Nebraska Newspapers

    firsts
1mm ft. mmm tt iMm
"-a- 'v m a ui u i si m Mi m ii i ii tr 31 ki i ! a i (I 11 t
NO. 7.
VOL, XI L
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, JUNE 23, 1900.
s
V
SEKATG3 TEUIH.
He fm ?t U WW Mfc to gnu
i
!
bets is ;
Br2tfrr Ti? air: ted at Li
GkaO?lk4-0 ff-w day aG, vhere he wa
es.tb.3ajcEy receifed. In as istr-
Th silver rep-ablksact mti pepe!it
cz4i;s4 bt Srsd their aid to t.e party of j
Mr. Lrars so kx a we tiihk fro tearly i
alike," mmI the teserabie law -maker. ;
ilut whefi Ii eocne to caiiicij oar
de&uerati, that atothT chatter. We I
co not watt u Co it. r,eau- ltere are i
ftftSj rx.iet4 tc tilth co r.ct afre
I
W rzjtf ft A. aiway be tether. I do
sxA oar ta predi-t Lt the democratic
00 r w r. ;
i
w for that frty LoUi it mdar ': ting facts and statistics in reference
hiss, TWe e& fc &o doubt b-jt tLM ; to the expenditures of the government
Mr, Tew wIS "hdraw if h i cot in- aicoe the time of Washington. Acoord
cSo4. ai ri" to tte dtmoCTatk- j ifi to ay the administration
Esis for tie vie1 prIcry. and the , " T: t , ,
-rarpub'aeu will tt4 wiUi m,. of Prwtdent MKiiil7 is by far the
Ery.a' ttckt to a tac- j CKt extravagant in the history of the
-t"m ti..t, I vou4 a rrat deal cation. With a population of less than
a&er r- t dxweratic irty than four miMi!ma io l79o tUe n&Uonal expen-
tita'Jd. WUn 1 a a re-ur:irn co I ditures were g3..97,4a, or 91 cento per
.ch ttis-f fit kcwe. a. c..pm&jr the j capita. Twelve years later under Jeffer
wc4a ZsuberfchiEi to tac4 by the rul-1 aociaD aimclicitT. with a nonulation of
rr.g of a cauru c a iw
body.
Ttitm are- d-?ereM dovn at Wah-
ir.vr.. ces the caseu y a
5 iac
cf iitkc te:ut' tLrviirfb. eey re
pyoicas i eoei-! tf rat for ;t.
Chasir i lie c-tiy ct who h, .dared
to &rt-gxtil t5. prart'f."
Tha tif c:bd to dtwru the re-
crt that hi i juty wi.ld tn
tO full hltli i
f'jr the oemtrip thi fail. With
jflniw ruaioo 13
-f-5, . - j
azd i.e e-xf.re-wea ttj f-.!. tiat
iii
C-SMcrat fiw oj-poMKl it t n:t i,yss
to Ue fn&n;:f f tie jarty.
i.s--.yi. ci tie
It rational
Lii-fd
tie Aeruktor. -wiii
with the trust juetion ,
.reviaU a-14edL TLe '
ar.i that r f i
decocraU will reaflrs th Chii-ajro plat- j
fona. atd the aiitioeal plack peccuiar
V He ew txjfcditk that have arisen
ui be frs-d by the ewe recua. iach
plaik a lie cc o the fcupresse- ccurt, :
fcr ustacfe. ar jt a iz.jjoriact rxw :.
a ever. Tc r.urt plack ier
t to do away w;vh that tribunal,
bat wco ha a right 5a ctuslip&d that any
i bifntotaia a repu w j M ypon a bis of 77,000,000 popula
of tie Ctt htCT UotL Aud yet i3 co; ift of
caibeQccrseabjo tie jodieiarr. e2travaganc for the estimated expend -atd
th Uraraue party r erer cntcsed jtQr, 7r the year 1901 amount to 3. 59
lie lupmbt aoart oochMth cacor- m apj...l or the rear. 1930 , a p-
J:' s31& tax.ed t.m u.??- . m, amount' to-&4jUK.4S9.64.
ny. IM boUU m lae CBicao
jjatf urm that should tse atacd.
T irer qawrtKa sa jturt aa impor-;
tact a eer. 'The fact that w are cow !
harir prf-r-nty. a thiijr the republi-i
cam are bot;r.g: abat, uy g-w?- to
.-ro that tie cwctestioo tf tie timet- i
agitata With ref erecc to th amount of
rr.i' tu.ier 1.3 Cife-&!,Ki3 ia foE
.JTtkX. The rkl w.fj supply ic cold
haa ireejd tee tsi:v aid a half dol
lars kizcm Is:, fcad thx i the c?eat re-a-r.o
why we are &o iiroerou. When
the rpcbirsi potst to thin, they eere-
ly ar60i
ncht. that we
tiat osif
arur-eit was
for
y c;d cot have
cC'Cy e-cs;n-
Thi, lnfer, i eaere!y a tcioor ar
fanest fee bimetailiasi The hcaccial
biil paat-ed by the lat lewjoe vt a moet
Ticicut pkee of sijtK cot oniy from
the tacipcit r f :i L-scetallit. but
fn3 that of the banker. It thorrruhIy
iclalta ctd as the aite standard of
ewc7- aad it t-rotide It tie etab!ib
Eiect jf httcdreda ts! little cataocal
ka.ik. thst wtU ooeer or .i'r under
aid ruia tieir dejjo.t..r&. Thte mal!
back hate tie nit to iue paper
cotf-y. erure-i y Uiid State bacd.
b-et the -ereiary of the treas
ury ha already besruc to nitlis 4an
ff a widrmt jteai of bark rx.e
etrei by a-t. Tii will jrc-babiy go
thrown ext winter.
"HXa awestioa of imperial ina is of e
fsal tcoaae t jat ir, H e actwjri of
cecrewi is kttcir the oer kill
over Bit-j xt wister ucdoabtedJy ic-
ditat that the aicitcitraU'Jo ears to
ees..5-:t it-f ;t bejur ti; rarL..aiun.
A ifw tsi.i.3ci by tef-.cer. how
ever, thee eats I q-ietioc but that
it prfrrits tit,
Xh Si C'e- w1
I the preidct
e"Vfc:i 'lie pot of
tie i cuppic a aatii aay rvct tc
ti roverijsei:i Tcey are to be -ubjct
aid EKAtira; e. Tie republican tos
tei'l that tier hae inec the me
rifrht to Vutm lij'jt aa eremites Vi the
irTiorie, osi iii far irus ijriif o.
2i temtorie hate a r.it ioe:ect their
c ietfiativ bodie. but tie Porta
Risac are seder the veio tjf the special
coccilarj--iiV-i by the preiieit, aid
thJU body ecctr,- a.U riatler relauig to
corpora ta aid frichie."'
V.'.ii refer.ie the prcrpoed trut
Iin-ati&ocf thi- aisciatrauua, Hs-tato"
Teiirad it fi tc-act &.ere-;y for hw.
If the j-.- '-f the Utsted Hta really
be jvg the i arty 14 f j Mara llama
wa fed ts the ir..eie revjofa
tiofca, thy were bg-r fi& tiac he
could isiag-ii thea U be. The cycti
tstkmal as.ecdasr'Kt proposed a a lixi
ta'ja ii tftteta 'xtild &ut haie b-eti
gtyereeii. Is ether word, it pro
pjwNed eiable the eorpx.-ratk&a to pet
aiic mith trj is to bay otJy ui b&iy,
wherea they La4 to buy between farty
.y tc
A Wcfl&jfsl Traf g.
Th icter e4 eoiasierce are, indeed,
IsportSkLt. bet the is cothiig more d
cepif e aod sci?:t than the idea that
trade U-iywt the Hag, aid therefore that
th praMutk- 4 war ivr mkicg trad
ca tt stiGL Fcrthercore.the value
I oneetal trade is css?parim with the
ct of rettic it tiroaca warfare taay be
aJ eaagseritd acd a few ftsre re-
IYCZZ . . 1 i. :r"-J ""--r chances. The more you
ZXZZ'Zl': "rrrtT " "rr . UVL, Croker, Van Wyck,
!-..rr.f1Z! " ... fT "iTowcetitceaa to be Bryan's
rZ T'ZZTir ' f a r le they will like. him. c
latic& to Philppi commerce illustrate
' thi It is stated that for the first ten
.w j;.. ;.w -i total value
j t..-ii.' ,Thi is about what one
! b'sz ship takes f rota New York to Europe
etery Of this little total f 441,550
is horses and mules for our own
army. r.T,O0U ic fodder for them, 1370,-
000 ta beer and f87,000 in whisky all
i for oar soldiers. Is cot this, remarks a
contemporary, a wonderful trade, and
: when the coo. of maintaining: the army
aioie is 100.000,000 a year. Buffalo
. Tine. :
USPARALLALED APPROPRIATIONS
Fit Time a Mnrb rr Capita When j
Old Uirkery was PrelflDt Mc-
K.lly Worrt of all.
The feech of Senator A S. Clay
Of
Georgia oa ne 2 bring out some
m-
jriirt th national rinrtitrAs
i auioucted to ti49 per capita. Under
Jackson's admit istralion in 1830. with a
population of 12.6Cd.020. the total na-
j tiocal bud-et was riii or f 1.90
? per capita.
I Lp to the cifil war there has been no
r.rm. .rr.,liul.; anH r tirr-a K.tr
eieed C.(jU per capita.
In 113. with a uomilatJon of 43 951.
000, under Grant's adminitraUon fol-
Uvir.r unon the f'ii! War thor.
i penditure were 6135 per capita and a
. ! cenera! demand for economy resulted in
,k f t"h N.n-iV,ti.n
r'U in ISCR. Two var latAr tV
fr capita of expenditures had been re
duced to i 4 iH. In lfeSS, the population
of the country had iccread to 59,974,
000 yet the per capita c't expenses was
reduced to $L22L Under Cleveland's
eond term the population had increas
ed to 7133.000 and the national debt
wa- maintained at f 4.94 per capita. '
i, k rii t ct q7 tA r
;
f.P 11M1 th tinates amount tn
the tuci of t73g,855v243.78.
What a costrast between the adminis
tration of Washington and William Mc
Kitley. The -citizens now pay ten times
i as much as then, while more than four
times as much per capita is nor collect
i ed f rota the pockets of the people for the
; Mjppfrt of the government as in tha
I day of Jefferson. Five times as much
j cow required pe? capita as when old
1 Hickory Jackson sat at the presidential
; chair, and twice as much as tn the time
1 of Ilea Harrison and Orover Cleveland,
s If the pet rile desire to know why this
increase, the answer will be partly
1 fo-ad in the great increase in the
; amount appropriated to the support of
the army. From an appropriation of
r.3000.ou0 m 1,6, the appropriation for
1S(J has been increased to 114,000,000.
With the jrrowth of imperialism and the
; cec-rjty of a largely increased military
? establishment, we shall soon be as heav
ily taxed as the governments of Europe, t
Tms im one of the evil- of a colonial pol
icy which we already begin to realize
and the worst has not yet come.
i Nebraska All Right.
j Nebraska is in luck this year. The
j wheat crop will be the largest for years.
The weather, except in a very few spots,
5 could cot have been better if it had been
made to order. While this is true, Ohio,
Indiaca and Illinois and the other cen
tral frtate have very little cr no wheat.
The Dakota are suffering drouth, and
at present prospects are very poor for
much wheat there. Nebraska, Califor
nia. Kansas. Oklahoma and Texas must
f urnish the great bulk for the United
i State. This is the condition in Uncle
Sam do3acion, as is well known. India
I t-ufferu g the most dreadful famine,
aad for three or four years has been
taken out of the list of wheat exporting
countries. If such conditions do not
CAke better prices, there is something
strarpe about it. There is anyway. Why
should Mark llanna shower his bles
icg n Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma
and Texas and withhold them from his
own faithful state?
I Practical Polities
i Some fusiocists seem to think that
! Towce coruication by tha democrats
j at Kac&as City may be assured by con
i vincing the democrats of his eminent
'. Ctcess. It us whisper a word. It's
tictory those fellows want. Assnre
them of that and fitness may take its
convince such
et al, of
mate the
'oiivince them
that they can win with Towce, but will
fail without him, and they'll every one
whoop er up for Towce. That's practi
cal politics. Peoples Champion.
Chauney M. Depsw said in 1896:
"There are 50 men in New York who
can ia 24 hours stop every wheel on all
our macufacturies, lock every switch,
our telegraph lines, and shut down every
coal and iron mine in the United 6tates.
They ran do this because they control
the money which this country produces."
Probably a much smaller cumber can
do thi same thing today.
The problem is cow before the people
to decide whether money or men shall
rule. Oklahoma Register. ,
HOW IT WAS DONE.
The Republican Platform The Nomina
tion of Roosevelt The Clash of the
Bosses at Philadelphia.
Washington June 24. (Special corres
pondence.) The republican national con
vention has hardly adjourned before the
republican party is beginning to rub its
eyes, feel of its bones and hold its aching
head. It doesn't know whether it has
had the delirium tremens or a night
mare. Certain things, however, are so visible
that the whole country can take part in
the spectacle. Roosevelt's nomination for
vice president was forced upon Mark
Hanna and McKinley by the shrewder
manipulation of Senators Piatt and
Quay.
Roosevelt himself was the unwilling
victim of the deal. McKinley and Hanna
did not want him for many reasons.
They knew him to be erratic, headstrong
and impracticable. They knew the diffi
culty of keeping him muzzled.
There is more than a grave suspicion
that he voted for Cleveland in 1884. As
assistant secretary of the navy he in
sisted on being the whole show. When
war with Spain was threatened and Mc
Kinley was trying to stave it off, Roose
velt became hysterical, incoherent and
unbalanced. He had a dozen different
schemes a day, and wore out the patience
of the white house with hisfrettings and
importunities.
Mark Hanna realizes that Roosevelt is
not the sort of a man the corporations
and trusts want to see on the ticket with
McKinley. He is too much the breeder
of war. He is an element of weakness
and not of strength.
McKinley carried New York state by a
plurality of 268,000. Roosevelt pulled
through by a narrow plurality of less
than 18,000 and did not get a majority at
all Worst of all, Roosevelt has on di
vers aud numerous occasions given vent
to his honest opinion regarding McKin
ley's character. On one of these occa
sions relative to the Porto Rican scandal,
Roosevelt said to a number of people:
"McKinley has no more backbone than
a chocolate eclair in a candy store."
Several injudicious remarks of the
same tenor and temperament are liable
to come to light during the campaign.
But Piatt and Quay had ends of their
own to serve. Quay's was largely one of
reeage against Hanna for having voted
against the seating of Quay in the sen
ate, the consideration, it is rumored,
being the promise of a campaign con
tribution of $300,000 by John .Wanama
ker. Piatt's reason was a colder pur
pose. He knew that Roosevelt could not
again be elected governor of New JYork,
and it was therefore necessary to shelve
him permanently.
Roosevelt was only too well aware that
the vice presidency, whether won or lost,
would terminate his political career, but
his struggles were in vain. In the stress
of the situation he showed the weaker
side of his character. He became hys
terical. He was of a dozen opinions ia
as many hours, but finally took the vice
presidential nomination on the "neck or
nothing" principle.
But it should be clearly borne in mind
that there was a strong popular move
ment in the convention favorable to
Roosevelt's nomination, otherwise Hanna
would have had his way, and Piatt and
Quay would have been defeated. What
was the reason of the movement in favor
of Roosevelt?
The glamour of militarism coulped
with a visible opposition to Hannaism.
The expression was found in every
quarter of the convention that Hanna
was going to be a heavy load to carry,
and someone had to be discovered to
rouse party enthusiasm. Within a
month, within a week in fact, the repub
lican party will realize its error.
Roosevelt has certain good qualities.
He is brave, but he is reckless. He is
personally honest, but he lacks good
judgment. He means to do right, but
he generally ends in doing wrong. His
ideal is the "strenuous life," which
means war and battle and bloodshed,
but the American people love peace. In
every point of character and tempera
ment he is the opposite of McKinley. It
is an ill-mated ticket. Roosevelt on the
stump will arouse the intense enthusi
asm of jingoes and extremists like him-
j aelf, but he will offend and drive
away
from the republican party thousands of
voters who are neither jingoes nor ex:
tremists. Roosevelt is a boomerang.
The' republican platform is one that
the democrats can contemplate with
equanimity, since it will not satisfy even
the party which made it
As one prominent republican says, "It
devotes two thousand words to the cam
paign of 1896 and only three hundred to
the issues of 1900."
Its first and principai note is "pros
perity." The trusts have been psosper
ous out of all proportion to the prosper
ity of the people, and even that prosper
ity is beginning to wane. The democrats
can meet this issue.
The platform renews allegiance to the
princle of the gold standard and aband
dons all pretense of friendship for bi
metallism. But what does the platform
mean by this-
" We recognize that interest rates are
a potent factor in production and busi
ness activity, and for the purpose of
further equalizing and further lowering
the rates of interest we favor such mon
etary legislation as will enable the vary
ing needs of the seasons and of all sec
tions, to be promptly met, in order that
trade may be evenly sustained, labor
steadily employed and commerce en
larged." Now this means either the extension
of additional note issuing powers to the
national banks, or such an attack upon
the low rates of interest now being paid
by saving banks and other institutions
of deposit as will cause serious alarm to
the millions of depositors whom the re
publicans pleaded so earnestly for when
the free coinage of silver was proposed.
If the dollar of the small depositor is to
draw less interest than ever, it would
seem that that dollar would have a les
sened value. At the same time it
IS
known that the. trust magnates realize
anywhere from 20 to .TOO per cent on
their actual investment :
The platform favors the principle of
recriprocity, yet the republican senate
has failed to ratify & single treaty of
reciprocity. ' - .
The labor plank is the most remarka
ble production in, the platform. Had it
appeared in a democratic or populist
platform it would have produced only
smiles of contempt from the republican
press. It favors a more effective restric
tion of the immigration of cheap labor.
Well, McKinley has had two favorable
republican congresses, why have they
not legislated in this direction?.
It declares for the" protection of free
labor as against contract convict labor,
yet just such a measure is hung up in
congress by republican action.
It favors "the extension of opportuni
ties for working children, the raising of
the age limit for child labor, and an ef
fective system .of labor insurance."
With none of these has the national
government any special function. They
belong to the domain of state legisla
tion. As for the latter proposition of la
bor insurance, it is a feature of the state
socialism of Germany, but has never yet
been demanded by labor in this country.
On the other hand organixed labor has
urged strenuously upon congress the ad
option of the eight hour bill and of the
anti-in junction .bill, both of which have
been pigeon-holed by, this republican
congress .
Following this "labor" plank is the
ship subsidy bill. It is certainly folly to
claim that' our present dependence on
foreign shipping is a greatl oss to the in
dustry of the country, when . in another
paragraph it is claimed that the "indus
try" of this country is as prosperous and
as busy as it can : possibly be. It is,
moreover, a notorious iact mat every
shipyard in the country has contracts to
the extent of their capacity for years to
come. '- v
It is well known that one of the three
great issues of the campaign will , be the
administration's colonial policy. But the
platform hardly has a shaving, let alone
a plank on this important subject It
declares in favor of a reduction of thu
war taxes, but why didn't congress re
duce? '
It declares in , favor of the construe
tion, ownership, control and protection
of an isthmian canal, but why didn't
congress pass the Nicaragua canal bill?
And why does the. administration still
stand by the Hay-Pauncefoote treaty,
which takes the protection of such a ca
nal out of the" hands of the United
Stats?
It condemns trusts in guarded terms,
a vi v naij uiuu w wugivoa Mtra vuv hi w
trust bill?
It hopes for peace in South Africa, yet
is afraid to ' expresaympathy for the
Boers.
Yet this platform will not ' furnish the
basis of the campaign; that will be fixed
at Kansas City
T Eva McDosaud Valesh.
WHAT THE GOVERNOR SAID
Extract from Mr. Pointer's Messag Con
cerning the Payment of
Bounty.
In certain quarters conciderable is said
and the grossest misrepresentation is be
ing made as to what Governor Poynter
said in his message concerning the pay
ment of the bounty due under the act
passed by the state legislature in 1S95.
In order that all may know exactly what
the governor said, the Independent re
produces all that part, of the message
referring to the payment of the claim,
Governor Poynter said (see page 73 offi
cial report ol message and inaugural
address) .. -
"In 1895 the legislature passed an act
offering a bounty of one dollar per ton to
be paid to the growers of sugar beets,
unon the theorv bf encouraeincr the de
velopment of the sugar t industry in our
state. For some reason best known to
itself the legislature failed to make pro
vision for the payment of claims which
might arise from the passage of such an
act The sugar company, acting under
the provisions of the bounty act made
their contracts with the growers to pay
them one dollar per ton extra for the
j beets grown and delivered , them, and in
the beet harvest ot iyo the company
did pay growers the extra dollar per ton
for beets. The company presented its
claim for bounty to the auditor and part
of it was allowed by him. but finally he
refused to allow further claims under the
act and in the suit following his refusal
our supreme court decided that the
claims could not be paid, there having
been no appropriation made to meet the
claims.
"In the harvest of 1896 the contracts
of the company with the growers were
made provisional, agreeing to pay them
one dollar per ton extra, provided the
court sustained the payment of the
claims. The court decided against the
payment of the claims, holdiag the pay
ment unconstitutional for the reason
that the legislature creating the law
failed to make appropriations in com
pliance with its provisions; whereupon
the company not only refused to pay the
extra dollar, but actually kept back one
dollar per ton from ' payments made in
the latter part of the season, to reim
burse themselves for the amount already
paid on the 1896 crop, thereby giving the
growers but four -dollars per ton for
beets instead of five dollars, as they con
tracted to do should . they be . sustained
by the court Now these . claims for
bounty under the act of 1895 are in the
hands of the sugar companies and those
for 1896 in the hands of the actual grow
ers of beets. The sugar companies have
sought relief in the highest court in the
state, and that court has decided against
them., These ..farmers made their con
tracts and raised their beets -in good
faith, making their estimates for profits
in the business ! upon, the promise of the
extra dollar per ton which they should
receive as bounty from the state. I AM.
INDIVIDUALLY, AND THE PARTY
OF WHICH I AMA MEMBER IS
OPPOSED ABSOLUTELY TO THE
PROTECTIVE POLICY OF TAXJNG
ONE INDUSTRY FOR THE UP
BUILDING OF ANOTHER; BUT MY
PARTY IS NOT NOW, NOR HAS IT
EVER BEEN AT ANY TIME, EITHER
N THEORY OR PRACTICE, IN
'AVOR OF REPUDIATION IN THE
SMALLEST DEGREE. The legisla
ture having made a BAD BARGAIN for
the state, should not seek to be relieved
of that bargain by A SUBTERFUGE
OR UPON TECHNICALITIES. The
sugar, bounty, act.of 1895 has created a
number of just claims asramst the state,
which are now IN THE HANDS OF
THE FARMERS WHO GREW THE
SUGAR BEETS. I recommend that
you make provision for the payment of
all claims arising from the act or xyo
which may be PRESENTED BY THE
ACTUAL GROWERS OF SUGAR
BEETS IN THE STATE, whenever
such claims are properly attested by
certificates of weights from the proper
authorities."
The Independent submits to the can
dor of its readers, that there is nothing
in the above to warrant the statement
made by some that the governor is in
favor of bounties. On the contrary there
is the express statement that ne aoes
not believe in taxing one industry to
build up another. He does believe, how
ever, in the honest fulfillment by the
state, the same as by an individual, of
the terms of any contract honestly and
fairly entered into. The attitude of those
who refuse to fulfill the plain intention
and - moral obligations of a contract is
not different from the attitude of the
man who pleads in court that his prom
issory note has beeu paid because the
statute of limitations has run and its
collection cannot longer be enforced.
M'KINLEY'S SLAVES.
He Holds Thousands of Them In Bondage
TVhlle Their Masters Are Protected
By United States Soldiers.
Frank Carpenter in one of his recent
letters from the Philippines gives an ac
count of the slave life in the island of
Mindanao. This island is not under the
rule of the Sultan of Sulu, with whom
McJinley made a treaty recognizing the
institution of slavery, but is wholly un
der the jurisdiction of the United States.
Here, we have ia the year 1900, under
the government of William McKinley,
all the horrors of the slave- trade under
the protection of the United States flag.
It is enough to make Abraham Lincoln
turn over m his grave. In treating of
this subject Mr. Carpenter says:
Davao, Island of Mindanao, April Jo,
1900. I was offered four slaves here to
day for fifty gold dollars. JThey were
owned by a woman who claims to be a
Christian and not by one of the Moham
medan Moros. I went into the woman s
house and chatted with her for some
time about the human Fesh on sale and
later on persuaded her to bring the
slaves out in the yard that I might make
a photograph of them. Three of them
were boys, ranging in age from 6 to 16.
The other was a girl of 12, the age at
which girls are sometimes married down
there on the edge of the equator. The
smallest boy had nothing on but a shirt
which barely reached to the waist and
the other two only coarse paptaloons
extending from the waist to the knees.
The girl was half naked, her only gar
ment being a wide strip of dirty cotton
cloth wrapped about her waist and fast
ened there in a knot I had a photo
graph made with myself standing beside
her and she reached just to my shoul
der. As I stood thus the slave owner
evidently thought I wanted the girl and
said, "Mucho bueno," or very good, and
told me that if I bought only her she
would have to charge me more in pro
portion than she asked for the job lot
She said the little girl should be worth
at least $15, and seemed surprised when
I didn't jump at the bargain.
I asked her where the slaves came
from. She replied that they had been
brought in from the mountains, having
been captured by one of the savage
tribes in a recent war with its neighbors.
She said they were Aetos, or Mindanao
Negritoes, and as I looked at their black
skins thick noses and sensuous eyes I
could see traces of African blood. I
talked with the slaves through an inter
preter, but could not get any evidence of
their having been ill-used, but they
seemed indifferent as to whether they
were to be sold or not and evidently had
no idea that they could possibly object
Had I bought them I am told I would
have had according to the custom which
prevails in the country about here.
power of life and death over them, and
that I could have killed them without
risk of a criminal investigation.
Slavery is common among the people
of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago,
ana i am iea u oeiieve tnere is a form
of debt slavery in some of the islands
farther north. Here in Mindanao
there are not only debt slaves, but slaves
by birth and by conquest I have been
told at every place I have stopped
that slavery is common and that women
especially are bought and sold. All of
the Moro dattos have numerous slaves
and the richer of their subjects have as
many as they can support
The Visayans of this island, at least-
nave slaves, aitnough it is nominally
against tne apanisn law. still human
i : i i . I it
oeiug are oougni ana soia, ana even
the officials have been accustomed to
own them. I met this afternoon the
ex-presidente of the town of Davao. He
is a rich Visayan, who has a large farm
not far, irom here. He owns a number
of slaves and keeps several in his family
for servants. I have been told that the
Christians seldom sell slaves, although
they buy them, and that it is common
tor a man to purchase children to bring
mem up ror worn aooui tne couse.
iN early an of the savages, of whom
- (Continued on 12th page.)
SEEKING WEALTH AND GLORY
Bat the Shadow f the Awful Question,
will History Repeat Itself, and the
Nation Sink in Gloom and Decay
will not Disperse. .
A short time since, Justice Brewer of
the supreme court of the United States,
delivered an address before the Liberal
club of Buffalo, N. Y., from which the
following extracts are made.
It is said the Anelo-Saxon race has
manifested a capacity to govern well;
that we are of that race, and that, there
fore, we could well govern the Philip
pine Islands as colonies. I do not ques
tion the capacity of the race well and
wisely to govern others. I object to the
Philippine policy because it antagonizes
the principles upon which this govern
ment was founded, which have controll
ed its life up to the present' time, and
the perfection of which has been the
hope and inspiration of every true Amer
ican. . -
Very few nations, very few individuals,
live up to their high ideals, but surely
the Declaration of Independence has
been the ideal of our life, and we have
striven to make it more and more real.
Now, government by force is the very
antipodes of this, and to introduce gov
ernment by force over any portion of the
nation is to start the second quarter of
the second century of our life upon prin
ciples which are the exact opposite of
those upon which we have hitherto lived.
It is one thing to fail of - reaching your
ideal; it is an entirely different thing to
deliberately turn your back upon it
The test of government is not in the
outward mechanical display of order,
but in the capacity to develop the best
men, and we have lived in the faith that
government by consent ef the . governed
develops the best men. We have not
let the wise men rule the ignorant the
learned the unlearned, the rich the poor,
but we have appealed always to "the
plain people" as the ones in whose judg
ment to rely, and upon whose shoulders
should rest the burden of government
Ideas are, after all, the eternal force.
Human life and destiny, are controlled
by them. They may seem to-day of lit
tle significance, but around them gather
material interests, and to-morrow their ,
power is disclosed. - !
Government by consent and govern-!
ment by force, no matter how well the
government may be administered, - are
two essentially antagonistic principles. ,
Doubtless no immediate conflict will fol
low. We may see a large" measure of
prosperity; but are we not sowing the
seeds which in the days to come wiTi
grow up into a harvest of trouble for
our children and our children's children?
A necessity of colonial possessions is
an increase in our regular army, and the
first increase proposed is from 30,000 to
100,000 men. It is a strange commen
tary that at the close of the nineteenth
century the head of the most arbitrary
government in the civilized world, the
Czar of theRussias, is inviting the na
tions of the .world to a decrease in their
arms, while this, the freest land, is pro
posing an increase in its. let such
seems to be the imperative need, if we
enter upon the system of colonial expan
sion. Now, the great economic problem in
this country is not how can a few men
make more money and pile up larger
'ortunes, but how can the great body of
the people make a fair and comfortable
ivmg? The right to work is again and
again insisted upon as more important
than the right to vote, and the cry of
the right to work is supplemented by
the cry that the state furnish work to
all who cannot obtain it elsewhere.
Are we likely to aid in solving this
problem by bringing into our national
lfe 10,000,000 or 12,000,000 of unskilled
Malay laborers? We have shut the doors
against the Chinese. Are they any
worse than the Malay? Shall we intro
duce in this nation more cheap labor?
do not wonder at the action of the
Federation of Labor in protesting against
a new competition of cheap labor as well
as an increase of the army, with its con
sequent increase of burden and taxation
on the employed laborer.
13ut there is money in it And after
all this is really the most potent factor
in the proposed reaching out after the
islands of the Orient The wealth of
Ormus and of Ind is to-day, as in the
days of Milton, the expectation and the
dream of many. Possession of the On
ent with its accumulated wealth of
centuries, dazzles the imagination and
confuses the judgment The haze of
mystery hangs over that vast domain
Wealth untold is believed to be there.
ready to be appropriated by any domi
nant power. All the nations and tribes
come within Lord Salisbury's definition
of dying nations, and must scon be di
vided between and appropriated by the
living ana growing nations. Uhina is
held out as a dying nation, filled with
inexhaustible wealth and why should
not we share in its appropriation? What
a picture this is! The eagle of liberty
standing like a buzzard to grow fat over
an expected corpse,
111 fares the land to hastening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates and men decay.
The Caesars saw the spears of their
victorious legions flash in the sunlight of
every known land, and m their trium
phant return they brought with them
the accumulated wealth of all the na
tions they had subdued. The splendor
of imperial Home outshone the world
but the wealth thus obtained withou
value given undermined the empire, and
the glory of Rome is simply a memory,
Napoleon beheld the shining star bf des
tiny; and then? Does human nature
change through the centuries? , We stand
to-day; facing the temptation which
comes from the possibility of rapidly ac
cumulated wealth. What right have we
to anticipate that the same result wil.
1 11 m . a
not iohow it we pursue tne same course
of taking what we have not fully earned?
The problem we have sought to work
out in this nation Is that of government
oi ana by and for the people. A grea
cation upon that principle seems possi
ble only under a federal system, a 6ystem
which relegates all matter of local inter
est to the several states, and exercises
through the national government only:
those powers and functions which make
for the general welfare. We have won
derfully prospered in administering such
system in a compact continental terri
tory, each part of which has been pos
sessed and controlled by a race capable
of self-government.
This is no trifling question and is not
answered byx any gush about duty ana
destiny in fact, all this talk about des
tiny is wearisome. . We make our own
destiny. " We are not the victims but the
masters of fate, and to attempt to unload
upon the Almighty responsibility for
that which we choose to do is not only
an insult to Him, but to ordinary human
intelligence. .
We are told we have become so great
and powerful that the world needs us,
but what the world most needs is not
the touch of our power, but the blessing
of our example. It needs the bright ex
ample of a free people not disturbed by
any illusions of territorial acquisition, of
pecuniary gain or military glory, but
content with their possessions and striv
ing through all the abilities, activities
and industries of their wisest and most
earnest to make the life of each indi
vidual citizen happier, better 'and mora
content " .
Two visions rise before me: , .
One of a nation growing in population,
riches and strength; reaching out the
strong hand to bring within its domin
ion of weaker and distant races and lands :
holding them by force for the rapid
wealth they may bring with perhaps
the occasional glory, success and sacri
fice of war; a wondrously luxurious life i;
into which the fortunate few shall enter; "
an accumulation of magnificence which'
for a term will charm and dazzle, and
then the shadow of the awful question
whether human nature has changed, and
the old law, that history repeats itself,
has lost its force, whether the ascending
splendor of imperial power is to be fol
lowed by the descending gloom of lux-"
ury, decay and ruin.
'The other of a nation where the spirit
of the Pilgrim and the Huguenot re
mains the living and controlling force,
affirming that the declaration of inde
pendence, the Farewell Address of,, the
father of his country and the Monroe
doctrine shall never pass into - innoc
uous desuetude; devoting its ener
gies to the deveiopement or the inex
haustible resources of its greatgcontinen-
tal territory; solving the problem of unl- '
versal personal and political liberty, of a
government by the -consent - of the gov
erned, where mo king, no class and no
race rules, but each individual has equal
voice and power in the control of all.
wK-re w JMth comes only is the compen
sation for honest toil ; of hand or brain
where public services is private duty; a
nation whose supreme value to the world
les not in its power, but in its unfailing
oyalty to the high ideals of its youth.
its forever lifting its strong hand, cot to
govern, but only to protect tne weaic;
and thus the bright shining which
brightens more and more into the fade-
ess eternal day. , .
In reply to Geo. H. Skinner, Oxford,
Neb., the Independent would say that
the populist party is engaged in an effort
to put W- J. Bryan in the White House.
very populist is in favor of that He
was nominated by acclamation. He was
the candidate of the party in 1896,
Those who have been selected by th
party to manage the campaign will do
everything in their power to elect Bryan
and Towne, and. nothing . which in any
way would lose a vote for them. They
are practical, hard headed men and do
not believe that the formalities and cer-
aoaies have much effect in getting
votes except among the ignorant They
are after votes now. They know that
the votes of democrats, prejudiced
democrats, democrats who have '. long .
been troubled with the most violent
form of partisan insanity, count for just
as much as that of the most intelligent
populist reformers. There are a whole
lot of that kind of fellows. The popu
lists want to get them to vote for Bryan,
and for Bryan and Towne, if the thing is
possible. The democrats in the past
have made some serious blunders. They
may make one this time, but the popu
list management will not lay down . if
they do. They will do the best they can
to elect Bryan. There is no hope for re
form at present outside the election of
Bryan. If certain formalities would, in
the opinion of those in charge of tha
campaign, get votes for Bryan they
would be performed with a great deal of
show. If they would have a tendency
to lose votes in the democratic party, it
would be folly to go through with them.
All the populists will vote for Bryan", but
the utmost care will have to be exercised
to get all the democrats to vote for him
Always bear that in mind. ;
Millions of once free and independent
American citizens are now wholly de
pendent upon the trusts for the means
and even the privilege of living. That
is a fact that no sane and honest man
will deny. The number of such citizens
increases from day to day as new trusts
are organized. If the trusts are to have
the encouragement that has been ex
tended to them under the McKinley
administration continued for any length
of time, any man can conceive without
indulging in. very much hard thinking,
that free and independent American
citizens will be very scarce at the end of
the first decade ' of the Twentieth cen
tury. " ... ...
r