THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
August 9, 1900
mm
speech
Pfscacy'i Great Iipodtcr ca tis Pu
zjszzl cf 1200.
DfMOCCACY AGAINST MUTCCSACY
WUUU tfc Hral f Mkauva far
fc nMUM ff tha Ulcfcta mt Maa
9mv-T Kr . Wnr Wbu
Sumi Jta Art MaC Kaapaaiad.
Mr. Chairmaa msA lieabers of the
Ku&caua Coca otitic: i ut.mil, at an
a-riy 4a r. ar4 in a mora formal mm
aeotpt tii bomlutsoo you
taa4r, m&d I aKI at that time d.ao
te vtrMiM ?yU'.r. xvrd by U-
teaarrauc platform. It stay not b-
et placa. wvtr. to submit a few
.trTuctJ at (Ut t.ma cpoA th gen
eral ci.ar-tr uf it eett bfor us
aoit ifca qiticn nb ii declare!
i ba af pafsgit-mnt lxc.prtaxo in tnia
cajfcMtlftL
Wits I ay ttat th content of !
la a tooim Uttn demveracy oa tbe
ese taai al piutocrsuy on the other
I Ja at tt.B to aay that all our cp-
x-aM.t Lave d!trrateiy cLoaen to give
rg-aaxaaa watutx. a fr4mlnat3nc ln
f intc ta ifca affair cf tba covercment.
I Am art t&at oa th Important
tasta of U day the republican party
IS eUx&l&atad tr tt.o lnRathrM h.rh
ocatstUr tetd to uitii.uf it m w.nKin
a? cnxaftet fur tn prstruoa of tha
rtgUim f saaa. !
ia IK lAmn aii that th republic-
aa rartr W2rd In thm mi.n at..i th-
Car. lat tiut in m of rcixr.'ri it
tiTr"J la th man tfre the dollar. This
ta tft proiMrr r.a which aauuid ax.
tat tt m - t. Man. tbe handl-
wrx r tj. fMM4 rt ; mosey. th
a or k of man. la of inferior Im
Ua la tt master, money th
at. tmti vpoa all important question
day repwblUaa UfUUvn tends to
take s&trcxry th ma(r axd raaa the
rr as t.
Tfe tsaxlm af Jer-rn. "liqua! lights
t .l a4 pNial iriiieje to noiw."
and tfca dKirir rf Unco'n that . this
bauld b a fTrtm-at "of the peopte.
fey tla paopie and tor th r-xp..'" are
lisg 4iretarded and !h in rumentail
tJea ff jro ern meet are t--l . ued to
Sdnc Ihe tctertafs of ito-e ha are
ta a position to aerare fat wrs from ih
gert4t2et.t.
Ttea detErw-ratic party U not making
war .f,jti tttm ti-fj-t ar;u!!tion of
ith. it taa too d'-!re to d;coursge
tadssatry. economy and thrift. On tha
toatrary. it give t every citizen the
greatest pMitr attmuitis to honetrt toil
to tt promt tarn protection tn the
es.jvrn.eti- l tfce pn ee,l ol his labor.
fPrty ngita are moil weure when
f.i.tiin rtgfcta are K-oet r- p-- e i. Iero v
cajry atrirea for a rivhixati-.n in B!ch
erary aaeaiWr of aoriety will share ac
fwl.C ta ti mr.t.
No fcas a rtgr.t to ezpect from
a-jety mmm than a fair cutapensat:oa
f ihm arlc wtich he recders to so
tf. It ha meciAre nvr it is at lha
aipena f amx;e e;e. It is no In-
jatiea ta tAwo to prewer t him doir.g in
ic t iwtb-r. To him ha would.
a.tJar tbntu cia lei,ition or in
tsa- abaefcne of tie--. ry -; miicn. tres
pa. itpon th r.gr.t of another the
grtcrane party aaya. -fbou halt not"
Agl-St us are arrayed a c rnpra
t:.y Sta.U bt po.:tUaIiy and tinan
riy poerfui s.uu.t r ta reaily pro.it
a-y rrp-.biia pol.i-. V with iheau r
twMk-r.jUad m arce em who. l-rratise
t their attaxtoz.e.: to r pirty name,
are ct-fcg taetr ai ;-; rt . dcx .r t-r n-t-MT
'.ic to tte furra-r teachirga cf
Lbar aa prty. ii p..-a no ud
to t.3ii ts.-B.eSai.nj r.- ia try to ta
:" !iiaim tlat tlp g'i.d Hsnrj
rep it. tin to ar f-.rt.trry
m-'.tme&i ta tte i re--taj-a ar now ek
J zc.e fr gtU:g catena? hajfka
ro&tr&l of time tiiu a pi-r met ejf; r
paiwniM tr.. to Ik a: th.lt the r-
L --' party vaa pay:ng oT the na
ua -det are few looaiiig fwr rean
ia a.iirt a p--etul (, i :n-r
: 'h tra- frn.-r:y ab.. 1 1 d
a trcrai staar l-rui:e temael ea w.h the
p-jsta, that tt-ere are g ,o4 truf 1
Wd trieia. 1l! i tt...r tn.nda. tne
ks iitM Ui t . , i a.. re
ra re . r-p'jl.jrafi .. . !n
paai. xar.ratuuiled l.e r ti'rv
u T.fc ;i eAetie f our atl..:s
r.y. are now fx..r. t ,jf the ,bjrc-wt-w-fa
are ur.-J a.r.i a .as an
teer la tfc pf tisr.-t.t m i.' . ry e
taiu.. r.rat: repwU.,ar. ho a.4or.e-l in
JKar its; pendee.r ntrti tx. riat.n
-i. w U-'.-k ml, j,..r ;.i
frr-gs aiien-e. le- it. w-at i.n tJ.ree
tart v( ssM2iiBNi " rrc.t.e anr.eKa-t-ac
-a .ioe.nl. Uk,i n et crira.nl are
taw a-r tta? If U ;h ir.-v, r.i ar,d
rnsiJfJ t tti f-r-.i' r.ilw,:on.
vt pxtiat.t.ip hs a r-ai handed
trjajsy & pr t-o. 4r.tf:r 1 irruia; t.w
tar a ;-ar;: t ? ums rt, prty
raai l raai .r t the new pu.lt-ies
Itttilta to te aee-tv.
a tia& repU'S : ladra wera
fe-eii to ,J-j i :. 4v,?i-r. tne rint
o the f:l:r;. r.e p-i.ry i tie
JustJ4raUti-. i.i -in (,a
!ey fvlXJ tht ; 1. :.. .. t;lvj ,.y
vr-er-i ar 4 r er. . rne rtci.t t t-r.s-
li l-.i ,
JSeiewiJ of i
ari awl'csitttir.g
i'jf ijjag a st is
tin- ri--o. -c cji
ar ar.-J p. -r.l e ;,. u
I'tii:.; p.r. (,u-t. .on
f s-rrt
-i 'f pjift -
ttM. .il.J( . Z. I
a t :...a -a . oe--i
f-c .f r a t a a-
Is allerr: piir.g to (iru ecn.nc juea
! P'. tt.e - ut try t-j tf.e rlciv ..n
f 'bo r. -n .ar -lve the very t ru . I r e
f ur ( rtetii t ;.e r ..-an e.r ra
gtr fer-af e-i t,i.. - f e".r at r. J . n
Wetst tt.e n;-r of t ; j,.jiy
ass -. ; t;;.r -tx .4 iu y ,w pe-
t ti tj v..t be ;--nj.::ied to
?! ti- i---..l-a ajui fai -rei t,'r
ri kuit e.ey tn- i-::urir.r
r-3gyt i?.t tie are-sa cf polstsr. v rn
ta ptei4rit. vi-i-jr;ei Ly a f.r..-:i . .r
atutuHii'. ot vt lte houae ai-l -u r.
tti'.tttra w"-.ti a u r aim t j.n ft r ; t
ar-tiK of i.lii. ; t. f rt irgi.r.g ptr.4'4
? t ba. the CMEtty. i!i j! r-sard to
sarty. fc$:-iat.4e-l. Ali bough the deino
traia wiiiaea that tie .;m4r.i;rat va
Wf-if ti,-ekiri'.y gafs a pl...i-al idv-:i-la
fisa ttve riut of a wr tiich
lie very i-atu.'e of the raae tr:t ..
end ta a rw.pte tc;ry, tt,y in3 with
tire reput:.:aiL.a tsi ti e -pri Hoi tr.t-y
(aie t pr-sdef.t. t.1 'he mar a s
vrr a4 It rejut,.trar. leaders t;sn
t aegcee tt pr;;-r'y of a cotot.il
-''lc . -jett:rj at 01. isj r iiff.fA It
iJ. Vaa tor jr-.d 'it r.t- ly laid b--tcr
tha eTie a n.ty wh.ch recor-
jvUJ tte tewS'-pessiJetu, cf Cut.j. out pro-
v.ie-3 tvr the c --. r of the I'h.l.Mi r.e
T0Xua to tla l n'le-j rtatea. the mtiucY
at " iss.pmi ii.Lm Urtlsf aw npprtvt that
ttaay preferred to --1 tt.- treaty and
f t ::: tbt B.;gfct idlaw rather
IZJkC Um the ctr.re of o rre-ting tfc
rrra f tl treat r ty the itdepend-nt
ma tf t4s rc .etry.
1 wa iui tt.t r..mtr of tUe whn
tJ.-J n ke5rr i-t r:.f y tfce treaty
aJSi4 t5 th war. r-ea.ae the vtiianteer.
4txo tt elf for a ar ij-nj.i ure
tKS CftetS gl t tbe rti:p:-it tiie ::-de-
-SBest-e fetch t. gi-i ti- forced from
I4J Iff a t.e tr at.
It Jaw f tt rit. :m h"h my ac
tf.t arv-S is .. i-jjtt er. t lake th.
5-te t rental tie rear. tiven at
tsat tin. 1 U:vli 1. 1 it frr to trust
fae Jterica!j people ta giv :td p -r.de nt
la it. rx;ir.i tun to trust th -c m-
a ns. it .f tjt iurju to diplomacy
wi-a an efriesd.y tit-a LJ-u-o.n m-
aa axtiseist it ! 'tiuq when
i arktii, i'a alser.a nsae trestle
iHr 1 sri jrws-sa can mu uvir
letter that are ro in a tarter poet
eu4 teter-i a ecrerr. merit by conaent
"j Htnif
Wtm must ter tre repcaity.i ty fcr all
aat laapptta vrtti tfea jaeaiion l eitle,l
if t treaty ta "'I?? th rp-
m-wrvtm i- . -,., - w
Via ftpuiClf f&r try IctemaUenaJj
Em I? - -- "1 cuiiirr, acami " - " " V o i.ieic weru if we naj not disputed Spain s title sh isnmeni aecreea ior tne violation or nu-
iUS we wteid fc.re been IW Spaniards residing in the ,ui transfer no greater title than she man rights.
A tt t-.a y tem rejected. With the I hU.rpices. iW i . had. and her title was based on force ; "Would we tread in the paths of tyrrany,
tr-r r r . r.- J a cira&-cut lma !a nr. A co.or.ial policy means that we shall 1 11-. nnmnn a. Av. .1.1- t rMvnn the tvranfs cost?
fra plication which snig-ht hava arisen
ba.ora tfe ratification of another treaty,
liut. whatvr differences of opinion may
haa axlatad as to the best method of
opjwalr.- a colonial policy, thara never
any dlfttrrnca u to the great im
portance ct the question and there Is
no d:erenc now as to the course to
tt pursued.
Tfca una of Spain being" extinguished.
w were at liberty to deal with the
i Unites according to American pnn
c.p.a. The liaoon revolution. Introduced
- uuiu wiur uoauui.c-w oroae uui i
Mam., promised lndpndence , to the t
ua id hum icrma mai n wa ;
pruuaed to the Cubans. I supported
amw.WWUU UU IKUCTV lOAb .IB AUUft-
Un prior to the breaKing out of ios-
iittue woutd have prevented blood snea
and that us adoption at any suDseiuent
ume oud hava eadsd hostilities. j
If the treaty hau been rejected con- ,
a.dru.a time would have necessarily
iivr a mw treaty couju .v
ba agreed upon and rati Led . and aur
tg that time the Question would have
ix.-n agitating the puoac mind. ir tne
Juavou (esoiution had been adopted by
the aena: and carried out by the presi
dent, ettxier at the time of the ratincatlon
or the treaty or at any time afterward,
it wou2d have taken the question Of im
perialism out of pell Uos and left the
-A.rr.T:can people free to deal with their
domestic problems. But the resolution
was defeated by the vote of the republic
an vice president, and from that time
to this a republican congress has refused
to take any action whatever in the mat
ter. When hostilities broke out at Manila
republican speakers and republican edi
tors at once sought to lay the blame upon
those who had delayed the ratincatlon
of the treaty, and. during the progress
of the war. the same republicans have
accused tbe opponents of imperialism of
giving encouragement to the v tiipinos.
'ihia ts a cowardly evastion of tbe re
sponsibility If It ta riaht for the United States to
hoid the Philippine inlands permanently
and imitate European empires In the gov
ernment of colonies, the republican party
ought to state its position and defend it.
bul must expect
protest against sue
uusi expect me auujcui i
against such a policy and to re-j
sist to the extent of their ability
T?
Kliiptnos do not need any encourageme
ea any encouragement
from Americans now living. Our whole
hiatory haa been an encouragement, not
only to the Filipinos, but to all who are
oemea a voice in the-r own government.
If the republicans are prepared to cen
sure ail who have us-d language cal
culated to make the Filipinos hate for
eign domination let them condemn the
speech of Patrick Henry. When he ut
tered that passionate appeal, "Give me
liberty or give me dt-ath," he expressed
sentiment which still ?choes In the hearts
of men. Let them cm.ure Jefferson; of
all the statesmen of history none have
used words so offensive to those who
would hoid their fellows in political bond
age. lje them censure vyasnington. wno
declared that the colonists must choose
. . , ; n if ,, 10 k TA 'J'; ' t Jh.ip-er.ng our government. A republic
statute of limitations has run against the . fve no subjects. A subject is pos
pua . i i nil j dim rfriiiEtvti aiiu
ington. let them censure Lincom, whuse
Cctiiurc speech wld be quoied in de
fense of popular government when the
p:,.- .. ---aies of force and conquest
are furgotten.
ixuit.ii naa aid that a truth once
poaen can never oe recauea. it goes ou
and on and no one can set a limit to its
ever-widening influence. But if it were
poa bie to obliterate every word written
spoken can never be recalled, it goes on
or r.p-a--n in defense of the principles set
forxi. - Declaration of Independence,
a wa. nquest would stnl leave its
,trc7,-1 rpftua hatred, for it was
Oci Hansen a. ho priced in every auman
heart the love of liberty. He never made
a race
r pe.p e ' hi iiic caie ..i
M . a
civilization or mtell gf nee that It would
e.come a toreign master.
Ttnj-t who wou.w cave this nation enter
upon
a career of empire musi consider
?.'": iU i ' k . imperialism on
tue J-u:pmot. but they must aiso cal-
cuiate iss effect -upon our own nation
Ue cani.oi repudiate .he principle oi fce.f-
guer!.mezit in the r-hi.ipp nea without
weaaet.ing that principle here.
couairj'n n that they
f.h 'm1 ; C.',i Jt
ithuut panting the seecs of
I ' .. .-1 :
im sy.nt w
(3r.-p...slQ at
I.-r. now we are begnming o see the
pira.yair.g InrJuence of irnper'allfm.
iitfr.oi:r, th,s nation haa been prompt
to riprc.-s its syuipaihy with those who
were r.gnting for civil l.berty. V hi!e our
pti-ie ?f activity has been limited to the
estein i.emtpi.e. our sympath.es have
n.l. U-eu lunueu by the aeas. e haw
" J l" uuueur ana 'J me iu,
its n e
for ;.
! ri i fsi f hi ia. Srt were trtio9!.ii(f
right to govern theni?ei'. ts. to
tne l:ivi. ii-st nhji-h ,ur people
ii cn the (idle of their wn lr.de-
pe..--i-ce felt in very conies; bciwtfii
hut . r;hts and arb:irry power
1 i rrr nuartera cf a century ttso. when
our nation aa Miaah. tne stri. .'iei of
'. t irotis'-i o .r peopie. and obster
ai i . j;ave etqueiit express. on iu ue
Uiiii-j.nl (ics.re for Urecian incu prud
ence. In ali parties manifested a
ilveiy inteet in the success of the Cu
ban, but n w when a war Is in progress
In fcnuth Afrt'-a, which must retu.t in ax-
m tne peopit of any nation. This sym-
ppUxr government.
Our cppunenia wnsi.ious of the weak
ness of their caui-e. peek to confuse im
I ! ..i.:m with expansion, and have even
tared to cia.m JeiM'-rson as a supporter of
th-; r pciu-y. Jtaersun spoke so freely
and . ,-a iar.sujKe with such precision
that 1.0 :.ne csn r isrr rant of his views.
r. or:e ixciiion he declared: "If there
L one rn:.c:?.e more deeply rooted than
ar.y o her in the m.nd of every Ameri
catif it is that we siiould have notii..ig
to do with conquest." And again he
t.i'.S- "Conj';f5t is not In our prln
c.p - ; it is inconsistent with our gov
t !.rn i.t."
lie furclble annexation of territory
to br governed by arbitrary power diners
urn inuv-ti from the acuuSsition of territ ory
to be built up Into states as a monarc.iy
dieti from a dmoeracy. The demo
cratic party dcfcis no: oppose expansion,
whin expansion enlaiKcs the area of the
republic and incorporates land which can
le stetik-d by Amtncan citizens, or atU;s
w our population p-ople who are will
ing to become citizens and are capable
cf rhr-;;r.ff thlr duties as such." The
i.i:ii.jji of the Louisiana territory.
KioriJa. Texas and other tracts which
hae been secured from time to time,
red the reput lli- and the constitu-ti.-n
followed the fiai into the new ,er-
r:tory. it is now proposed to pe.ze up-
f u.etant territcry, already more densely
jKpuiated than oar twn country, and to
K roe tr-n the pepi ? a government, for
h:ch there is no warrant In our con
n.iutisjn or our laws. Even the argu
ment that tbi earth belongs to tnose
ho cesire to cultivate it. and who have
the phj:csi power to acquire it. cannot
b invoked to Justify the appropriation
of the 1 hllirplne islands by the United
B ates. If th telauda were uninhabited
American citizens would not be willing to
go there and tfll the soil. The white
race will not live so near the equator.
tHher nations have tried to colonize in
the sarrx latitude. The Netherlands
have controlled Java for 300 years and
yet relay there are less than G0.000 peo
ple of turopesn birth scattered among
the tj.v!.' native. After a century and
a haif of Knslish domination In India less
than one-twentieth of one per cent, of
th peep!? of India tre of English birth,
d it requrrea an army of "Q.uoo British
ao.ciers to tax care or tne tax collectors.
I Kpain has asserted title to the Philippine
:. laiand. for three centuries and yet. when
th Phillprnne islands a few
. . - - .. ..... a.
rr.c no.uera ano c array large enough
to aupport the authority of the people
w .'e J "Vs- .
. - . . Ji J .
great standing army as its na-
i.nctin saia if hi tae sarety or tnis grcny and a w"b'ic mav be summed : uon or aoctrlnes against which our whol
nauou wna not in its fleets, its armies. , n nT,B ntJ in n Lnr. nat.onal life haa been a Drotest. And.
I k Iwrt. but in the S-H lit which I)r.tJ n !.' ' , .. - seconri that nir nhlirtnn tn t Vi a x.4ii
t.t . w. . , . - . . Mng sues iu iiit- ie uie wiihi ne uei eves 7 . r . . . ...
hW-rty as th heritage of all men in a.l lo gesa g.oc6 FO,,rnent; n a republic Pnos. wh( inhabit the islands, is greater
Ian., everywhere, and he warned his . , tl' lJ than any obMration which we can ow
...... . ........... w ... ,-,.,, fope tn f-fs m-Itti Hnn i-u.i.tu ufr.uSa .nvu,o
f.V.""'-1'." f rput,i...,n?. tJd:?ca,e9 ?. upon this subject If the Porto Ricans. ' themselves, and to be
V :.- m .ui wui .y uaie uui aay r Vli w.Votv,A, nnn,T,tnn ara To H rta. t King. eiI-gOVernment
a r-: :n t-nair or the rtoers. Sympathy ,W0' .-irantee of our conattition i government of man."
for tne H.ers does not arise from any rvv h8 ,s to' be the lot of the F ino"' Clay was right. There
ur.fn.-.vones . toward . k-ng.anu; the r?JjJeJZe .hnHtvf8 ft Trat profie'ency in the art
"vn peopie are not untr.endly to- t.. .;," " i.r.'iiJ. Zi ment. but t is a reflect!
pathy is 3Je to the Tact that, as sta'.ed - " ,, oV,D. C'l i. tll
our p:atfr. we be.ieve in the prln- j ?ZT ZtS'UvfM
c.pe. oi ti-governmeni ana reject, as ,,lv wonltl 7fl)0 -Z if" :
c.j our itieiatuer". me claims oi raon- k c ;i:Z'i zri
tr. !.y. If this naticn surrenders Its Athif unr-n7.her f,l!jpIf.e!
llef in the universal applin.tion of ' vt.t u"ic 'T!
tf e t.r tic-e set frth In the Declara- 3are not take the slde ot the People
tI-leSn"ci"Vm l4 thfples- "f1,.!. n1nS n? fw ow
i-.'I'- -i-J -rthelyP b"e 'SS.JSf troTecre F11U
lural and necessary complement. Tha
Iplrlt which will Justify the forcible an
nexation of - the Philippine Islands -will
utlf y the seizure of other islands and
the domination of other people, and with
nrars of conquest we can expect a cer
tain, if not rapid, growth of our military
kstaollshment. That a large permanent
ficrease In our regular army is intended
y republican leaders is not a matter of
lonjecture, but a matter of fact. In his
message of December S, 1898, the presi
dent Anlrprt for authfirltv tn InprMM the
uanaing- army to 1U0.0J0. In ls6 tne
army contained about 23.000. Within two
rears the president asked for four times
that many, and a republican house of
representatives complied with the request
alter the Spanish treaty had been signed,
and when no oountrv won nt war with
the United States. If such an army is
aemanded when an imperial policy is con-
tampiated, but not openly avowed, what
may te expected if the people encourage
me republican party by endorsing its
policy at the polls? A large standing
trmy is not only a pecuniary burden to
Ihe people and, if accompanied by com
pulsory service, a constant source of irri
tation, but It is ever a menace to a re
publican form of government. The army
13 the personification of force, and mill
larlsm will Inevitably change the ideals i
Df the people and turn the thoughts of
our young men from the arts of peace to
the science of war. The government
which relies for its defense upon its citl
eens. Is more likely to be just than -one
tvhich has at call a large body of pro
fessional soldiers. A small standing army
and a well equipped and well disciplined
itate militia are sufficient at ordinary
times, and in an emergency the nation
thouJd In the future, as in the past, place
its dependence upon the volunteers who
Dome, from all occupations at their coun
trys call and return to productive labor
when their services are no longer re
quired men who fight when the country
deeds fighters and work when the coun
try needs workers.
The republican platform assumes that
tne Jr-ninppine islands will be retained
Under American sivereignty, and we have !
a right to demand of the republican lead-
tne Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a :
lubJect? Are we t0 brln- lnto the j
politic eight or ten million Asiatics, so !
iiifrrir r. . .
maieamfltion l tmaaiKi, Arl thv
to share with us In making the laws and
thaping the destiny of this nation? No
republican of prominence has been bold
fnough to advocate such a proposition,
rhe McEnery resolution; adopted by the
lenate immediately after the ratification
Df the treafy, expressly negatives this
Idea. The democratic platform describes
the situation when it says that the Fill
p'nos cannot be citizens without endan
gering our civilization. Who will dispute
it? And what is the alternative? If the
Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we
m?ike him a subject? On that question
the democratic platform speaks with
fqual emphasis. It declares that the Fili
pino cannot be a subject without endan-
can
ikrlK1s
only In a government resting: upon force; ; American colonists. Rights never con
he fa unknown In a A-nvrnmnt rivfnir : fiict: duties never clash. Can it be out
Its Just powers from the consent of the nty to usurp political rights which be
poverned. The republican platform says onS to others? Can it be our duty to
that "the largest measure of se-lf-gov- those who. following the exampla
frnment consistent with their welfare our forefathers, love liberty well
and our duties shall be secured to them i enough to light for it?
, rft Ki;ip'nos) by law." This Is a strange )
Joctrlne for a government which owes '
(.s ver existence to the men who offered
ty,,ir n,.. . nmi,.t o o
tnt without consent and taxation with- !
p,!t representation. In what respect aoes
the postlon or the republican party diu.er i
from the po,,1tlnn taken by the Enr'lsh
eovernment in 1776? Did not the Ensc! sh
, ...rrmnnr , -a ,,-,
.v it .'ivi4iCT ca. , wvu avi Ci iiuiiiv
lo the coion!st9? Vhat kng ever prom-
sed a bad government to h!s oeoo e; Did "
not the Fmrlish fovrnment promise that
promise that
lha rntnnlato cIia..!. Vov.a ViA lamrce
aa- V i nn )..
r.Uh thelr Weifare and English duties?
not the Spnn sh government prom-
,,e to lve t th Cubans the largest i
.g of se'f-covemment consistent !
.fth ,tara cnlni.k a,.tt..t 1
rh wnoi-, dirforenfe MwMn a m'onl i
fl-ev believe, to be ; a g-od government, i
The Tf.nhUcxn vartT fias accepted the !
f-'roj.. . ; idea .and p'anted .n?e!f upon
the ground lakon by Ceorge III. and by
tv.jry ruler who distrusts the capacity
of 5 he people fr self-government or
3nies thm a voice In their own affairs.
The republican platform promises that
t-,rvn the F!llproi by law." but even
thf? v, , nolt fulf,ned. NearW Mt-
.. ,nm! ,l,rw,1 9ftr th ratifiMCnii
w :h tr e:ty liof're the adpournment of
;? !?t Jur.-' and vet no law was
1-siIintr with the Philistine gitua
I'on. 'J
w';l cf the pre'dnt hRR been
islands
ivi,".pV?V the AroeYf.-an avt' nrity ex- i l s the doctrine of thrones that man
fr,i, wi v d'- t-e rep'iblifpin party ; ,s to rnorani to govern himself. Their
hltate to If sJa-e upon the Thiilp- ; Partisan assert his incapacity in refer-it-
question0. "Jier-auss a law would dia- S ce to all nations; If they cannot com
the radical departure from history j mand universal assent to the proposition,
and precft-!et corrrp'nted bv h"e who ' 11 18 then demanded to particular nations;
control the republican part v.' The storm I our pride and our presumption too
rf ivoiest wlilcl: K' -eted the Porto Rlcan i f en make converts of us. I contend that
t il! was an in-i onion of what mav be i8 to,-!!f rai"the disposition of provi-t-;r.r.cted
when tb- .mrir3n peoo'e sre dence imiselt to suppose that He has
r 1 1 - iilain Int v tntrnrrt frlfiftliv naonlft
pinos from the corporations which are
waiting to exploit the islands?
a 11V -rUlS4aaV V 1 Ull V. I I II. V I IC 14 If X. I IT3
enj-v-ed by the people of the United
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be
rtrtes. and tne rw-iiight 01 semi-citizen-Fhlp
endured by tho people of Porto
ttico. while the thick darkness of per
petual vassalage covers the Ph'Hppines?
The Porto Rico tariff law asserts the
Joctrlne that the operation of the. con
stitution is confined to the fort--tive
tates. The democratic party oisoutes
this doctrine and denounces it as repug
nant to both the letter and spirit of our
orsranic law. There is no place in our
ays'em of government for the deposit of
arbitrary and irresponsible pnw. That
the leaders of a great party should claim
! i ,v
1 " JVifi
l!.- I
resident or congress the right
illions of people as mere "tos-
sess'ons" and deal with them unre
strained by the constitution of the bill
rf rights shows how far we have already
departed from the ancient landmark's
nnd indicates what may be expected if
Ihis nation deliberately enters upon a
career of empire. The territorial form
of government is temporary and prepara
tory, and the chief security a citizen of
a territory has is found in the fact that
be enjoys the same constitutional guar
antees and is subject to the same Sren
cral laws as the citizen of a state. Take
away this security and his rights will
be violated and his interests sacrificed
at the demand of those who have oolit
leal Influence. This is the evil of the 1 stuution. 1 repeat, tne nation can aa
colonial system, no matter by what na- I whatever it desires to do. but it cannot
tion It is applied I avoid the natural and legitimate results
What is our title to the Philippine ' of its own conduct. The young man upon
Islands? Do we hold them by treaty reaching his majority can do what he
cr by conquest? Did we buy them or Pleases. He can disregard the teachings
did we take them? Did we purchase of hls Parents; he can trample upon all
the people? If not. how did we secure that he " has been taught to consider
title to them? Were thev thrown in with sacred; he can disobey the laws of the
the land? Will the republicans sav that state, the laws. of society and the laws
lnanimate.earth has value, but that when of God. He can stamp failure upon hla
that earth is molded by the divine hand . ife ana make his very existence a curse
and stamped with the likeness of the i to his fellow-men, and he can bring his
Creator it becomes a fixture and passes father and mother in sorrow to the
with the soil? If governments derive grave; but he cannot-annul the sentence,
their Just powers from the consent of "The wages of sin is death." And so
the governed, it is impossible to secure ' wlth the nation. It is of age and it can
title to people, either by force or by pur- do what it pleases; It can spurn the
chase. We could extinguish Spain's title traditions of the past; it can repudiate
by treaty, but if we hold title we must the principles upon which the nation
hold it by some method consistent with rests; it can employ force instead of rea
our ideas of government. When we made son; it can substitute might for right;
niiien of thtv Klllninoa and nrmeH -K.m it can conauer weaker people: it can ex-
to fight against Spain, we disputed Ploit their lands, appropriate their prop
Spain's title. If we buy Spain's title we rty and kill their people: but it cannot
are not innocent purchasers. But even repeal the moral law or escape the pun-
! snatn'i title If
f? not innocen
1 Tl". .Amn flnf.nH . . n .1.1
but as Spain gave us a quit claim deed.
we can honorably turn tne property over
to the. party in possession. Whether any
American official gave to the Filioinos
formal assurance of indepenednce Is not
material, mere can oe no aouDt tnat
wc accepted and utilized the services of
the Filipinos, and that when we did b
we had - full knowledge that they wen
fighting for their own Independence, an
I submit history furnishes no exampU
of turpitude baser than ours if we mra
substitute our .yoke for the Spanlsk
yoke. . .
Let us consider briefly the reason
which have been given in support of at
imperialistic policy. Some say that it
our duty to hold the Philippine islands
But duty. Is not an argument; it Is a
conclusion. To ascertain what our dut
is, in any emergency, we must apply well
settled and generally accepted principles
It is our duty to avoid stealing, no mat
ter whether the thing to be stolen Is oi
great or little value. It is our duty tt
avoid killing a human being, no matte,
where the human being lives or to whai
race or class he belongs. Everyone rec
ogn.res the obligation imposed upon in
dividuals to observe both the- human ani
the moral law, but as some deny the ap- I
plication of those laws to nations, it ma) :
not be out of place to quote the opiniot
of others.- Jefierson, than whom there ia .
no h'gher political authority, said: )
. " I know of but one code of moralltj
for men, whether acting singly or col
lectively."
r ranklin, . whose learning, wisdom anc
virtue are a part of the priceless legacj
bequeathed to us from the revolutionarj
days, expressed the same idea in evet
stronger language when he said:
"Justice is as strictly . due between
neighbor nations as between neighbo.
citizens. A highwayman Js as much' a,
robber when he plunders in a gang aa
when single; and the nation that makea
an unjust war is only a great gang."
Men may dare to do In crowds whai
they would not dare to do as individ
uals, but the moral character of an ac
is not determined by the number of thost
who join it. Force can defend a rights
but force has never yet created a right
If it was true, as declared In the reso-
lutions of intervention, that the Cubani
"are and of right ought ,to be tree an
indpendent" (language taken from th
Declaration of Independence) it is equally
tru that Filipinos "are and of right
ousht to be free and independent." Tha
right of the Cubans to freedom was not
asen upon tneir proximity to tne unueq
States, nor upon the language which
they spoke, nor yet upon the race ol
races to whir-h thpv Vieionfri. cotiares
races to which they belonged. Congress
by a practically unanimous vote declared
that the principles enunciated at Philav
delphia in 1776 were still alive and an
plicable to the Cubans. Who will draw
a line between the natural rights oi
the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will
say that the former has a right to lib
erty and that the latter has no righta
which we are bound to respect? And,
if the Filipinos "are and of right ought
to be free and independent," what right
have we to force our government upon
them without their consent? Before out
duty can be ascertained, their righta
must be determined, and when theit
rights are once determined, it is as much
our duty to respect those rights as It
was the duty of Spain to respect tho
rights of the people of Cuba or the duty
of England to respect the rights of tha
some Poet has described the terroi
which overcame a soldier, who in ths
midst of battle discovered that he had
slain his brother. It Is written "All ve
ar brethren." Let us hope for the com-
ing ofthe day when human life which
w,hen once destroyed cannot be restored-
wi.l be so sacred that it will never be
taken except when necessary to punish
a crime already committal nr tn nreveni
, - w - '
crime about to be committed.
. If li la 8a that we have assumed be-
ie unu oougauons wmcn maK
?re the
It neCeSSarV f fT U9 tO WrmBflPTltl V maill.
tain a government in the Phil rrin 11.
?,naS 1 reply first, that the highest ob-
"ation of this nation is to be true to
tself. No obligation to any particular
nations, or to all the nations combined,
can require the abandonment of our
theory of government and the substltu-
to foreigners:who have a temporary resi
dence in the-1 Philippines or desire to
trade there.
It is art!4 by-some that the Fil!p?no9
are incapable of self-government and
that therefore we owe It to the worid
to take control of them. Admiral Dewev,
In ar. official report to the navy depart
ment, declared the Filipinos more cap
able of self-government than the Cu
bHr.s and saI that he based his opinion
upon a knowledge of both races. Bat I
will not rest the case upon the relative
advancement of . the Fiiininos. lienrv
Clay, in defending the right of the peo-
r' ftf South Aniorica to self-government.
said
ie ui guvernma
trampled on by
is tne natural
are degrees of
of self-govern-
on upon the Cre
ator to say that he denied to any people
the capacity for self-government. Once
admit that some people are capable of
self-government and that others are not
and that the capable people have a right
to seize upon and govern the incapable,
and you make force brute force tha
only foundation of government and invite
the reign of a despot. I am not willing
to believe that an all-wise and an all
loving God created the Filipinos and then
left them thousands of years helpless un
til the islands attracted the attention of
T-. . ,
European nations
Republicans ask: "Shall we haul down
the flag that floats over our dead In the
Philippinee" The. same question might
have been asked when the American flag
floated over Ohapultepec and waved over
the dead who fell there; but the tourist
who visits the City of Mexico finds there
a national cemetery owned by the United
States and cared for by an American
citizen. Our . flag still, floats over our
dead, but when the treaty with Mexico
was signed, American authority with
drew to the Rio Grande, and I venture
the opinion that during the last fifty
years the people of Mexico have made
more progress under the stimulus of in
dependence and self-government than
they would have made under a carpet
bag government held In place by bay
onets. The United States and Mexico,
friendly republics, are each stronger and
happier than they would have been had
the former been cursed and the latter
crushed by an imperialistic policy, dis
guised as "benevolent assimilation."
"Can we not govern colonies?" we are
asked. The question is not what we can
do. but what we ought to do. This na
tion can do whatever it desires to do.
but it must accept responsibility for what
it does. If the constitution stands in
the way. the people can amend the con.
Who taketh another's liberty
His freedom Is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have ever
won,
Make ready to pay the debt.
For-the God who reigned over Babyloa
Is the God who is reigning yet."
Some argue that American rule in the.
Philippine Islands will result In the bet
ter . education of the Filipinos. Be not
deceived. If we expect to maintain 5
colonial policy, we shall not find it to
our advantage to educate the people. Tbe
educated Filipinos are now In revolt
against us, and the most ignorant ones
have made the least resistance to our
domination. If we are to govern them
without their consent and give them no
voice in determining the taxes which
they must pay. we dare not educate
them, lest they learn to read the Declara
tion of Independence and the constitu
tion of the United States and mock us for
our inconsistency.
The principal arguments, however, ad
vanced by those who enter upon a de
fense of imperialism, are:
First That we must Improve the pres
ent opportunity to become a world power
and enter into international politics.
Second That our commercial interests
In the Philippine islands and in the
Orient make it necessary for us to hold
the islands permanently.
Third That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth That there is no honrable re
treat from the position which the nation
fras taken.
4 he ,.i st argument is addressed to the
nation's priae. and the second to the
nation's pocketbook. The third Is In
tended for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
It is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than a
century this nation has been a world
power. For ten decades it has been tho
most potent influence in the world. Not
only has it been a world power, but it
has done more to affect the politics of
the human race than all the other na
tions of the world combined. Because
our Declaration of Independence was pro
mulgated, others have been promulgated
Because the patriots of 1776 fought for
liberty others have fought for it; be
cause our constitution was adopted,
other constitutions have been adopted.
The growth of the principle of self-government,
planted on American soil, has
been the over-shadowing political fact of
the nineteenth century. It has made this
nation conspicuous among the nations
and given it a place in history such as
no other nation has ever enjoyed. Noth
ing haa been able to check the onward
march of this idea. I am not willing
that this nation shall cast aside the om
nipotent weapon of truth to seize again
the weapon of physical warfare. I would
not exchange the glory of this republic
for the glory of all the empires that
have risen and fallen since time began.
The permanent chairman of t" last
republican national convention pi nted
the pecuniary argument in ail its bald
ness, when he said:
"We make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on recount of others. Whila we regard
the welfare of those people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the
American people first. Wa see our Cuty
to curselvts as well as to others. "Ve
believe in trade expansion. By cvty
legitimate means within the province
of government and constitution, we mean
to stimulate the expansion of our trade
and open new markets."
This is the commercial argument. It Is
based upon the .eory that war can be
rightly waged for pecuniary advantage,
and that it is profitable to purchase trade
by force and violence. Franklin denied
both of these propositions. When Lord
Howe asserted that the acts of parlia
ment, which brought on the revolution,
were necessary to prevent American
trade from passing into foreign channels.
Franklin replied:
"To me it seems that neither the ob
taining nor retaining of any trade, how
valuable soever, is an object for which
men may justly spill each other's blood:
that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling it and
holding it by fleets and arm'es. I con
eider this war against us. therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the head of an
American soldier and justify a war of
"onqrest upon the ground that 'it will
piy. The democratic party is in favor of
the extension of trade. It would extend
oi:r trtule by every legitimate and peace
ful rreans; but it Is not willing to make
mrchnni;5!e of h'iman blood.
But a .nr of conquest is as unwise as
It Is dangerous. A harbor and coaling
ftat'en in the Philippines would answer
every trade nnd military necessity and
such a conception could hare been se
cured at any time without difficulty.
It 5s not necessary to own people in
rr.1er to tr,"d with them. We enrry on
trjid today with every part cf the world,
tnd our commerce has expanded more
r.iriu'y than the commerce of anv Eu
ropean empire. We do not own Japan
rr China, but we trsde with their people.
V- have not absorbed the republics of
Central and South America, but we
trade with them. It has not been neces
sary to hve any political connections
with Canada or the nations of Europe
In order to trade with them. Trad
cannot be permanently profitable unless
It is voluntary. When trade is secured
by force the cost of securing it and re
taining it must be taken out of the
profits, and the profits are never large
enough to cover the expense. Such a
system would never be defended but for
the fact that the expense is borne bv
all the peop'e. while the profits are en
joyed by a few.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
to th ship owners, who would carrv live
sold'trs to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; it wctuld be profitable to
those who wotnd seire upon the fran
chises, and It would be profitable to the
officials whose salaries would be l.xed
here and paid over there: but to the
farmer, to the laboring man nnd to the
vast majority of those engaged In other
occupations, it would bring expenditure
without return and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as a
rule, small incomes and. under systems
which place the tax upon consumption,
pay more than their share of the ex
penses of government. Thus the verv peo
ple who receive least benefit from im
perialism will e ; ljured most bv the
military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share in common, the labor
ing man will be the first to suffer if
Oriental subjects seek work In the United
States: the first to suffer if American
capital leaves our shores to employ
Oriental labor in the Philippines: the first
to suffer from the violence which the
military spirit arouses, and tne first to
suffer when the methods of Imperialism
are applied to our own government.
It is not strange, therefore, that the
labor organisations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
prompt to protest against both militar
ism and imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, though .more
effective with certain classes, is not
likelj' to be used so often or presented
with so much emphasis as the religtous
argument. If what has been termed the
"gunpowder gospel" were urged against
the Filipinos only, it would be a suffi
cient answer to say that a majority of
the Filipinos are now members of one
branch of the Christian church; but the
principle involved is one of much wider
application and challenges serious con
j sideration.
The religious argument varies in posl
' tlveness from a passive belief that provi-
dence delivered the Filipinos into our
hands for their good and our glory, to
the exultation of the minister who said
that we ought to "thrash the natives
' (Filipinos until they understand who we
are." and that "every bullet sent, evcry
;. cannon shot and every flag waved means
i righteousness.
We cannot approve of this doctrine in
! one place unless we are willing to apply
It everywhere. If there is poison in the
blood of the hand It will ultimately reach
, te heart. It Is eaually true that forcible
Christianity, if planted under the Amer
ican flag in the far-away Orient, will
sooner or later be transplanted upon
American soil. If true Christianity con
sists In carrying out in our dally lives
the teachings of Christ, who will say
that we are commanded to civilise with
dynamite and proselyte with the sword?
lie who would declare the divine will
must provehis authority either by Holy
Writ or by evidence of a special dispen
sation. Imperialism finds no wars out
in the Bible. The command "go ye into
all the world and preach the gospel to
every creature" has no Gatllng gun at
tachment. When Jesus visited a village
of Samaria and the people refused to
rteive Him, some of the disciples sug
gested that fire should be called down
from Heaven to avenge . the Insult; but
the Master rebuked them and said: "Y
know not what manner of spirit ye an
of; for the Son of Man Is not come U
destroy men's lives, but to save them."
Suppose He had said: "We will thras
thein until they understand who we are.'
how different would have . been the his
tory of Christianity 1 Compare, If yo
will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doc
trine of imperialism with the golden rula
and the commandment, "Thou shalt lov
thy neighbor as thyself." -
Love, not force, was the weapon of tha
Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not tha
eploitation of them, was His method ot
reaching the human heart. A missionary
recently told, me that the Stars and
Stripes once saved his life because his
assailants recognized our flag as a flag
that had no blood upon it. Let it be
known that, our missionaries are seeaing
souls instead of sovereignty; let it be
known that Instead of being the advance
guard of conquering armies, they are
going forth to nelp and to uplift, having
their loins girt about with truth and
their feet shod with the preparation of
the gospel of peace, wearing the breast
plate of righteousness and carrying the
sword of the Spirit. Let it be known
that they are citizens of a nation which
respects the rights of the citizens of
other nations as carefully as it protects
the rights of its own citizens and the
welcome given to our missionaries will
be more cordial than the welcome extend
ed to the missionaries of any other na
tion. The argument made by some that It
was unfortunate for the nation that it
had anything to do with the Philippine
islands, but that the naval victory at
Manila made the permanent acquisition
of those islands necessary is also un
sound. We won a naval victory at San
tiago, but that did not compel us to hold
Cuba. The shedding of American blood
In the Philippine islands does not make
it imperative that we should retain pos
session forever; American blood was shed
at San Juan hill and El Caney, and yet
the president has promised the Cubans
independence. The fact that the Ameri
can flag floats over Manila does not com
pel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty
over the islands;' the American flag
waves over Havana today, but the presi
dent has promised to haul it down when
the flag of the Cuban republic Is ready
to rise in its place. Better a thousand
times that our flag in the Orient gave
way to a flag representing the idea of
self-government than that the flag of
this republic should become the flag of an
empire.
There is an easy, honest, honorable
solution of the Philippine question. It is
sefforth in the democratic platform, and
it is submitted with confidence to the
American people. - This plan I unre
serxedly endorse. If elected, I will con
vene congress in extraordinary session as
soon as inaugurated and recommend an
immediate declaration of the nation's
purpose, first, to establish a stable form
of government in the Philippine islands,
just as we are now establishing a stable
form of government in Cuba; second, to
give independence to the Filipinos just
as we have promised to give independ
ence to the Cubans; third, to protect the
Filipinos from outside interference while
they work out their destiny. Just as we
have protected the republics of Central
and South America and are, by the Mon
roe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. An
European protectorate often results in
the exploitation of the ward by the
guardian. An American protectorate
gives to the nation protected the ad
vantage of our strength, without making
It the victim of our greed. For three
quarters of a century the Monroe doc
trine has been a shield to neighboring
republics, and yet it has Imposed no
pecuniary burden upon us. Affer the
; Filipinos had aided us in the war against
! Spam, we could not honorably turn them
5 over to their former masters; we could
not leave them to be the victims of the
' ambitious designs of European nations,
and since we do not desire to make them
a part of us or to hold them as sub
jects, we propose the only alternative,
namely, to give them independence and
Guard them against molestation irom
without.
When our onDonents are unable to de
fend their position by argument they fall
back upon the assertion that it is des
tiny, and insist that we must submit to
it. no matter how much it violates moral
pie t.p!. and our principles of govern
ment. This is a complacent philosophy.
Ii obliterates the distinction betwen
. right and wrong and makes individuals
and nations the helpless victims of cir
cumstance. Desttr.j. is the subterfuge of the inver
tebrate, who, lacking the courage to op
pose -rror, seeks some plausible excuse
for 'pporting It. Washington said that
the esliny of the republican form of
government was deeply, if not finally,
stake' cn the eperiment entrusted to the
American peopie. How different Wash
ington's definition of destiny from the
republican definition! The republicans say
that this nation is in the hands of des
tiny; Washington believed that not only
the destiny of our own nation, but the
destiny of the republican form of gov-
: ernruent throughout the world was en
trusted to American hands. Immeasur-
,' able responsibility! The destln yof this
; rep Uc 's in the hands of its own peo
pie, and upon the success of the eperi-
i ment here rests the hope of humanity. No
exterior force can disturb this republic,
and no foreign influence should be per
mitted to change its course. What the
future has In store for this nation no
one has authority to declare, but each
indtvual has his own idea of the nation"-!
'mission, and he owes it to his
country as well as to himself to con
tribute as best he may to the fulfillment
of that mission.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the
Committee: I can never fully discharge
; the debt of gratitude which I owe to my
countrymen for the honors which they
have so generously bestowed upon me;
but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy
1 the high office for which the convention
: has named me, or to spend the remainder
of my days in private life, it shall be my
constant ambition and my controlling
; purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals
of those whose wisdom and courage and
sacrifices brought this republic into ex
istence.
I - can conceive of a national destiny
suroassintr the glories of the present and
! the past a destiny which meets the re
I sponsiblUties of today and measures up
to the possibilities of the future. Be
hold a republic, resting securely upon
the foundation stones quarried by revolu
tionary patriots from the mountain of
eternal truth a republic applying in
practice and proclaiming to the world
the self-evident proposition, that all men
are created equal; that they are endowed
with unalienable rights; that govern
ments are instituted ' to secure these
rights, and that governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the gov
erned. Behold a republic in which civil
and religious liberty stimulate all to
i earnest endeaar and in which the law
restrains every hand uplifted for a neigh
I bor's . injury a republic in which every
I citizen Is a sovereign, but in which no
I one cares to wear a crown. Behold a
renublic standing . erect while empires all
! v hnv-d hnBth the wiiivht nf
their own armaments a republic whose
flag is loved while other flags are only
feared. Behold a republic increasing in
population, in wealth, in strength and In
influence, solving the problems of civili
zation and hastening the coming of an
universal brotherhood a republic which
shakes thrones and dissolves aristoc
racies by its silent example and gives
light and inspiration to those Cho sit tn
darkness. Behold a republic gradually
but surelv becoming the supreme moral
factor in the world's progress and the
accepted arbiter of the world's disputes
a republic whose history, like the path of
the just, "is as the shining light that
shineth more and more unto the perfect
day." .
Perfect Vlnion Kara.
It is significant that physicians who
have been examining the eyes of pu
pils of one of the public schools of
Jersey City have found that out of
351 children examined only sixty-nine
had perfect sight. The parents of the
children -whose vision is at all imper
fect will 'be compelled to get glasses
for the little ones. As this Jersey
City school containn just an average
gathering of children there is surely
a lesson here for school boards and
parents everywhere.
The population of Finland includes
2,527,800 Russians.
- Tours In the Rock- Mountain. v
The "Scenic Line of the World," tho
Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, pflfera to
tourists in Colorado, Utah . and New
Mexico he choicest resorts, &nd to tho
transcontinental traveler the; grandest
scenery. Two separate and dintinct
routes through the Rocky mountains, all
through tickets via either. The direct
line to Cripple Creek, the greuUst gold
camp on earth. Three trains daily each
way, with through Pullman palace aud
tourist sleeping cars between Chicago,
Denver, San Francisco and Los Angeles,
and Denver and Portland. Th best line
to Utah, Idaho, Montana,' Oregon and
Washington via the "Ogden Gateway."
Dining cars (service a la note) on all
through trains. Write S. K. Hooper, G.
P. & T. A., Denver, Colo., for illustrated
descriptive pamphlets.
AT CUT
RATE...
1 00 Hood's Sarsaparilla : ... 75c
1
00 Paine a Celery Compound .... 75o
00 Ayers' Sarsaparilla , , . . . 75c
00 Allen's Sarsaparilla.... , 75c
00 Allen's Celery Compound 75c
00 Scott's Emulsion .....;. 75:
00 King's New Discovery 75c
00 Ptjruna.... fc 75c
00 Swamp Root. 75c
00 S S )
00 Pinkham's Vegetable Comp'd .75c
00 Jayne's Expectrant -. . . 75c
00 Beef Iron and Wine Tonic 73o
00 Pierce's Favorite Prescription. 75c
00 Miles' Restorative Ton io.. 75c
00 Wine of Cardui.. ,...75c
00 Slocum's Ozomulsion ,..75;
00 Radfield's Female Regulator. .75c
00 Shoop's Restorative. 75c
00 Indian Sagwa ........... . . 75c
00 McLean's Liver and Kidney
Balm ....... t 75c
00 Mother's Friend :....'. .75c
00 Woman's Health Restorer. .. ,75c
00 La-cu-pi-a .75c
00 Hostetter's Bitters ........... 75c
00 Iron Tonic Bitters ......... .t. . 75c
00 Electric Bitters ....... .".'.'. . . .75c
Johnson Drug Store
Low Prices
;141 So. 9th St. Lincoln, Neb.
OPTICAL GOODS.
The Western Optical and Electrical
Co., located at 131 North 11th street is
composed of old citizens and thoroughly
acquainted with the business, having
fitted eyes for twenty-five years. Cer
tainly they ought to be competent to do
good work. They are permanently lo
cated with us and that means much to
the purchaser of eye glasses and spec
tacles. ' ,
Magnetic Healing
TheKharas Infirmary Company (in
corpora ted) have established a large
branch office at 1600 P street. Lincoln,
Nebr., for the benefit of those .sutferin
from chronic and so-called iiiyuiub't
diseases who are not in a ii,kiui. to
come to headquarters in Omaua f
treatment.. The patrons olt- "vins .!'.
may rely upon the fact that the munai-
ment is perfectly reliable, and that i;
the manager tells you he can cure w.v
it means you will be cured if you :t.ii
the treatment of him, or at any author
ized KIURAS MAGNETIC INFIRMARY. H
ware of imitators if in doubt." Writ
headquarters at 1515-17 Chicago Street,
Omaha, Nebr. Sent free. ,
Something Entirely New on Silver
Proves by a series of tables and dis
cussions that the MONEY QUESTION
ISNT DEAD YET.
"The Decline for 32 years, 18G6 to 18;S,
J in the Export Price of Farm Products,
I by C. G. Bullock, Lincoln, Nebraska."
! It is the best campaign, book for 1U00.
! Should be in the hands Of every cam
i paign speaker, every farmer, every voter
who wants to know the truth. Iew
ideas, new evidence. Send for a sample
copy and keep up with the procession.
Fifteen cents a copy. Independent,
Lincoln, Neb.
Farming In Colorado ami 'aw Memloo.
The Denver & Rio Grande Railroad,
"The Scenic Line of the World," has
prepared an illustrated book upon tbe
above subject, which will be sent free to
farmers desiring to change their location.
This publication gives valuable informa
tion in regard to the agricultural, horti
cultural and live stock interests of this
section, and should be in the hands of
everyone who desires to become acquau
ted with the methods of farming by ir
rigation. Write S. K. Hooper, u. P. A
T. A.. Denver, Colo. -
150 MILES ALONG
THE COLUMBIA RIVER
" BY DAYLIGHT
ON
' The Chicago Portland Special'
ONLY TWO NIGHTS
- MAKING THE TRIP ' ..
MISSOURI RIVER TO PORTLAND
For tickets, time tables and full informa
tion call on
E. B. SLOSSON, Agt.
Little Oval Photos,
25c pe. dozen.
4 (Jabme
$2.f
Per dozen.
'121-
0 St!
SPRING
MEDIC
PREWITT
X