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VOL. XI.
i ;
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, MARCH 29, 1900.
NO. 46.
-y if
Mil II I II I II II 1.1 I J II II I II I 4 I I I I I. I II I I. I'M I I I I II I
f . . ... . : -hi'
V
. ,
A HATTER OF I.IOIIEY
-A Republican Confreuman Tells Why the
Forto Mean Bill Must Pate. "
1 The Washington Post and '-Washing-"
' . Star, both administration organs, reveal
some interesting matter in connection
with the passage of the Porto Rican tar
.. iff bill. :
The Washington Post of March 24th
quoting from the Star and commenting
thereon says: ' ; - . -.
: M We reproduce from the Washington
Evening Star, of yesterday, an utte
y ance so remarkable, not to say astonish
ing, as to call for the most careful and
diligent inspection:"
M The action of the Iowa legislature
cannot effect the situation in Congress.
- xne ueai nas Deen maae; i is a matter
of money for the campaign, and the tar
iff measure will be carried through
"This statement was made by a repub
lican member of the House who support
ed the bill in the House by his vote.
" 'You may as well set it down that
- the deal will be carried out. he added.
The carrying out of the recommenda
tion of the President for free trade with
Porto Rico would have deprived the
party of a very considerable contribu-
tion; the adoption of the reverse policy
insures a very large contribution.
t "The possible unpopularity of the
Porto Rican tariff was balanced against
the certainty of money to use in the
campaign, and the decision was in favor
of the campaign contribution. It was
. - not - expected that the storm of protest
would be as strong as it is, but it is now
too late for a change.'"
It is quite unnecessary to say to our
local readers that the Evening Star is
i mot a yellow journal, or a sensation
monger, or an irresponsible purveyor of
scandal and excitement, if the Star
declares as it does in this instance that
a . member of congress has made the
. statement above quoted, it is perfectly
safe to assume that it speaks the truth.
The Star has everything to lose and
aothing to gain by disseminating false
hood -r-and we may add upon our own
motion that the Star does not bear the
reputation of reckless or unsupported
, statement. We feel that we are war
ranted, therefore, in assuming that our
esteemed contemporary speaks with
knowledge and conviction when it
quotes if anonymously a member of
' the house as declaring -that the Porto
. Rico tariff bill has been inspired by the
detestable and base purposes or a cam
paign fund. To say, that is to say that
the republican party is using the admin
istration and the congress as the' footpad
exploits the defenseless wayfarer for
mere plunder in the form of cash!
"We have frequently wondered.and as
frequently asked, what there is behind
all ' this astonishing determination in
Congress to afflict Porto Rico with a tar
iff. Unable to understand it ourselves,
we' have appealed to the country at large
for enlightenment for even a sugges
tion. Every consideration of honor and
good faith and justice demands that we
should treat Porto Rico as the President
eloquently indicated in his message last
December. Almost without exception,
the press especially the republican and
- the independent press has supported
this demand. And now comes the Even
ing Star, as if to answer the almost pas
sionate anxiety of the country, explain
ing in deliberate terms that the tariff
against Porto Rico has been devised
not for any purpose of statesmanship
not even in mistaken loyalty to national
honor not even to establish a precedent
in the public interest but simply and
solely to placate certain corporations
which will contribute handsomely to a
. party campaign treasury!"
If this be the case; if Porto Rico is to
' be sacrificed to the sordid uses of a polit
ical contest; if these innocent and trust
ful people, who welcomed us with open
' arms and confided their destinies to our
honor and generosity, are to be immolated
on the altar or a detestable and mean
party emergency; if it be true that the
republican congress backed by the re-
, publican administration, deliberately in
tend to trade upon tne misery and help
" lessness of a people who have thrown
themselves upon, our mercy: then we
say and - we believe that the country
will make haste to denounce and to con
demn and to rebuke an infamy
monstrous and indefensible.
so
ASCERTAIN CIRCULATIONS
Association of American Advertisers Ask
1 to Examine Subscription List of
' r" ' All Papers. t
It has been asserted with startling fre
quency and unmistakable emphasis by
certain advertising publications and
newspaper directories that it is practi
cally impossible to secure satisfactory
circulation statements from publications
and that with a few notable exceptions,
the statements which are made cannot
be relied on. In consequence of this the
Association of American Advertisers
has been organized having for its object
the investigation of newspaper - circula
tions. This association numbers among
its members practically all the great ad
vertisers of the country.
"' Under date of February 2, the associa
tion began operations by sending a let
ter to all publishers of newspapers and
magazines in the United States claim
ing to have a circulation of 9,000 or
more. The letter was as follows:
"Weekly Independent. Lincoln. Nebr.
Gentlemen: The Association of Ameri
can Advertisers was permanently organ
ized on December 11, 1899. One of the
objects of the Association is that "it
shall develop a - means of ascertaining
. accurately tne .circulation of publica
tions which accept advertising."
At a subsequent meeting the follow
inj resolution was adopted: Resolved,
That we do not associate in opposition
to publishers, but with a view to serving
their best interests as well as our own
by equitably establishing the actual cir
culation of publications and furnishing
this information to members of the t As
sociation." I am instructed by the boTd of control
to ask if you would be. willing to submit
your books and records to the inspection
of the accredited , representive of the
association during the present year
without further notice to you? The ex
amination and classification ' of papers
as regards their circulation would be
conducted on a lair and impartial basis;
and any statements issued' concerning
your circulation would be confidential,
and given by us to the members of the
Association. - .:
We trust that you find it agreeable to
afford the 'Association every. facility for
arriving definitely at your circulation,
and request, the ' favor' of ra prompt
response.. Very truly yours,
' A. Crksst Morrison,
. ' ...'.Secretary.
To this letter only 367 replies were re
ceived, the answers being classified as
follows:. ' - '''':
Unqualified affirmative ' . 315 .
Sualified affirmative 29
egative or indefinite . .. 23
"Profitable Advertising." a magazine
devoted to advertisers aad advertising
matters, in its March number calls par
ticular attention to the matter and pub
lishes the list of the 315 publications
that are willing - to submit their sub
scription books for examination in proof
of the circulation which they claim.
it is interesting to note that of all the
English papers published in ' Nebraska
only two appear among the 315, only two
are willing to back-up their circulation
claims with the proof. The two are the
Daily World-Herald of Omaha and
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT.
Look cut Barker. ;
The People's Advocate, a populist pa
per published at Meadville, in .Wharton
Barker's own state, says: ;
"The machine organs parade only the
one question before the public, and thai
is, shall our Matthew Quay continue to
run the Keystone state and dictate the
distribution of its finances? A lovely
state of affairs most truly. '' There is
just one way to rerr.edy it; one only. If
we want a republican- government in
this common weiitVT1 tfca true sense of
the word, instead of one man's rule, the
democrats, populists, and; insurgents
(anti-Quay republicans) must unite in
the coming -campaign and defeat .the
Quaj candidates . jot members . or tne
next legislature," , . .
There is not a populist paper in the
state oi Pennsylvania supporting the
r- uzzie wuzzies. iney are ; all dead
down on the .whole program 'which
Wharton. Barker iinauattid, with a
bolt from the resillar orcranlzation in hia
own state. The regular organization of
II A - A ! "T" 1
we popuiist pariy in Pennsylvania nas
never recognized ' him as a populist.
They know aim down there. ' ; 1 n
J CaldwSlI Aphoriscs.
"A corporation is organized capital;
it is capital . consisting of money and
property. Organized labor is 1 organized
capital; it is capital consisting of brains
and muscles. What it is lawful for one
to do, it is lawful for the : other, to do.
If it is lawful for the stockholders and
officers of a corporation to associate and
confer together for the purpose of re
ducing tne wages of its employes, or of
devising other means of making .their
investments profitable, it is equally law
ful for organized labor to associate, con
sult and confer with . a view to main
tain or increase wages. Both act from
the prompting of enlightened selfishness,
and the action of both is lawful when
no illegal or criminal means are used or
threatened."
"The law of imprisonment for debt
proceeded upon the idea that 1 all cred
itors were honest,, and all debtors dis
honest, an assumption , the converse of
which would probably be nearer; the
truth." ; '
"If the lawyer fails to collect the debt
he gets nothing, and if he succeeds in
collecting it, the creditor gets nothing."
"Diligence in good works is a virtue to
be encouraged, but diligence in bad
works is a vice to be suppressed."
"Legal coercion of an honest debtor
does not increase his stock of honesty or
add to his moral sense of obligation to
pay, but diminishes both." 1
"No man was ever "made , honest by
statute, but many men have had a great
strain put upon their honesty by bad
laws." . ' .
"Let us stop punishing honest men
and their families, in the vain hope that
we may sometime catch a rogue."
- "It is the honest man who expects to
pay bis debts, and conceals nothing,
who is successfully attached and ruined
by mortgages, attachments and execu
tions."' : ' ; ' ' 4 ".'.'v
Desolation and sorrow fellow in the
wake of foreign capital that - takes the
shape of mortgages on homesteads draw
ing a rate of interest in excess of any
possible profit that can be made out of
its use." .:: ,
"The four corner-stones which support
the social fabric are the dwelling house,
the house of Qod, the school house' and
the courthouse.. .The dwelling house is
the sacred abode of virtue and security.
Nations that do not posses them 1 are
nomads or savages.".- ,
"A perfect judge would - exhibit none
of the passions which are the necessary
adjuncts of human nature, but until
man's nature is changed and he is en
dowed with something of the wisdom
and virtue of his Divine Maker, the per
fect iudge Will be unknown.".
"The fight for free silver . ought to
have been forced years ago on the line
of absolute and unqualified free coinage
of gold and silver at a ratio of 16 to 1,
without regard to England or any other
foreign power. ?
"If we are not capable- and . able to
establish and maintain our own financi
al policy we ought to haul down "Old
Glory" and turn the government over to
Queen Victoria, or ask Canada to annex
us." ..-..,
JUDGE CALDWELL
Waat He Thinks of Government by Injunc
tion and Abolishment ef Trial ,
-f- By Jury. v'
It seems at present that Judge Cald
well will be the unanimous choice of
both the populists and democrats for
vice president and that he will receive
the enthusiastic support for that posi
tion of the silver republicans as well as
that of every old Abe Lincoln republi
can in the United States. He has been
on the federal bench for thirty years and
he has in that time delivered a line of
decisions covering every principle in the
populist platform. If he is nominated,
these decisions will be collected, pub
lished in book form and sent out as a
campaign docuuent. He is - the Judge
who, when Coal Oil Johnny appeared
before him as attorney for the Union
Pacific, asking that the wages of all the
employees be reduced ten per cent made
reply as follows: ' ; j "V
Judge Caldwell. Have those men
been notified that a motion would be
made to reduce their wages?
Coal Oil Johnny. No. I didn't know
that it would be necessary to do that.
Judge Caldwell. Do you supppose
that I am going to issue an order reduc
ing the wages of . 5,000. working men
without one of them being heard? Do
such a thing when they are not in court
either : in person -or by attorney? Mr.
Thurston this case is continued and you
will see to it that these men are notified
and are represented here. Mr. Thurs
ton, in this reduction of the wages of all
the employees of the Union Pacific, did
you include your own salary?
Coal Oil Johnny. No- It is not in
cluded. . Judge Caldwell. What is your salary?
Coal Oil Johnny It is $18,000 a year.
' Judge Caldwell. You will amend
your petition by including your own sal
ary also. V
. As far as known Johnny never called
up that motion again, . ;
. The following is part of one of Judge
Caldwell's decisions:
"The modern writ of injunction is
used for purposes which bear no more
resemblance to the uses of the ancient
writ of that name than the Milky Way
bears to the sun. Formerly it was used
to conserve the property in dispute be
tween private! litigants, but ' in modern
times it has taken, the place of the po
lice powers of "the" state ind nation. : It
enforces and restrains witn equal facili
ty the criminal laws of the state and na
tion. With it the judge not only re
strains and punishes the commission of
crimes defined by statute, but he pro
ceeds to frame a criminal code of his
own, as extended as he sees proper, by.
which various acts, innocent in law and
and morals, are made criminal such as
standing, walking or marching on the
public highway, or talking, speaking or
preaching and other like acts.
. "In proceedings for contempt for an
alleged violation of the injunction the
judge is the law maker, the injured par
ty, the prosecutor, the judge and the
jury. It is not surprising that, uniting
in himself all these characters, he is
commonly able to obtain, a . conviction,
While the penalty which the judge can
inflict by direct sentence for a violation
of his code is fine or imprisonment, lim
ited only by his discretion, capital pun
ishment may be inflicted by indirection.
All that seems to be necessary to this
end is to issue a writ to the marshall or
sheriff commanding him to prevent a
violation of the judge's code and then
the men with the injunction nooses
around their necks may be quickly dis
patched if they attempt to march across
. his injunction dead line. " It is said the
Pudge does uot punish for a violation of
J the statutory offence, but only for a vio
lation of his ordSr prohibiting the com
mission of the statutory offence. Such
reasoning as . this is what Carlyle calls
'logical cobwebbery'. The web "is not
strong enough to deprive the smallest
insect of its liberty, much less an Amer
ican citizen. " -
"There are but two constitutional
modes of trying citizens for offences
one by military courts in cases arising
in the land or naval forces or in the mili
tia .when in actual service in time of
war, or public danger and the other trial
by jury. Jury and injunction are
terms which cancel each other. In pro
portion as the injunction is expanded
the right of trial by jury is restricted.
And this result is not a mere incident to
the use of the writ; in many cases its
real purpose is to deprive a party of the
right of trial by jury. .
"Armed with this powerful writ which
has no defined boundaries or limitations
and which may be used at discretion,
the power of the federal chancellor may
be fairly characterized as imperial."
From his opinions of the dangers made
possible by the writ of injunction, we
pass to his opinion of the relative merits
of trial by jury and judge. He says;
"We pass from the right of trial by
jury to its utility and value. Its im
mense superiority to any other mode of
trial in criminal cases is indisputable.
The criminal law is crude and arbitrary.
The discrimination essential to dis
tinguish between crimes dangerous to
society, and those not so cannot always
be formulated into a written rule. Hu
man intelligence and foresight are not
equal to the task of conceiving, and the
English language is not adequate to ex
press the nice distinctions and varying
qualities in human actions. They de
pend upon the environments, age, tem
perament, education, motives and many
other things, which can be applied to
tne particular case by a jury only. -"The
law takes no note of moral justi
fication, but only legal. - It remains so
for two reasons; .one. is the difficulty
mentioned of defining with precision
the cases of the application of the prin
ciple of moral justification or retributive
justice, and the other is the knowledge
that the jury, 'owing to their peculiar
A. A. A 1 1 I ' .
consuiuuon ana representative cnarac-
Jter, have power to and will supply this
defect. A jury will convict the assassin,
but not the girl who .kills her seducer,
they will convict the man who murders
for money, but not the , man who kills
the invader oi bis home; and when a
hundred good men, 'overcome with vir
tuous Jnaiatian " by the atrocious
crime of some savage Tbrute, do execu
tion upon him without the forms of law,
the jury will not hang the hundred good
men for accelerating the outlaw's pun
ishment, jLases arise in which to in
flict the penalty of the .law would ; be
more dangerous, to social , order than to
overlook: the offence. , Immunity to
murderers" generally would soon dissolve
the bonds of society, but jurys instinc
tively feel that the social bond is not
weakened, but rather strengthened, by
the death Of a seducer at . the hands of
his victim.' - The seducer knows that
punishment from such a source cannot
be delayed or evaded by the quibbles
and technicalities of the law. In such
cases the verdict represents the sense of
justice of the people, and the immense
justice of the people . is almost , as im
personal as the justice of Ood.
"Representing as it" does the immense
justice of the people, the jury cannot be
replaced by an individuality. Uninflu
enced by .circumstances of moral justifi
cation or retributive justice, and heed
ing nothing but the text of the law, , the
judge would be constrained to visit with
the same penalty the assassin and the
girl who slays her seducer, the man who
murders for money, and the man who
kills the invader of hfe home, the savage
brute, who slew the victim of his lust,
and the hundred good citizens who re
tired him from circutatioh.
"The judge would havev to do this,
for he does not -represent ' and cannot
appeal to - the immense justice of the
people to justify him. for departing
from the text of the law. He could not
avail -himself of that elastic and equi
table' principle which ; juries can apply
to the administration of criminal justice,
and Without which no written ' criminal
code cou Id .long survive."
- VOhDER of the world
Populism -' Marches " Forward With - the
.. Strides of ir Giant smd all Opposing '
"v 7 ' "'.. " Forees go Down ' ' '
', The advancement and almost universal
adoption of many of the. principles of
the populist party is the wonder of the
age. .) When the writer of this first tried
to make an announcement of them in
the city of Omaha he had to do it on the
street OTrners or in some . small hall to a
few auditors,: mostly wage earners. Now
behold the r change!; The republicans
made their campaign in the city of
Omaha this, year on the populist - doc
trine of public ownership : . of the . water
works. The democratic party had long
since made that a part of their party
platform. Did" ever a new doctrine
make so great progress in so short a
time? .-' , V
But it is not in Omaha . and Nebraska
that, this adoption of populist principles
has made progress. It is the same story
wherever one goes. The cities of ; the
east have taken it up. ' The cities of the
middle states are enacting it into law.
It will be but a short time until we will
see the same thing in regard to the rail
roads of the country. Populism makes
its way wherever men think. It presses
on to the ; fulfilment of the blessings it
would confer on mankind faster than
those who first labored to establish it
ever dreamed of. - ;
Nowhere in all the country waspopu
1 ism-' so derided as in Kansas. The re
publican press of that state was exceed
ingly bitter and the vilest . epithets ever
hurled at populist? were coined by the
republican editors of the state. Now
they have changed the manner of their
writing. They, - instead of denouncing
the principles of populism, are engaged
in demanding that those principles shall
be enacted in law and put into force.
Here is what the Topeka Capital says:
"Here in - Topeka, republicans who
have heretofore " been opposed to the
ownership of public utilities by the city
are now advocating the purchase or
building of water works as a safe guard
to the taxpay ers against the eastern syn
dicate owning an4 operating, the plant.
This syndicate capitalizes the plant of
Topeka for, three times its real value
and the consumers of water are expected
to pay interest on the capitalization.
The protection of the people lies in the
ownership of the ; water works by the
city. : Seif defense will in this case as in
others of a similar character, cause men
to forget their old time opposition to the
socialistic tendency of municipal owner
ship,. People have a right to save them
selves, and the statement of the nation
who fail to note the deep indignation of
the people toward the increasing greed
of trusts, will' soon be brought to face
the demand on the part of the voters for
the removal of tariff from trust goods.
Statesmen in-Washington, put your ears
to the ground and hear the distant rum
ble of the coming storm against trusts."
A Fable
(With humblest apologies to Will M. Maupin).
" Once upon A Time a Foolish Young
Man Courted? a Wise and Beautiful
Damsel. To Make Himself "Solid" with
the w. and b. d., this f . y. m. told her
what a Set of Graceless Scamps were all
the Other Young Men in , the Neighbor
hood. He told Her how all their Smooth
and Oily Talk was Simply to .Fool the
Unwary, and that Underneath their
Seeming Fairness, they were A Slippery
Set. The wtand b. d. took In Every
thing that the ty.m. Told Her, and
after He was Gone, -she Indulged in
Equine Demonstrations of Merriment.
"How Can I tell," She questioned her
self, "That He is not Just as Slippery as
the Others? I have His Own Word
that He is a 'Warm Proposition' but
Haven't the Other Fellows often Told me
that They are All 0 K.?" t ; ?
i .Moral: Edgar Howard's friends might
13 it out zortum. - Da Haicb.
THE TREATY WITH SPAIN
Bryan' Tells the' Populists Why He fc"a
ored Its Ratification by the Senate :
; During the course of his speech before
the populist convention, Mr. Bryan took
occasion to refer to the criticism made
against him by the middle-of-the-roaders
on the ground that he favored the rati
fication of the treaty with ' Spain. Mr.
Bryan said: : - ;v: -. '
"I did favor, the ratification of the
treaty. I believed then, and still believe,
that it was better to ratify the treaty,
terminate the war,r give the volunteers a
chance to come - home and stop the ex
pense of a large army; and - make the
fight oh a resolution declaring the na
tion's policy. I believed then and still
believe, that it was better for the Amer
ican people alone to settle the Philippine
question than to try to settle it by di-
Elomacy with Spain. If the treaty had
een rejected, those who rejected it
would have . been x held responsible ' for
the continuation of the war, the contin
uation of the expense, and would also
have to risk any international complica
tion that might "arise. We are stronger
today because the treaty was ratified
and out of the way. J
"If the treaty had provided for the in
dependence of the Filipinos when it
provided for the independence of the
Cubans there would have beoa no trouble
in the Philippine islands. But the de
fect in the treaty could have been rem
edied by resolution declaring the na
tion's purpose to give independence to
the Filipinos as soon as a stable govern
ment was established. I recommended
such a resolution; such a resolution was
introduced by Senator Bacon a month
before hostilities broke out at Manila.
It was voted upon about the' time the
treaty was ratified. It required the
vote of the vice president to defeat such
a resolution. No honest man can criti
cise me for advocating the ratification
of the treaty without also stating that I
favored a resolution-promising indepen
dence, and no reasonable man can doubt
that the - adoption. of such a resolution
would have secured peace in the Philip
pine islands. " There has not been a day
from that time to this when hostilities
could not be stopped by such a resolu
tion, but the republican party has not
had time to consider.: the .Philippine
question. While our boys were dying in
the Philippine Islands, while dead bodies
were being brought .... home and soldiers
returned to insane f asylums -because of
the effects of the climate, the republican
party, instead of "taking-up this question
and settling it upon American lines pro
ceeded to help the : financiers establish
the gold standard and the national bank
ers to secure control of the nation's currency.1-
' . '
"I advocated the independence of the
Filipinos in the statement given out by
me on the 13th day of December, 1898,
the day after, I left the army. I have
advocated the independence of the Fil
ipinos ever since. I am glad the demo
cratic party is opposed1 to imperialism,
but 1 would be opposed to itv wnether
the democratic party was or not. I am
glad that the populists are opposed to
imperialism, but I would be opposed to
it even if they favored 'it. I am glad
that the silver republicans are opposed
to imperialism, but I would oppose ' it
even if they were supporting it. 1 would
rather have the reform forces ' stand by
the doctrines of the Declaration of Inde
pendence and go down to defeat than
have them secure victory by taking part
in the establishment of an empire based
on force." . ; '
I deny the preposition that trade fol
lows the flag, and that in order to main
tain commercial supremacy we must es
tablish colonies and have a great army.
I hold as ridiculous the doctrine that
bargains are made at the point of a shot
gun, and that dividends are declared
through the agencies of battle ships, or
that goods are sold and . profits realized
by the help of batalions of soldiers. We
send iron bridges to Egypt, locomotives
to Europe, and goods to all parts of the
world, because we can make a superior
article or can undersell our competitors,
and the gleam of the bayonet and the
rattle of the Krag Jorgensen is not reck
oned in trade balances. Sutherland.
LIVELY RATE HEARING.
An Order Asked la Regard to the Lack of
Depot Faculties In Receiving Grain
from Farmers. -
: The World-Herald had the following
account of a hearing before - the board
of transportation, March 21st.
A warm, and at times personal dis
cussion between complainants and mem
bers of the state board of transportation
marked the hearing of the complaint of
the Palisade Grain and Live Stock tcom
pany against the Burlington & Missouri
railroads. ' The hearing was on for the
greater part of the day, the complainant
being represented by L. HV Lawton, of
Palisade, and T. H. Tibbies, of Lincoln,
both well knownpopu lists; and the Bur
lington by J. S. Kirkpatrick, of Lincoln.
The basis for the complaint was the
statement that the defendant road has
not provided suitable depot facilities at
Palisade and Arapahoe for receiving. and
delivering grain in carload lots. It is
asked that the road be required . to es
tablish and- maintain .such 'facilities.
The road, in its answer, shows that there
are two elevators at each place, and that
ample trackage is provided for : the re
ceipt of grain in carloads.
The argument hinged about the pro
position of the -representatives of the
complainant that the road r can be re
quired by the board to establish facilities
for receiving and shipping grain just as
it does for merchandise, live stock, and
other articles of commerce. That the
road does-not do so. it was argued, is a
plain discrimination against tile shipper
of grain. '
. Mr. Lawton was pointedlyidistinet in
his remarks to several members of the
board, notably Treasurer Meserve. He
deolared that the board is not doing its
duty, and is not asserting and seeking
to protect its rights. '
"You can't plead that your hards , are
tied," he said ."for it is easy enough to
get them tied when you hold them up
and invite some one to do it." The peo
ple of -Nebraska would be satisfied - if
they saw you trying to do what you can,
but the won't be satisfied until they do
see itw:v.3V.tw:;.'.::.:;';s.M v
A piece of ill-concealed sarcasm on the
part of T. H. Tibbies aroused the slum
bering ire of the state. ; treasurer. Tib
bies had been , arguing for almost an
hour on the complaint, being constantly
interrupted by Meserve, who negatived
his every proposition and interposed ob
stacles to bis every suggestion of pos
sible reiief. Finally . Tibbies' patience
was exhausted. Turning to Attorney
Kirkpatrick he inquired:
- "Has the Burlington's attorney any
thing to add to the ingenious defense of
his road put up by the . distinguished
member of this board?"
It was then Meserve exploded. He
notified Mri Tibbies that he would sub
mit to no such talk as that. . He had
been fighting corporations all his life, he
said, and he would not stand any . such
insinuations as the one just made.
The case was discussed until late in
the afternoon and the board finally took
it under advisement.
- Sutherland in Washington.
The National Watchman last week
printed the speech of Congressman
Sutherland, delivered February 26, 1900,
before the committee of ' the whole
house on the state of the union, having
under consideration H. R. 8245, a bill to
regulate . the trade, of Puerto Rico.
Speaking of Mr. Sutherland, the Watch
man says: - -'.:;"
- "Mr. Sutherland owes more to mother
nature than to the schools. His success
is not due to tha favors of the rich, and
he is not on the pay, roll of any of the
great, corporatipns and trusts, but he is
richstrpnjg gndgiacjsful in all that con
stitutes the well rounded . man and the
robust American citizen. By nature he
is endowed plentifully with hard , com
mon sense and . old-fashioned honesty,
characterwtic M the sturdy Scotch from
wJTlf2. - Mr. Suther
Iai.4 jw-Mfj v biklliant attainments.
He steppedanto the. arena of T national
legislation from his .frontier home,' not
only with "an ' intellect ; 4ripo 'to grapple
-ii 11 A . f At 'A 1 A
whd me great issues oi uie ,ume, , dui
with .a conscience and Jtieart which' bade
him take up the burden of the day on
the side of the olain neoble. He is ever
found at his post of duty,' where, with
critical discernment and marked power,
b cnajienges every movement made by.
i4 remieWcir? institutiohs against
t r - .T.es of the people.
Hi wuwiiipass , are the ' moral
law and the constitution of his coarrtry.
He is the right man in the right place
and is sure to make his mark as a na
tional legislator. . t-;f :- -
Senator Teller made a speech1 against
the gold bill the other day full of . good
sound sense, but as a last shot he fired
the following into the afterwards : ?
"The passage of this bill is the cul
mination of an. effort begun soon after
the civil war to make ': money dearer by
the destruction of one-half-the metallic
money of the world' '
Referring to the conditions in his own
state, Mr. Teller said: "We are today
producing more gold than any other
part of the world except - South Africa.
Last year we produced 134,000,000. Un
doubtedly this year the production in
Colorado will be $40,000,000 and my be
lief is that it will soon surpass the great
est annual production of California.
"It is not on account of Colorado that
I am nrotesting against this bill. We
can stand the gold standard better that
other parts of the country. ,
"I believe tnis is tne greatest calamity,
However .ever inmcted upon tne coun
try, an affliction greater than that of the
civil war." -:: ' . -- .-.v
Rathsr Unfortunate.
; Secretary-Long's reference' to Web
ster, at the state unveiling, as a cham
pion of expansion seems to have been a
little unfortunate 'The New York
Evening Post quotes in relation to it
this extract from Webster's speech in
the senate on March 28, 1848: "Arbi
trary goverments may have territories
and distant possessions, because arbi
tary governments may rule them by dif
ferent laws and different systems. We
can do no such thing. They must be of
us, or else strangers. I think I see a
course adopted which is likely to turn
the constitution of the land into a de
formed monster, into . a curse, rather
than a blessing; in fact, a frame of an
unequal government, not founded on
popular representation, not founded on
equality, but on the grossest inequality ;
and I think that this process will go on,
or that there is danger that it will go on,
until the Union shall fall to pieces. I
resist it, today and always! 1 Whoever
falters, or whoever flies, I continue the
contest; .
Is This A Dead Letter l.'ov?
The constitution was made for 4the
benefit of every citizen of " the United
States, and there is no such citizen.
whatever may be his condition, or where
ever he mav be situated within the lim
its of territory of the United States, who
has not a right to the protection it af
fords. U. 8. vs. Moore, 3 Urancn.
You can do without bread and be
healthy and happy. ; You can do with
out meat and be healthy and happy.
And yet' these two things are known as
necessities. ' You cannot do without
money and be a part of civilization. It
- :a. ir m
is u uecwHiiiy. vahii uu xamiey, x tubus
and Imperialism.
Sarphies Cream Separators Profit
able Dairying. . $
THE SILVER REPUBLICAN
Speech of Dr. jr. X. Lyman IeliTered Be
fere the State Convention, Held'
in Lincoln, Neb.
The national republican convention of
1896 declared "We are opposed to the
free coinage of silver, excepting by inter
national agreement with the leading
commercial nations of the world, which
we pledge ourselves to promote, and
until such agreement can be obtained
the existing gold standard must be pre
served." ! '
This was a sad proclamation to many
millions of republicans, who could hard
ly "realize that the .republican party
which was organized for the , elevation
and betterment of humanity, was about
to become the open oppressor of man
kind. ' . .; ', . ,
There was however no mistaking what
that platform meant, notwithstanding it
was cunningly crouched in language
well calculated to deceive the unwary
voter. Our reason condemned the plat
form as unjust and un American.
Most of us who are here to day, as
silver republicans, then withdrew from
the republican party, determined not to
vote for principles so diametrically op
posed to ' those before . taught by ail
great Americans. -
This determination to withdraw from
the old party was not reaehed without a
senous mutual struggle in many cases.
It is surely no trifling matter for a man
to leave a political party with which he
had been affiliated with for. forty years
or perhaps for his entire political life.
It is so much easier to float with the
tide than to go against it, easier to re
main with the old crowd of friends and
associates than to break away. Then we
were sometimes called pet names, as
repudiators," "anarchists," "copper
heads," "traitors," etc.
I remember very well the first time I
was called a "pop,' and it nearly knocked
me off my feet; but that name came to
sound quite euphonious to us all I had
rather be called by almost any old name,
than to actually be a dupe.
This argument of hard names which
our opponents have applied to us so
freely has not been all; social and 1 busi
ness ostracism has sometimes been in
dulged in by the more virulent adherents
of the -- gold standard . party; . so that
some of our members have been martyrs
as well as patriots, but I do not know of
a. single silver republican who has re
turned to tlia republican party.
. The unAmerican nrODOsition that we
must go on our hands and knees before
the crowned heads of Europe to findout
what kind of money we might use in
this country, was too gauzy, to be seriously
considered by thoughtful citizens of a
country whose material resources were
greater than those of England, France
and Germany combined. We : felt this
and still feel that 75,000,000 of Ameri
cans need not ask- John Bull, Kaiser Bill
or any prince or potentate on earth
what our domestic laws and institutions
maybe.-.::::- v .' -:
-The proposition of international bi
metallism promulgated in the republican
platform of 1896, was conceived in inquity
and brought forth in sin, hypocritical;
made for the purpose of securing the
thoughtless voters and those who thought
the king could do no wrong, who still
had faith in the promises . of . the party;
it was made to catch suckers with, and
it caught them.
When they said tne present gold
standard must be preserved till inter
national agreement can be obtained, de
ception was practiced by leading those
unskilled in the use of language to sup
pose that we were then actually upon
the gold standard, 'which was untrue.
for the silver dollar was then in law a
full fledged standard dollar, as good as a
Sold - dollar, with which every public
ebt could be ' paid, and every private
debt, excepting otherwise 2 provided in
the contract.
All our public debts were , absolutely
ayable in either silver or gold and i a
arge portion of our municipal and pri
vate debts were payable in the same
manner. , ",:
The total indebtedness of this country
is in the neighborhood of thirty-five or
forty thousand millions of dollars. We
know that all the government debt was
payable in coin, either gold or silver,
and it is probable that at least half of
the other debts or ' in round numbers,
$20,000,000,000 were payable in either
gold or silver1. . This was the law, when
this insidiuously deceptive proposition to .
"maintain the present gold standard
until international bimetallism could be
obtained was promulgated.
- How have they kept that promise?
The perfidious, action of President
McKinley and the republican congress is
now a matter of history, and nolanguags
of mine can adequately condemn the
high handed treachery and open robbery
of the people by changing our contracts
as Wm. McKinley told the United
States bankers should be done, so as to
give the gold standard the '-validity of
public law." They have violated the
promise to maintain the pretended gold
standard we then had. Out of their
own mouths they stand condemned in
the light of history.
Silver republicans are men who had
the courage of their convictions, who
knowing the right did it, a man who
does less than wis, when it comes to
casting his vote is hardly worthy to be
called an American citizen, for it is only
by the honest and enlightened use of the
right of franchise that American liberty
can be maintained. -v-
Silver republicans were entirely cor
rect in their conclusions - as to what
the international bimetallic resolution
meant. ', "
We told the republicans, that it meant
gold monometallism. They held up their
hands in holy horror and said "it meant
no such thing, we never have voted for
the gold standard and we never will,'
and to their honor be it said they never
have as a party. Let us see what has
occurred. 1
In round numbers, in 1896 14,0Q0,0000
. t
Set
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