana anaka , reaUea
eariex than f rle&ds can, maka ' laws?" I
fcUv that ar now la a bettor posl
tioa ta wax a srucreaaful contest asainst
lm pert all m thaa we would hav been
h4 th treaty been rejected. With the
treaty ratified, a clean cut Issue la pre
eated between a coverament by consent
acd a coeercment by force, and imperial
ist rauit bear th responsibility for all
that happena until the Question ia settled.
If th treaty had been rejected, the op
ponents of imperialism would have been
held responsible for any International
ctHSpUeatlona which mifht have arisen
bfore the ratification of another treaty.
But whatever differences of opinion may
have existed aa to the best method of op
poalnc the colonial policy, there never was
any difference a to the creat Importance
of the Question and there Is no difference
tow aa ta the course to be pursued.
rreaalaee ta the Fillplao.
The title of Spain belnr extinguished,
we were at liberty to deal with the Fili
pinos arcordinc to American principles.
The Bacon resolution, introduced a month
before hostilities broke out at Manila,
promised Independence to the Filipinos on
th same terms that it was promised to
the Cubans. I supported this resolution
and believe that Its adoption prior to the
breakiac out of hostilities would have
prevented bloodshed, and that its adop
tion at any subsequent time would have
etv4ed hostilities.
If the treaty had been rejected, consid
erable tim would have necessarily
elapsed before a pew treaty could have
bn a creed upon and ratified, and during
that time the Question mould have been
act ta tine the public mind. If the Bacon
resolution had been adopted by the senate
and carried out by the president, either
at th time of th rstlfication of the
traty or at any time afterwards. It would
have taken the question of Imperialism
out of politics and left the American peo
ple free to deal with their domestic prob
lems. But th resolution was defeated by
th vole ef tha republican vice president,
and from that time to this a republican
Rcra has refused to take any action
whatever in the matter.
Ca a rely Arestsllsaa.
When hostilities broke out at Manila,
republican speakers and republican edit
ors at once aourht to lay the blame upon
those who had delayed the ratification of
the treaty, and. durir.c the progress of
the war. the same republicans have ac
cused the opponents of imperialism ef giv
ing encouragement to the Filipinos. This
is a cowardly evasion of responsibility.
If it la right for th United States to
hold the Philippine Islands permanently
and imitate Kuropean empires In the gov
ernment of colonies, the republican party
ought to state its position and defend it.
but tt must expect the aubject races to
protest against such a policy and to resist
to the extent of their ability. The Filipinos
do not need any encouragement from Amer
icana new living. Our whole history has
ben an encouragement, not only to the
Filipinos but to ail who are denied a voice
in their own government. If the republic
ans are prepared to censure all who have
ued language calculated to- make the
Filipinos bate foreign domination, let them
condemn the speech of Patrick Henry.
When he uttered that passionate appeal:
"Give me liberty or give me death." he
expressed a sentiment which still echoes
in the hearts of men. Let them censure
Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history,
none have used words so offensive to those
who would held their fellows in political
bondage. Let them censure Washington,
who declared that the . colonists must
choose between liberty and slavery. Or,
If the statute of limitations has run against
th sins of Henry and Jefferson and Wash
ington, let them censure Lincoln, whose
Gettysburg speech will be quoted in de
fense of popular government when the
present advocates of force and conquest
are forgotten.
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled. It is true.
It goes on and on. and no one can set a
limit to Its evr widening Influence. But
if tt mere possible to obliterate every word
written or spoken In defense of the prin
ciples set forth in the declaration of in
dependence, a war of conquest would still
leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for
it was Cod Himself who placed In every
human heart the love of liberty. He never
made a race of people so low in the scale
of civilization or intelligence that it would
welcome a foreign master.
Lincoln said that the safety of this nation
was not in its fleets, its armies or Ifs forts,
but in the spirit which prizes liberty and
the heritage of ail men. in all lands, every
where; and he warned his countrymen that
they could not destroy this spirit without
planting the seeds of despotism at their
own doors.
Those who would have this nation en
ter upon a career of empire must consider
not only the effect of imperialism on the
Filipino, but they must also calculate its
effect upon our own nation. We cannot
repudiate th principle of self-government
la th Philippines without weaken
ing that principle her.
Paralyslasx laaperiallssa.
Even bow we are beginning to see the
paralysing Influence of Imperialism. Here
tofore, this nation has been prompt to ex
press its sympathy with those who were
rghtlng for civil liberty. While our sphere
at activity ha been limited to the west
ern hemisphere, our sympathies have not
been bounded by the seas. We have felt
it due to ourselves and to the world, as
well as to those who were struggling for
the riant to govern themselves, to pro
claim the interest which our people have,
from the date of their own Independence,
felt in every contest between human
tights and arbitrary power. Three-quarters
of a century ago. when our nation
was small, the struggles of Greece
aroused our people, and Webster and Clay
gave eloquent expression to the universal
desire for Grecian Independence. In 1SS,
all parties manifested a lively interest
in th success of the Cubans, but now
when a war is In progress In South Afri
ca, which must result In the extension of
the monarchlal Idea or la the triumph of
a republic, the advocates of imperialism
ia this country dare not say a word in
behalf of the Boers. Sympathy for the
Boers does not arise from any unfriend
liness toward England; the American peo
ple are not unfriendly toward the people
of any cation. This sympathy la due to
the fact that, as stated in our platform.
we believe in the principle of self-government
and reject, as did our forefathers,
the claims of monarchy. If this nation
surrenders its belief in th universal ap
plication of th principles set forth in
fib declaration of Independence, it will
loae th pre tigs and Influence which it
ha enjoyed among the nations as an ex
ponent of popular government.
Our opponents, conscious of the weak
ness ef their cause, sees to confuse im
perialism with expansion, and have even
dared to claim Jefferson .as a supporter
of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely
and used languace with such precision
that no one can be lsmorant of his views.
On on occasion he declared: "If there
be on principle more deeply rooted than
any other in Lb mind ef every American,
it is that we should have nothing to do
with conquest." And again he said: "Con
quest la not in our principles; It 1 ia
coaslsteat with our government."
tight Klad f Eipaaiiss.
Th forcible annexation of tetitory to
be governed by arbitrary power d'Ors as
much from the acquisition of territory to
be bfellt up into stales as a monarchy dlf-
frs from a democracy. The democratic
party does not oppoa expansion, when
expacston enlarge the area of the repub
lic a&d incorporates land which caa be
settled by American cltlxens, or adds to
our population people who are willing to
become cltiuens and are capable of dis
charging th'tlr duties as such. The acquis
sltlon of the Louisiana territory, Florida.
Texas and other tracts which have been
socured from time to time, enlarged the
republic. an-J the constitution followed the
flag into the new territory. It is now pro
posed to seize upon distant territory already-more
densely populated than our own
country, and to force upon the people a
government, for which there is no war
rant in our constitution or our laws. Even
the argument that this earth belong to
those who desire to cultivate it and have
the physical power to acquire it cannot
be invoked to Justify the appropriation of
the Philippine Islands by the United States.
If the islands were uninhabited American
cltlxens would not be willing to go there
and till the soil. The white race will not
live so near the equator. Other nations
have tried to colonize in the same latitude.
The Netherlands have controlled Java 'for
800 years, snd yet to-day there are less
than 60.000 f-eople of European birth scat
tered among 25.000,000 natives. After a
century and a half of English domination
In India, less than one-twentieth of one
per cent, of the people of India are of Eng
lish birth, and it requires an army of 70,000
British soldiers to take care of the tax
collectors. Spain has asserted title to the
Philippine Islands for three centuries, and
yet, when our fleet entered Manila bay,
there were less than 10,000 Spaniards re
siding in the Philippines.
A colonial policy means that we shall
send to the Philippines a few traders, a few
taskmasters and a few office holders, and
n army large enough to support tlTe au
thority of a small fraction of the people
while they rule the natives.
Iaerease In Regular Army.
If we have an Imperial policy we must
have a large standing army as its natural
and necessary complement. The spirit
which will Justify the forcible annexation
of the Philippine islands will justify the
seizure of other Islands and the domina
tion of other people, and with wars of con
quest we can expect a certain. If not rapid,
frowth of our military establishment,
hat a large permanent increase in our
regular array is intended by the repub
lican leaders is not a mere matter of con
jecture, but a matter of fact. In his mes
sage of December 5. 1893. the president
asked for authority to increase the stand
ing army to 100,000. In 18!6 the army con
tained about 25,000 men. Within two years
the president asked for four times that
many, and a republican house of repre
sentatives complied with the request after
the Spanish treaty had been signed and
no country was at war with the United
States. If such an army is demanded
when an imperial policy is contemplated,
but not openly avowed, what may be ex
pected if the people encourage the republic
an party by Indorsing Its policy at the polls?
A large aanding army is not only a pe
cuniary burden to the people and, if accom
panied by compulsory service, a constant
source of irritation, but it is ever a menace
to a republican form of government. The
army Is the personification of force, and
militarism will inevitably change the ideals
of the people and turn the thoughts of our
young men from the arts of peace to the
science of war. The government which
relies for Us defense upon its citizens Is
more likely- to be Just than one which has
at call a large body of professional sol
diers. A small standing army and a well
equipped and well disciplined state militia
are sufficient In ordinary times, and In an
emergency the nation should in the future
as tn the past place its dependence upon the
volunteers who come from all occupations
at their country's call and return to pro
ductive labor when their services are no
longer required men who fight when the
country needs fighters and work when
the country needs workers.
Status of the Flllplnoa.
The republican platform assumes that
the Philippine-islands will be retained un
der American sovereignty, and we have
a right to -demand of the republican lead
ers a discussion of the future status of
the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a
subject? Are we to bring into the body
politic 8.0CO.000 or 10,000,000 Asiatics, so
different from us in race and history that
amalgamation is impossible? Are they
to share with us In making the laws and
shaping the destiny of this nation? No
republican,; of prominence ha been bold
enough to advocate such a proposition.
The McEnery resolution,? adopted by the
.senate Immediately after the ratification
of the treaty, expressly negatives this
idea. The democratic platform describes
the situation when it says that the f ill
pinos cannot be citizens without endan
gering our civilization. Who will dispute
it? And what is the alternative? If the
Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we
make him a subject? On that question
the democratic platform speaks with em
Dhasis. It declares that the Filipino can
not be a subject without endangering our
form of government. A republic can
have no subjects. A subject is possible
only In a government resting upon force;
he is unknown in a government deriving
its Just powers from the consent of the
governed. The republican platform says
that "the largest measure of self-government
consistent with their welfare and
our duties shall be secured to them (the
Filipinos) by law." This is a strange doc
trine for a government which owes its
very existence to the men who offered
their lives as a protest against govern
ment without consent and taxation with
out renresentation. In what respect does
the position of the republican party differ
from the position taiten oy me n,ngusn
government in 1776? Did not the English
aovernment promise a good government
to the col&nists? What king- ever prom
ised a bad government to his peo
ple? Did not the English govern
ment promise that the colonists should
have the largest measure of self-govern
ment consistent with their welfare and
English duties? Did hot the Spanish gov
ernment promise to give to the Cubans
the largeHt measure of self-government
consistent witn tneir weirare ana spamsn
duties? The whole difference between a
monarchy and a republic may be summed
up in one sentence. In a monarchy the
king given to the people what he believes
to be a good government; In a republic
the peoplo secure for themselves what
they believe to oe a koou -government
The republican party has accepted the Eu
ropean Idea and planted Itself upon the
ground taken by George III. and by every
ruler who distrusts the capacity of the
people for self-government or denies them
a voice in tneir own h. iia.ua.
The President's Will the Only Law.
The republican platform promises that
some measure of self-government is to be
given to the Filipinos by law; but. even
this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly 16
months elapsed after the ratification of the
treaty before the adjournment of congress
last June, and yet no law was passed deal
ing with the Philippine situation. The will
of the president has heen the only law
in the Philippine islands wherever the
American authority extends. Why does
the republican party hesitate to legislate
upon tne Philippine question? Because a
law would disclose the radical departure
from history ana precedent, contemplated
bjr those who control the republican party.
Th storm of protest which greeted the
Porto Rican bill was an indication of what
may be expectea wnen tne American peo
ni ar brouaht face to face with le&rlsla
tion upon this subject. If the Porto Rlcans,
who welcome annexation, are to be de
wiid the sruarantees of our constitution.
what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who
resisted our autnority ii secret innu
.nrM could eomoel a disregard of our nlain
duty toward friendly people, living near
our shores, what treatment will those same
influences provide for unfriendly people
7,000 mllei away? If. in this country where
the people have the right to vote, repub
lican leaders dare not take the side of the
people against the great monopolies which
have grown up within the last few years,
how can they be trusted to protect the
Filipinos from the corporations which are
waiting to expion nie isianas r
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be
enjoyed by the people of the United States,
and the twilight of semi-citizenship en
rinred bv the Deonle of Porto Rico, while
the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage
covers the Philippines? The Porto Rico
tariff law asserts the doctrine that the
operation oi tne constitution is confined
to the 45 iitates. The democratic party dis
nuta this doctrine and denounces it aa
repugnant to both the letter and spirit of
our organic law. There is no place in our
system of government for the deposit of
arbitrary and irresponsible power. That
the leaders of a great party should claim
for any President or congress the right to
treat millions of people aa mere "posses
sions" and deal with them unrestrained
by the constitution or the bill of rights
shows how far we have already departed
irom tne ancient lanamarxs, ana indicates
what may be expected if this nation dc
Ilberately enters upon a career of emnire.
The territorial form of povernment is tem
porary a.na preparatory, and the chief
security ii citizen of a territory has is found
la tha net that he enjoys th same con
stltutional sruarantees and Is subject to
the same general laws as a citizen of a
state. Take away this security and his
rights will be 'violated and his -interest
sacrificed at the demand of those whefhave
political influence. This Is the evil of the
colonial system, no matter by what nation !
it i appuea.
Title tw the PMlltpptwea.
What Is our titie to the Philippine Is
lands? Do we hold them by treaty or by
conquest? Did we buy them or did we
take them? Did we purchase the peo
ple? If not, how did we secure
title to them? Were they thrown
In with the land? Will the repub
licans say that Inanimate earth has value,
and when that earth is molded by the
Divine hand and stamped with the like
ness of the Creator it becomes a fixture
and passes with the soil? If governments
derive their Just . powers from the con
sent of the governed, it is impossible to
secure title to people," either by force or
by purchase. We could extinguish Spain's
title by treaty, but if we hold title we
must hold it by some method consistent
with our ideas of government. When we
made allies of the Filipinos and armed
them to fight against Spain, we disputed
Spain's title. If we buy Spain's title we
are not Innocent purchasers. But even
if we had' not disputed Spain's title, she
could transfer no greater title than she
had, and her title was based on force
alone. We cannot defend such a title, but,
as Spain cave us a quit claim deed, we
can honorably turn the property over to
the party in possession. Whether any
American official gave the Filipinos for
mal assurance of Independence is not
material. There can be no doubt that we
accepted and utilized the services of the
Filipinos, and that when we did so we had
full knowledge that they were fighting
for their own independence, and I subtnit
that history furnishes no example of
turpitude baser than ours if we now sub
stitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke.
Let us consider briefly the . reasons
which have been given in support of an
Imperialist policy. Some say that it is
our duty to hold the Philippine islands.
But duty is not an argument; it Is a con
clusion. To ascertain what our duty, is,
in any emergency, we must apply well
settled and generally accepted principles.
It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter
whether the thing to be stolen is of great
or little value. It is our duty to avoid
killing a human being, no matter where
the human being lives or to what race
or class he belongs. Everyone recognizes
the obligation imposed upon individuals to
observe both the human and moral laws,
but. as some deny the application of those
laws to nations. It may not be out of
place to quote the opinion of others. Jef
ferson, than whom there is no higher po
litical authority, said:
"I know of but one code of morality for
men. whether acting singly or collec
tively." Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and
virtue are a part of the priceless legacy
bequeathed to us from the revolutionary
days, expressed the same idea in even
stronger lancuage when he said:
"Justice is as strictly due between
neighbor nations as between neighbor
citizens. A highwayman is as much a
robber when he plunders in a gang as
when singly; and the nation that makes
an unjust war is only a great gang."
Force Creates o Right.
Men may dare to do in crowds what they
would not dare to do as individuals, but
the moral character of an act is not de
termined by the number of those who join
in It. Force can defend a right, but force
has never yet created a right. If H was
true, as declared in the resolutions of in
tervention, that the Cubans "are and of
right ought to be free and Independent"
(language taken from the declaration of
independence), it is equally true that the
Filipinos "are and of right ought to"be free
and independent." - The right of the Cubans
to freedom was not based upon their prox
imity to the United IStates, nor upon the
language which they spoke, nor yet upon
the race or races to which they belonged.
Congress by a practically unanimous vote
declared that the principles enunciated at
Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and
applicable to the Cubans.- - .
Who will draw a line between the natural
rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos?
W ho will say that the former has a right
to liberty and that the latter has no rights
which we are bound to respect? And, If the
Filipinos "are and of ; right ought to be
free and independent." what right have we
to force our government upon them with
out their consent? Before our duty can be
ascertained, their rights must be deter
mined, and when their rights are once de-
terminea, it is as much our duty to respect
those rights as it was the duty of Spain
to respect the rights of the people of Cuba,
or the duty of Encland to resnect ths
rights of the American colonists. Rights
never conflict; duties never clash. Can
it be our duty to usurp political rights
which belong to others? Can it be our duty
to kill those wh, following the example
of our forefathers, love liberty well enough
to ngni ior in
Some poet has described the terror which
overcame a soldier who, in the midst of
battle, discovered that he had slain his
brother. It is written: "All ye are breth
ren." Let us hope for the coming of the
day when human life which, vh en Anm
destroyed, cannot be restored will be so
sacrea mat it will never be taken except
when necessary to punish a crime already
committed, or to prevent a crime about
to be committed.
If It is said that we have assumed before
the world obligations which make It neces
sary for us to permanently maintain a
government in the PhiliDDlne Island r
reply, first, that the highest obligation of
this nation is to be true to itself. No obli
gation to any particular nation, or to all
nations combined, can require the abandon
ment or our tneory or government and the
substitution of doctrines against which
our whole national life has been a protest.
And, second, that our obllc-atinna tn tha
Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, are
greater man any ODiigations which we can
owe to forehrners who have a tomnnraro
residence in the Philippines or desire to
u sue mere.
Capacity of Self-Government.
It is argued by some that the Filipinos
are incapable of self-government and
that therefore we owe it to the world to
take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an
official report to the navy department, de
clared the Fllloinos more capable of self
government than the Cubans, and said
that he based his opinion upon a knowl
edge of both races. But I will not rest
the case upon the relative advancement
of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defend
ing the rights of the people of South
America to self-covernment, said:
"It is the doctrine of thrnnoa that
is too ignorant to govern himself. Their
partisans assert nis incapacity in refer
ence 10 an nations; ir iney cannot com
mand universal assent to the nmmuiiHnr.
it is then remanded to particular nitinn-
and our pride and our presumption too
uxien maae converts oi us. 1 contend
that it is to arraign the disposition of
Providence Himself, to suppose that He
has created beincs lncanable of mvr,-
ing themselves, and to be trampled on by
"" ocu-uruiuoi is me natural
government of man."
Clay was right. There are degrees
ui luuiiticiicv iu me art oi sen-govern
ment, but it Is a reflection uron th r
tor to say that He denied to any people
u tiijr ui cu-guvrrnment. Once
admit that some people are capable of
self-government, and that others are nnt
and that the capable people have a right
wi oi upuH wiu govern xne incapable
and you make force brute force the only
foundation of government and invite the
reign of the despot. I am not will
ing to believe that an -ail-wise and an
all-loving God created he Filipinos, and
then left them thousands of years helpless
until the islands attracted the attention
of European nations.
Republicans ask: "Shall we haul down
the flag that floats over our dead In the
Philippines?" The same question might
have been asked when the American o-
floated over Chapultepec and waved over
me aeaa wno leu mere; -out tne tourist
who visits the City of Mexico finds there
a national cemetery owned by the United
States and cared for by an American
citizen. Our flag still floats over our
aeaa, out wnen me treaty with Mexico
was signed American authority withdrew
to the Rio Grande, and I venture the
opinion that during the last 50 years the
people of Mexico have made more progress
under the stimulus of independence and
self-government than they would have
made under a carpet-bag government held
In place by bayonets. The United States
and Mexico, friendly republics, are each
stronger and happier than they - would
have been had the former been cursed and
the latter crushed by an imperialistic rwi-
lcy. disguised a "benevolent assimila
tion. - -"
Responsibility of the Nation.
"Can we not govern colonies ?; we ar
asked. The question is not what we can
do. but what we ought to do. This nation
can do whatever it desires to do, but it
mnat accent responsibility for what it does.
If th constitution stands in the way, the
pfeopiav can amend the constitution, i re
peat, the nation can do whatever it desires
to da. but it cannot avoid the natural and
legitimate results of its own conduct. The
veiinar man tin on reachina his majority ,
can do what he pleases. He can disregard
the teachings of his parents ; he can tram
ple upon all that he has been taught to
. r - . . j i i .w i .....
consiaer sacrea; ne can uisuoejr me
of the state, the laws of society and the
laws of God. He can stamp failure upon
his life and make his very existence a curse
to his fellow men, and he can bring his
father and mother in sorrow to the crave :
but he cannot annul the sentence: "The
wages of sin is death." And so with this
nation. It is of age. and it can do what it
pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the
past: it can repudiate the principles upon
which the nation rests; it can employ force
Instead of reason: It can substitute might
for right; it can conquer weaker people;
it can exploit their lands, appropriate their
property and kill their people; but it cannot
repeal the moral law or escape the punish
ment decreed for the violation of human
rights.
"Would we tread In the paths of tyranny.
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
Who taketh another's liberty.
-His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have ever won.
Make ready to pay the debt.
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who Is reigning yet,"
Some argue that ' American rule in the
Philippine islands will result in the better
education of the Filipinos. Be not de
ceived. If we expect to maintain a colon
ial policy we shall not And it to our ad
vantage to educate the people. The edu
cated Filipinos are now In revolt against
us, and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination. If
we are to govern them without their con
sent and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay, we dare not
educate them, lest they learn to read the
declaration of Independence and the con
stitution of the United States and mock
us for our Inconsistency. --
The principal arguments, however, ad
vanced by those who enter upon a defense
of imperialism are:
- First, That we must Improve the present
opportunity to become a vrld power and
enter Into international poIUics.
Second. That our commercial interests in
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make it necessary for us to hold the is
lands permanently.
Third. That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth, That there is no honorable re
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
nation's pride and the second to the na
tion's pocket book. The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth of a Principle.
It Is a sufficient answer to the first argu
ment to say tnat tor more than a century
this nation has been a world power. For
ten decades it has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not onlv has it
been a world power, but it has done more
to afreet the politics of the human race
than all the other nations of the world
combined. Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated. Because the patriot?
of 1776 fought for liberty others have
fought for it; because our constitution
was adopted, other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth of the princi
ple of self-government, planted on Amer
ican soil, has been the overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century.
It has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given It a place
in history such as no other nation ha?
ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able tc
check the onward march of this idea. 1
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the omnipotent weapon of truth tc
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare. I would not exchange the glory of
this republic for the glory of all the em
pires that have risen and fallen since time
began.
1 The permanent chairman of the last re
publican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
"We make no hypocritical pretenses ol
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we regard
the welfare of these people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the Amer
ican people first. We see our duty to our
selves as well as to others. We believe
in trade expansion. By every legitimate
means within the province of government
and constitution, we mean to stimulate
the expansion of our trade and open
new markets." '
This is the commercial argument. It
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan
tage, and that it is profitable to purchase
trade by force and violence. Franklin de
nied both of these propositions. When
Lord Howe asserted that the acts of par
liament, which brought on the revolution,
were necessary to prevent American trade
from parsing into foreign channels,
Frankliienlied :
"To me It seems that neither the ob
taining nor retaining of any trade, how
valuable soever, is an object for which
men may justly spill each other's blood;
that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling it and
holding It by fleets and armies. I con
sider this war against us, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life of an
American soldier and Justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that it will pay.
The democratic party is in favor of the
expansion of trades. It would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but it is not willing to make mer
chandise of human blood.
But a war of conquest is as unwise as
it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
It is not necessary to own people in or
der to trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part of the world,
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire. We do not own Japan or
China, but we trade with their people. We
have not absorbed the republics of Cen
tral and South America, but we trade
with them. It has not been necessary to
have any political connections with Can
ada or the nations of Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per
manently profitable unless it Is volun
tary. When trade Is secured by force, the
cost of securing it and retaining it must
be taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex
pense. Such a system would never be de
fended but for the fact that the expense
is borne by all the people, while the prof
Its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
to the shipowners, who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; it would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the franchises,
and it would be profitable to the officials
whose " salaries would be fixed here and
paid over there; but to the farmer, to the
laboring man and to the vast majority of
tiiose engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without return
and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as a
rule, small incomes, and, under systems
which place the tax upon all consumption,
pay more than their fair share of the ex
penses of government. Thus the very peo
ple who receive least benefit from im-
?erialism will be injured most by the mil
tary burdens which accompany it
In addition to the evils which he and the
farmer share in common, the laboring man
will be the first to suffer If oriental subjects
seek work in the United States: the first
to suffer If American capital leaves our
shores to employ oriental labor in the
Philippines to supply the trade of China
and Japan: th first to suffer from the
violence which the military spirit arouses,
and the first to suffer when the methods
of imperialism are applied to our own
government.
It is not strange, therefore, that the labor
organizations have been quick to note the
approach of these dangers and prompt to
protest against both militarism and im
perialism. The pecuniary argument, though more
effective with certain classes, is not likely
to be used so often or presented with so
much emphasis as the religious argument.
If what has been termed the "gunpowder
gospel" were urged against the Filipinos
only, it would be a sufficient answer to say
that a majority of the Filipinos are novf
members of one branch of the Christian
church; Dut tne principle invoiveu m uu
of much wider application and challenges
serious consideration."
The religious argument varies in posltive
ness from a passive belief that Providence
delivered the Filipinos Into our hands, for
their good and our glory, to tha exultation
of the minister who said that we ought to
.... . . .. ...... . . v .....ft Ww
tnrasn tne natives nipinos; uuu
understand who we are." and that every
bullet sent, every cannon shot and every
flag waved means righteousness."
Ko Gatllnar Gossip.
We cannot approve of this doctrine In
one place unless we are willing to apply
it everywhere. If there is poison in the
blood of the hand It will ultimately reach
the heart. It is equally true that forcible
Christianity, if planted under the American
flag in the far-away orient, will sooner or
later be transplanted upon American soil.
If true Christianity Consists in carrying
out in our dally lives the teachings of
Christ, who will say that we are command
ed to civilize with dynamite and proselyte
with the sword? He who would declare
the Divine will must prove his authority
either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a
special dispensation. The command, "Go
ye into all the world and preach the Gospel
to every creature," has no Catling gun at
tachment. When-Jesus visited a vUlage of
Samaria and the people refused to receive
Him, some of the disciples suggested that
fire should be called down from Heaven
to avenge the insult; but the Master re
buked them, and said: "Ye know not what
manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of
Man is not come to destroy men's lives,
but to save them." Suppose He had said:
"We will thrash them until they under
stand who we are,?' how different would
have been the history of Christianity!
Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bul
lying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with
the Golden Rule ard the .commandment,
"Thou shall love thy neighbor as thy
self." Love, not force, was the weapon of the
Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the ex
ploitation of them, was His method of
reaching the human heart. A missionary
recently told me that the stars and stripes
once saved his life because his assailant
recognized our flag as a flag that had no
blood upon it. Let it be known that our
missionaries are seeking souls instead of
sovereignty: let it be known that instead
of being the advance guard of conquering
armies, they are going forth to help and
to uplift, having their loins girt about with
truth and their feet shod with the prepara
tion of the Gospel of Peace, wearing the
breastplate of righteousness and carrying
the sword of the Spirit; let it be known that
they are the citizens of a nation which
respects the rights of the citizens of other
nations as carefully as It protects the rights
of its own citizens.' and the welcome given
to our missionaries .will be more cordial
than the welcome extended to the mission
arles of any other nation.
The argument, made by some, that It
was unfortunate for the nation that it
had anything to do with the Philippine
islands, but that the naval victory at Ma
nila made the permanent acquisition of
those islands necessary, is also unsound
We won a victory at Santiago, but that
did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shed
ding of American blood In the Philippine
islands does not make it imperative that
we should retain possession forever; Amer
ican blood was shed at San Juan hill and El
Caney. and yet the president has prom
ised the Cubans independence. The fact
that the American flag floats over Manila
does not compel us to exercise perpotuat
sovereignty over the islands: that flag
waves over Havana to-day. but the pres
Ident has promised to haul It down when
the flac of the Cuban republic Is ready, to
rise in its place. Better a thousand times
that our flag In the orient give way to a
flag representing the idea of self-government
than that the flag of this republic
should become the nag of an empire.
An Honorable Solution.
There is an easy, honest, honorable solu
tion of the Philippine question. It is set
forth in tne democratic platform and it is
submitted with confidence to the Amen
can people. This plan I unreservedly in
dorse. If elected, I shall convene congress
in extraordinary session as soon as l am
inaugurated, and recommend an imme
diate declaration of th nation s purpose.
first, to establish a stable form or gov
eminent in the Philippine Islands, just as
we are now establishing a stable form of
covernment in the island of Cuba; sec
ond. to cive independence to the Filipinos,
just as we have promised to give inde
pendence to the Cubans; third, to protect
the Filipinos from outside interference
while they work out-their destiny, just
as we have - protected the republics of
Central and South America, and are, by
the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect
Cuba. An European protectorate often
results in the exploitation of the ward by
the guardian. An American protectorate
trives to the nation protected the aavan
tage of our strength, without making it
the victim of our creed. For three-quarters
of a century the Monroe doctrine has
been a shield to neighboring republics
and yet it has Imposed no pecuniary bur
den uoon us. After the Filipinos had aid
ed us in the war arainst Spain, we could
not honorably turn them over to their
former masters: we could not leave tnem
to be the victims of the ambitious de
signs of the European nations, and since
we do not desire to make them a part of
us. or to hold them as subjects, we pro
pose the only alternative, namely, to give
them independence and guard them
against molestation from without.
When our opponents are unable to de
fend their position by argument they fall
back upon the assertion that it is destiny,
and insist that we must submit to it, no
matter how much it violates moral pre
cepts and our principles of government.
This is a complacent philosophy. It ob
literates the distinction between right and
wrong and makes individuals and nations
the helpless victims or circumstances. . ,
Destiny Is the subterfuge of tne Irk-
vertebrate, who, lacking the courage to
oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse
tnr sunnortina- It. Washington said that the
destiny of the republican form of gov
ernment was deeply, if not Anally, staked
on the experiment intrusted to the Amer
ican people. How different Washington's
definition of destiny from the republican
definition. The republicans say that this
nation is in the hands of destiny; Wash
ington believed that not only the destiny
of our own nation, but the destiny of the
republican form of government through
out the world was intrusted to American
hands. Washington -was right. The
destiny of this republic is in the hands of
its own people, upon the success of the
experiment here rests the hope of human
ity. No exterior force can disturb this
rrurlio and no foreign influence should
be permitted to change its course. What
the IUture nas in store iur iuis uuuun nv
one has authority to declare, but each in
dividual has his own idea of the nation's
mission and he owes 1t to his country as
well as to himself to contribute as best ha
mav to the fulfillment or tnat mission.
At r. Chairman, and - Gentlemen of the
Committee: I can never fully discharge the
debt of gratitude which I owe to my coun
trymen ior the honors which they have so
generously oesioweu upon iue, out, airs.
iLhrthor it be mv lot to occupy the high
office for which the convention has named
me, or to spend the remainder of my days
in private life, it shall be my constant am
bition and my controlling purpose to aid in
realizing the high ideals of those whose
wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought
this republic into existence.
I can conceive of a national destiny sur
passing the glories of the present and the
past a destiny which meets the responsi
bilities of to-day and measures up to the
possibilities of tne future. Behold a repub
lic resting securely upon the foundation
stones -quarried by revolutionary patriots
from the mountain or eternal trutn a re
TMihiie aopivinc in practice and proclaim
ing to the world the self-evident proposi
tion: that all men are created equal; that
they are endowed with Inalienable rights;
that governments are . instituted among
men to secure tr.ese ngnis; tnat govern
ments derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed. Behold a republic
in which civil and religious liberty stimu
lates, all to earnest endeavor and In which
the law restrains every hand uplifted for a
neighbor's injury a republic in which
every citizen is a sovereign, but In which
no one cares to wear a crown. Behold a
republic standing erect wmie empires ail
around are bowed beneath the weight of
their own armaments a republic whose
flag Is loved while other flags are only
feared. Behold a republic increasing in
population, in wealth, in strength and in
influence, solving the problems of civiliza
tion and hastening the coming of a uni
versal brotherhood a republic which
shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies
by its silent example and gives light and
Inspiration to. those who sit In darkness.
Behold a republic gradually but surly
becoming the supreme moral factor In the
world s progress and the accepted arbiter
history, like the path Of the lust, "ia as
the shining light that shineth mora and
more into tne periect cy.'
w Jr
if iMf n,v"f '?!! 'f tlf'tf'
Despite his fine qualities Cuibertson f
was a very modest fellow, and no word
of bis love for Dorothy had ever passed
his lips. He was no coxcomb, and
though he was conscious of his ability to
hold his own among men he saw in him-' .
self no quality to attract women. So
when the proud Miss Preston treated him
with even les consideration than she be
stowed on ner other admirers he accepted .
it all as only , what was due him and s
went his way in silence. . " H
Meanwhile Dorothy Preston chafed s
and groaned in spirit under the sting of ,
wounded pride. She refused to see what ;
was patent to every one else that Fred
Culbertson loved her-and only knew,
that she had, after a struggle, given her
heart to a man who had never spoken aa ; .
affectionate word to her. ' -
It was after a ball one night that betf J
position first came so strongly home to"
her mind. She had long tried to deny to -herself
this passion of her heart, but now
it rose a strong, full blown love and,
clamored to be heard. She clasped hec f
1 J . .1 ! K A.idVtAil osa A -tnlitf fi3 trt
herself that she loved Ned Culbertson.
"Shame, shame upon me!" she cried,
"I love him, and he has never given me a
word, and they call me proud too." He j , -,
lips curled, and she half laughed." i
"Well, I will be proud. I will be tocj !
proud to let It be known that I havo , j
given my heart nnsought to a man j
who" I
She did not finish the sentence, but thfl
blood flamed up into her cheeks and over ' '
her forehead, the tears came into he
eyes, and she clinched her hands sharply; .
together.
From that time on if Ned Culbertson r
had any faint gleams of hope they must ;
have been entirely extinguished, for Dor '
othy Preston's manners toward him were !
a revelation of frigid disdain. Did 6he !
touch his hand In the dance, it was
shrink in gly, as if she abhorred the slight
contact. Did she speak to him, it was .
with such distant hauteur that his blood !
froze. And so it continued until he was ,
in despair. f
Alone in his office one evening during '
a busy week he was trying to finish somo
complicated designs for the interior of a
church which was soon to be erected. "
fVitilsl Ana din TaormA at him ai ha aflfc
with bent head over his work, drawing ,
hard at a cigar, one would have said that :
he was all absorbed in tha labor before
him. i
But any such thought would har& been
efficiently routed when he suddenly
sprang to his feet and, dashing his pencil
into a corner, exclaimed:
I can't do it, confound itl I can't!
With that girl's face before my eyes con
stantly I am getting as incapable of
thought or performance as an imbecile.
And what, does it all amount to? She
looks at me as if she would like to walls
over me, and when she speaks it's like r-i.
pouring ice water over my head.. I can'6 -t.;
do anything this way. Rather than en
dure this suspense I would tell her and
have her freeze me with a glance or show;,
me the door. Maybe that would put me ;
on my feet anyhow and infuse a little
spirit into me, if it were only the spirit j
of resentment." . . !
In his lucid moments Mr. Edward Cul
bertson was a quick thinking and prompt
acting man, and in ten minutes he had 7
determined on a plan of action. A note '
left on the desk of his first assistant told ,
that gentleman that his superior was sud
denly called away and might not be back
for a month and left the work of the of- ' -fioe
in his hands. '
He would see Miss Preston, tell hit
story and then go away for a month ta '
forget.
When the plan was once settled upon,
It was but short work to hasten home,
pack a satchel and ' then dress for the v
proposed call.
When he entered the Preston drawing
room, he thought that Dorothy had never ;
looked so lovely to him before in all his :
life.
He could hardly follow the common ;
places that introduced the conversation .
for looking at her. And then, more like '
the rude swain than the polished beau,
almost before the greetings were over ht
had plunged "in medias res., -
The girl listened to him, speechless
with surprise, as he poured out his story
of love. She could not check him, not
did he give her time to say a word. '
"Miss Dorothy," he concluded after
telling his story, "I cannot sufficiently;;
tnanx you ior listening to me. I was a
madman to think that you would, but I
felt that I must tell you how I loved you, ; ,
I do not ask for your answer, for I am
too sure what it will be. I suppose I'm a .
fool, but" and there was a tremor in his
voice "I can't help it, you know. And
now goodby. I I've got to catch that
10:05 for ah I'm going away for a little
while for change of scene and forgetful
ness, as the novelists put it."
He smiled mirthlessly as mechanically
she gave him her hand, and before she
had recovered from the shock he had
gone. To a woman a sofa pillow is a
very sympathetic article, and a certain
flowered silk one in Miss Dorothy Pres
ton's room that night received her tears,
laughter and coherent words of Joy. Then f
the same sofa pillow was pushed back
into its place in a rather unfriendly man
ner, hardly consistent with the confidence
it had just received, as the proud Miss
Preston rose to her feet, exclaiming:
"He said the 10:05. I have time yet!
It was just three minntes past 10 when"
a woman approached Ned Culbertson at
the Grand Central station, where he was
pacing back and forth impatiently await
ing nis train. ne touched his shoulder.
"Dorothy!" he cried.
"Ned, don't go. I I want you," and
then her voice broke. He led her quickly
away, for people were beginning to ob
serve them. And once without the sta
tion be kissed her and then put off her
clinging hands to tear up his ticket ex
travagant fellow! i, 3
He went home with Dorothy in blissful (
dreams. Then he sought his office, took
the note off the desk of his first assistant '
and tore that up too. Exchange.
a Tneory i-rovea.
"Jirn Honesty is the best policy aftef
all. - . ,
Bill How? w - f
T it..t J. v -.-i.a
"Yes." . e
"Well, I tried two hull days to sell 'Irn, ,11
an no one tiered more'n a bob. So I vy.
went an guv him to the ole lady what 1
owned im, an she guv me alf a sover-f e in
ingTit-Bits. f . . iirao-
' .t, ourj
