1 -i '
)
Consolidation of the Wealfimakers and the Lincoln Independent.
VOL. XI.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, OCTOBER 19, 1899-
NO. 23.
i ' t r '
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" i i r'i " ,- V
vRV . i . J, .... . f . . . I A-
a i teSKK SMI
7'
THE JUDGES
From the Time of Socrates to the Impris
onment of the Miner In Idaho they
-have Sued the Blood of the .,
Innocent.
Every few days we read of some ty
ranical act by the judges. They issue
f n injunction and then send men to
prison for months for the violation of
their personal orders. They deny to
these men the right of trial by jury.
They themselves are witness, judge and
jury.
Every great statesman we have had in
this country has pointed out the danger
from judicial usurpation. The follow
ing are the words of Charles Sumner:
"Let me here say that I hold judges,
and especially the supreme court of the
v county, in much respect, but I am , too
py familiar with the history of judicial pro
ceedings to regard them with any super
stitious reverence. Judges are but men,
and in all acres have shown a fair shaue
of frailty. Alas! Alas! The worst crimes
of history have been perpetrated under
their sanction. The blood of martyrs
and of patriots, crying from the ground,
summons them to judgment.
"It was a judicial tribunal which con
demned Socrates to drink the fatal hem
lock and which pushed the Savior bare
5 foot over the pavements of Jerusalem,
bending beneath His cross. It was a
- judicial tribunal which, against the tes-
timonies and entreaties of her father,
surrendered the fair Virginit as a slave:
which arrested the teachings of the
great apostle to the gentiles and sent
. him in bonds from Judea to Rome;
which, in the name of the old religion,
adjudged the saints and fathers of the
Christian church to death in all its
most dreadful forms, and which after
wards, in the name of the new religion,
enforced the tortures of the inquisition,
amid the shrieks and agonies of its vic
tims, while it compelled Galileo to de
clare, in solemn denial to the great truth
he had disclosed, that the earth did not
move around the sun.
"Jt was a judicial tribunal which, in
France, huring the long reign of her
monarchs, lent itself to be the instru
. ment of every tyranny, as during the
brief rag- of terror it did not hesitate
to stand forth the unpitying accessory
. of the unpitying guillotine. Aye, sir,
it was a judicial tribunal in England,
surrounded by all forms of law, which
oanrtinned everv desnotic canrice of
Henry VIII., from the unjust divorce of
. I. his oueen to the behead ine of Sir
-ThamjiiAlor! which lighted thenVes of
- persecution that glowed at Oxford and
Smithfield, over the cinders of Latimer,
Ridley and John Rogers; which, after
elaborate argument, upheld the fatal
tyranny of ship money against the pa
triotic resistance of Hampden; which, in
defiance of justice and humanity, sent
Sydney and Russell to the block; which
persistently enforced the laws of con
formity that our puritan fathers per-
. . t r . a. i 1 v:v
sisienuy reiuseu vu uuey, niiu wuiuu
afterward with Jeffreys on the bench,
crimsoned the pages of English history
with massacre and murder, even with
the blood of innocent women.
"Aye, sir, and it was a judicial tribu
nal in our country, surrounded by all the
forms of law, which hung witches at
Salem; which affirmed the constitution
ality of the stamp act, while it admon
ished 'jurors and the people' to obey,
and which now, in our day, has lent its
sanction to the unutterable atrocity of
the fugitive slave law."
TO THE REFORM FORCES
Chairman Ed ml ten Inmm aa Addreat to
, Populists.
The campaign of 1899 is now on. Three
great conventions of delegates repre
senting the three great parties which
have fought shoulder to shoulder since
. 1896 for good government, met recently
in Omaha and selected their standard
bearers for the political battle which
will rage from now until the 7th day of
November. More - harmonious coven
tions of the reform forces never were
held on Nebraska soil, aad the practical
unanimity of opinion expressed by the
delegates as to whom these standard
ly bearers should be, is a marked tribute
to their sterling worth, integrity and
ability.
Let no man be deceived regarding the
importance of the coming election in
Nebraska It results will be felt f jr
years not only in this state but in the
nation as well. Nebraska is the storm
center of political activity and will be
such until after the election to the pres
idency of that peerless statesman, Wil
liam Jennings Bryan, in 1900. All eyes
are turned toward Nebraska. An over
whelming victory for the fusion forces
means glad tidings of great joy to the
friends of good government in other
' states; and it strikes terror to the heart
of the advocates of imperialism, militar
ism, monopolies and trusts. It means a
victory for the grand, old document,
whose undying truths ihould be stamped
indelibly upon the memory of every liberty-loving
American citien. It means
that the constitution of the United
States of America shall be respected. It
means eventual triumph of the principle
"equal rights to all, special privileges to
none." And it means for Nebraska an
untrummeled supreme court, and a seat
of learning of increaiel usefulness to the
expiring, intelligent youth of the state,
which will be a source of just pride to
all citizens.
Hence, let no man underestimate the
importance of the election this fall, either
from the view point of present result or
future effect. Neither let any friend of
good government overlook -the import
a nee of his vote. 'No good citien ever
wilfully neglects to exercise hi sovereign
fights ami duty to vote sins of otni-w-ion
are fully as grave at times as sins of
w.ii.ii Uion. DO NOT FAIL TO
VOTE.
Let us consider the situation in Ne
braska. Arrayed on the one hand are
the hosts who shout against "dishonest
money" and "repudiation" in one breath
and in the next clamor for an interna
tional agreement whereby all countries
may have "dishonest money" and "repu
diation." Who cry for a money -'good
in the markets of the world," and a pro
tective tariff to prevent this money from
being used anywhere except at home.
Whose national policies and fostering
care have resulted in the creation of the
most gigantic combinations of capital,
commonly known as trusts, whose opera
tions are already a menace to our repub
lic and have become one of the most
difficult and perplexing problems ever
presented to our statesmen for solution.
Who, against the vigorous protests of
the trusts and combines, very reluctant
ly responded to overwhelming public
opinion and began a righteous war in
the interests of suffering humanity, to
stay the hand of a merciless tyrant;
then, when success had attended our
arms on every hand, at the behest of
these same trusts and combines, paid the
tyrant 120,000,000 for a quit-claim deed
to a country and its people who for man
years had been struggling against this
self-same tyrant in an earnest effort to
enjoy the blessings of liberty, and have
now converted a war begun in righteous
ness to one of conquest and subjugation.
Who, once upon a time, when good men
and true were in control, championed an
amendment to the national constitution
providing that, "neither slavery nor in
voluntary servitude, except as a punish
ment for crime, shall exist within the
United States, or any place subject to
their jurisdiction;" and who now, under
the guidance of men hostile to free insti
tutions, have recently perfected a treaty
with the sultan of the Sulu islands
whereby he acknowledges the sovereign
ty of the United States, agrees to fly the
stars and stripes wherever he goes, and
is placed upon the pay-roll of the United
States at 80,000 per annum for the sup
port of his harem of twelve wives. Sla
very is prevalent in the Sulu islands; yet
the republican administration, regardless
of the Thirteenth amendment, recog
nizes the institution of slavery there by
stipulating with the sultan that slaves
shall be allowed to purchase their own
freedom at the usual market price! Can
any self-respecting follower of the Great
Emancipator allow himself to be thus
dragged into the mire by the cohorts of
Mark Hanna?
This is a brief statement of undisputed
facts regarding the republican party na
tionally. In Nebraska its record is nd
better. The executive party, under re
publican rule, was conducted with little
regard for the people, always extravagant
in expenditure of the people's money and
often downright dishonest The legisla
ture whenever safely republican, could
always be relied upon to enact the rank
est class legislation, and to skilfully ad
minister a death blow to 'any measure
which might prove in the least inimical
to the interest of quasi-public corpora
tions enjoying special privileges, no mat
ter what the benefit that would accure to
a great majority of the people. And the
supreme court ever a republican body
in majority at least has never failed in
recent years, on close questions, to stand
against the people and for the great cor
porationa There are a few bright spots
in the picture, however,; there nave been
one or two republican supreme judges
in the past who stood for justice to all;
but the republican juggernaut was
dragged over them and they were rele
gated to the rear. Laws have been de
clared unconstitutional by the republican
supreme court on the most hair-splitting
and trivial technicalities because certain
great corporations willed it. And the
court has so warped and twisted its in
terpretation of the laws and reversed its
own decisions upon the slightest pretext
to fit the case at hand, that outeide the
state Nebraska Reports are regarded as
worthy of but scant consideration and of
little weight as authority on any impor
tant point of law.
Such is, briefly, a sketch of one party
in the coming election. Can you, repub
lican voters, blindly follow the lead of
corrupt or incompetent men and allow
them to do your political thinking? The
old party of Abraham Lincoln received a
staggering blow at St Louis in 1896, and
the enemies of free government have
completely killed it in 1899. There is
now no republican party except the silver
republican party but there is a mon
archal party, with Mark Hanna as pre
mier: do you care to train with it?
Arrayed on the other side-stand three
allied armies. All have a common ob
ject, but each has its distinguished fea
tures. There is no disagreement upon
the great and vital questions. All be
lieve that "governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the gov
erned." All honor and revere the Dec
laration of Independence, the constitu
tion and the flag. All believe in equal
rights to all and special privileges to
none." All are true republicans because
they favor "a republican form of govern
ment in which the supreme power is
lodged in the hands of the people col
lectively." And all are true populists
because they believe in a government of
Jie people; by the people and for the
people.
The magnificent record of Silas A.
Holcomb appears to every thinking man.'
1 1 is rigid adherence to strict economy,
yet not parsimony, in all departments
under his control while governor. Hi
conservatism and eminent fairness in
every act, both public and private; Bnd
above all his honest and undoubted legal
ability combine to mark him as an ideal
man for a seat on the supreme bench,
i lis nomination, coming as it did in
three conventions on the first ballot, i
sufficient to show the high esteem wilh
which he is regarded by an intelligent
people. Standing, as he does, for the
grand truths upon which our republic
rests, a man of t,ie people, a frend of
the iple. his election .i an assured
fact: yet we appeal to every lover ol
truth and jiMtice to turn out at the
pools on the (!th of November and make
nis majority greater than 18.K1 n over
whelming rebuke to the pnrty which
ha gone daft on commercialism,
militarism ami ineria!iiii.
The convention did a noble work in
naming J. L. Teeters and Edison Rich as
nominees for regent of the state univer
sity. No better selection could have
been made. Both gentlemen are emi
nently fitted for the position. Mr. Teet
ers is a prominent business man of
Lincoln, a graduate of t-e Iowa univer
sity, and Mr. Rich is a lawyer of good
practice in Omaha, and a graduate of
our state university; and both are well,
acquainted with the needs of a great ed
ucational institution. Both of them are
keenly alive to the importance of incul
cating in the rising generation a hearty
appreciation of the eternal principles of
right and truth, a love of country and
our institutions. Both are earnest advo
cates of industrial education and they will
infuse enough new blood into the board of
regents to make it an ideal body one
which will zealously guard every interest
of this great institution of learning.
Arise and gird on your armor. Be
vigilant, courageous and strong. Be
Americans patriotic, liberty loving
Americans even at the risk of being
called "old fashioned." Bestir your
selves. The en .mies of our republic are
wise as serpents, but the right shall pre
vail. -E.
W. Nelson, J. II. Edmistbn,,
Secretary, Chairman
State Central Committee Peoples
Independent party of Nebraska.
Lincoln, Nebraska, September 2, 1899.
BRYAN ON GREENBACKS.
How Capital Added House to House, Field
to Field and Gathered to Itself the
Wealth of all the Land.
The advocates of the gold standard
have a double purpose: First they de
sire to make gold the only legal tender
for the payment of debts, public and pri
vate. I have discussed this question on
former occasions and pointed out that
the necessary effect of such a law would
be to create a greater demand for gold,
which would then be the only monev le
gally available for the payment of debts,
and thus aid the money owning class and
injure the wealth-producing class.
The second purpose of the advocates
of the gold standerd is to make bank
notes the only credit money.
In response to your invitation I beg to
submit a few arguments in support , of
the greenback as against the bank note.
The greenback is issued by the govern
ment, and the volume of such money is
determined by the people, acting through
their lepresentatives. The supreme
court has held that such a money can
be made a legal tender. When a man
has greenbacks in his pocket he has
money which is available for the 1 pay
ment of his debts; if he has bank notes,
his money is only good when the cred
itor is willing to accept the money.
During the war, when gold and silver
were at a premium, bank notes circu
lated on a level with greenbanks, and
were never worth any more; the reason
being that national bank notes are pay
able in lawful money, and the greenback
being lawful money (and at that time
the cheapest money) was used by the
banks for the redemption of bank notes.
It is interesting now to hear these same
bankers, who redeemed bank notes in
paper when gold and silver were at a
premium of over 100 per cent, talk
about the dishonesty of a debtor,
whether the debtor be an individual or
the government who would redeem his
obligations in anything but the dearest
money. -
The bank note has been good good
because it had behind it the bonds and
the greenbacks issued by the govern
ment If the greenback is good enough
to stand behind the bank note, it is good
enough to stand alone without and bank
note ia front of it
A national bank currency is objection
able because it is gross favoritism . ex
tended to a few. A bill reported by the
house committee on Coinage, Weights
and Measures in the last congress pro
vided: First That the treasurer of the
United States pay out gold coin in re
demption of greenbacks and treasury
notes; second, that the secretary of the
treasury have authority to issue gold
bonds, drawing not more than three per
cent, to secure the gold to maintain gold
redemption; third, that national banks
be allowed to deposit bonds and receive
bank notes up to the par value of the
bonds so deposited; fourth, that the tax
on national banks be reduced. If this
plan goes into operation, the difference
in its effect upon the individual and the
national bank may be stated a follows:
The greenbacks are to be retiied and
bonds issued. This will mean an in
crease in taxes to pay the interest upon
the bonds. The individual who enjoys
no special privileges will find his taxes
increased, while the naional bank, that
enjoys special privileges, will find its
tax diminished. Second If the indi
vidual buys a bond at par, he will lose
the use of his money and must content
himself with the three per cent interest
If a national bank invests its capital in
bonds at par it can deposit the bonds
and secure bank note to the face value
of the bond, thus securing a return of
its investment, and in addition to that,
it can draw three per cent Interest upon
the bonds. In other word, the individ
ual parts with hi money and draws
interest while the national bank gets its
money back and draw interest heoides.
The individual must eat hi cuke or
keep it. The national l ank both eats
its cake Bnd keep it This i favoritism
that ought not to lie tolerated in a gov
ernment which recngnl e the doctiine
ol equality before the law. The moment
the government begin to confer iecial
privileges those in a prw-iMon to prollt by
favoritism begin to c'amor for legisla
tion immediately in their interest, and
a a result the instrumentalities of gov
ernment are used for private gain and
the true pnrpise of governmet for.titten.
There is another objection to national
bank currency, namely: That the na
tional banks are given control over the
volume of credit money. Power to issue
money should never be entrusted to pri
vate individuals or private corporations.
Jefferson was an opponent of banks of
issue, and in one of his letters declared
that his opposition was so persistent
that he had been denounced as a maniac
by those bankers who desired to secure
this privilege from the government
Benton, in summing up the work of
Jackson, gave emphasis to his fight with
the national bank, and compared his
work with the work of Cicero, saying
that, when he destroyed the bank con
spiracy, he saved America as Cicero had
saved Rome, by overthrowing the con
spiracy of Cateline. i
Wendell Phillips has so well described
the danger of allowing private individ
uals to control the volume of money
that I quote from a speech made by him
a few years before his death: ,
t "In other words, it was the currency
which, riehtly arranged, opened a na
tion's well springs, found work for ; will
ing bands to do, and filled them with a
just return, while honest capital, daily
larger and more secure, ministered to a
srlad prosperity. Or it was currency,
wickedly and selfishly juggled, that
made merchants bankrupt and starved
labor into discontent and slavery, while
capital added house to house and field
to field; and gathered into its miserly
hands all the wealth left in a ruined
land."
The first question, therefore, in an in
dustrial nation is. Where oucht control
of the currency to rest? In whose hands
can this almost omnipotent power be
trusted? Every writer of political econ
omy, from Aristotle to Adam Smith,
allows that a change in the currency
alters the price of every ounce and yard
of merchandise and every foot of land.
Whom can we trust with this despotism?
At present the banks and the money
kings wield this power. They own the
yardstick, and can make it longer or
shorter, as they please. I hey own every
pound w. ight, and can make it heavier
or lighter, as they choose. This explains
the riddle, so mysterious to common
people, that those who trade in money
always grow rich, even while those who
trade in other things go into bank
runtcv."
The third objection to national banks
of issue is, that the moment the national
bank is permitted to issue money, that
moment it becomes, for pecuniary reas
ons, the enemy of any government paper.
The banks are now urging that the
issue of paper money is a function of the
banks, and that the government ought
to go out of the banking business. Our
answer is, that the issue of money is a
finction of government, and that the
banks ought to go out of the governing
business. The government cannot af
ford to build up a strong financial inter
est ho ti'e to the exercise, by the govern
ment, of the right to issue and control
both the metallic and paper money of
the nation. W.J. Bbvah.
CHAPLAIN MAILEY'S RECORD
What Induced Him to Champion Imper
ialism, and how he Grasped the
"Chance of His Life."
The populists undertook to make a
campaign upon principles, but the 're
publicans would not have it that way.
They determined to make it a campaign
of slander and mud-slinging. Innumer
able documents have been in the hands
of the populists all the time letters of
the most damaging kind and letters that
were not confidential, because they were
not written to private individuals but to
officers of the state government, and in
tended to change or influence the public
policy of the state but our managers
have insisted that they should not be
used. They have said, "make this fight
on principles and undoubted official
records." Xhtslsanght in wmcn re
publicans, including Morton, have aban
doned all decency and all pretence of
honor, and it is about time that the pop
ulist managers abandoned their ex
tremely high sense of honor and used all
the legitimate means at hand to expose
the criminals who are again trying to
get control of the state government
A letter written to the governor of
this state and addressed, both on the
envelope and the letter itself, to the
governor, is not a private letter. It is a
public document and any citizen has a
perfect right to see it Silas A. Hol
comb's sense of honor, is all well enough
between gentlemen, but when it comes
to fighting the scoundrels who stole a
million dollars from this state, and de
moralized the whole public service until
men went around over the country de
claring that all men were thieves and it
would make no difference who was
elected to office, he should consider that
it is a different matter. The letters
written to Governor Holcomb and ad
dressed to him as governor, by Chaplain
Mailley should be given to the public
and no high sense of honor should pre
vent it Such a man should le prevented
from securing the position of the sacred
office of chaplain in the regular army,
if it i not your son who will be sick and
dying in a tropical island, it will be
some one's son s, and a different man
from Chaplain Maiiley should be there
to administer comfort and send his dy
ing messages to mother and sister.
Notwithstanding that the populists
have refined to publish any of this mat
ter sticking to their plan of "making a
clean campaign," some facts are being
printed in the weekly press of the state.
The Schuyler, Neb., Quill and the
Bellwood, Neb., Oaette threw some
light on the recent "commission" to im
jiena ism of James Mailley, former chap
lain of the First Nebraska. Dr. 1. W.
Hewitt of iSellwood, Neb., received a let
ter from Mailley under dste of April ),
18H9. In this letter Mailley foreshad
owed hi Hop nn J proviaef a hint at the
consideration therefor. The letter is as
follows:
"Manila, P. I., April 29. Dear Doctor:
I am not in a position where I dare to
express my thoughts about this war:
but when 1 get my shoulder straps off l
expect to say some things. If I am not
mistaken 1 have the chance of my Hie;
but whether or not I'll take it remains
to be seen. Jambs Mailley,
Chaplain First Nebraska.
The Bellwood Gazette, commenting on
this letter, says:
"Everybody with an ounce of judg
ment now that Mailley has got his shoul
der straps off, can see that he has em
braced 'the chance of his life.' "
It is reported that Mailley has been
promised a chaplaincy in the regular
army as an inducement for his change
of heart.
Several interesting stories are coming
to light concerning Mailley and they do
not place him in an enviable light
Under date of Manila, October 6, 1898,
J. Q. Long, a member of the First Ne
braska hospital corps, wrote a letter
from which the following is taken:
Major Stotsenberg has been promoted
to colonel. Colonel Bratt sent in his
resignation some time ago. Colonel
Stotsenberg Is a , soldier by education
and since his connection with the regi
ment has won the confidence of the men.
Last monday we lost another of our boys
by death from dysentery. Private Lar
son, of company K. Larson was a very
nice young man of excellent habits. He
enlisted from Wahoo.Neb., but his par
ents live in Illinois. He died at the
general hospital, after having been there
some five days. Our chaplain, Captain
Mailley, has been putting in most of his
time exploring the city, taking pictures
end gathering material avowedly for a
lecture tour when he gets , home. On
our voyage over he expressed himself
freely as not in sympathy with the
Spanish-American war. Now, like a
good christian, he is turning an evil into
good. Having exhausted the objecls of
interest in Manila, he departed for Heng
Kong and Japan, there to collect an ad
ditional stock of merchandise. It is to
hoped that he may put it on the market
at a good price. Meanwhile unapiain
Hunter, of the Pennsylvania, kindly regi
ment speaks the works of sympathy and
condolence as we lay mom to resi in a
strange land! At the general hospital
there are over 100 of them who, day and
night, see little but the attendants and
bare walls. A word of hope and conso
lation would be more than welcome.
But they have to forget as our chaplain
is too busy, gathering material for sen
sational sermons and ;ectures. k
J, Q. Long.
HAULS DOWN THE FLAG
McKlnley Does it and Balses the Cross of
- St. George on American Territory
In Alaska.'
Editor Independent: The United
States has had two friends in Europe and
traditional enemy, the former are France
and Russia, the latter is Great Britain
As friends they were friends in need,
and such are f riends indeed. There is
no necessity to speak of what France
has done, and as to Russia, the war is
yet fresh in the minds of the people
when, during the draft riots in New
York in 1863, her fleet followed the
British fleet into the harbor of New
York, cleared the decks and told Albioa
"hands off!" During the four years that
the rebel lines lasted, England was all
the time our foe, not only reorganizing
the confederate states as an independent
nation, but giving aid and comfort in all
and every particular. The rebellion
would have been disposed of in one year
had it not been for England.
Just now she has a war on her own ac
count in the Transvaal; both Russia and
France sympathize with the Transvaal
and the United States owing so much to
them we cease to be neutral even and
take sides with Great Britain to the ful
lest extent by authorizing the American
consul to the Transvaal to become the
protector of British interests in the two
republics of South Africa. This would
be highly appropriate under ordinary
circumstances, but in this case, Presi
dent McKinley has added insult to in
jury for he is well aware that the over
whelming sentiment of the people of the
United States is for the Boers and
against England.
When in 1870 Grant allowed the min
ister at Paris to protect German inter
ests, he did so in accordance with public
opinion in this couRtry, with our consent
so to speak; but in the present case the
president has defied public opinion and
the press of Russia is indignant at his
action. Knowing how Russia, France
and Germany felt in the premises.lt
would have been the proper thing to
nave felt the puis at St Petersburg.
Parts and Berlin before granting the re
quest of the Court of St James.
It is not improbable that foreign com
plications between Great Britain and
some of the European powers may
spring up before the war in the Trans
vaal is over, more particularly in the
case of Russia. What then? We shall
find ourselves estranged in Euroean
politics to such an extunt that our pro
tection of British interests in the Trans
vaal may endanger our relations with
the whole of Europe, but more particu
larly with Riisshi; and such is the diplo
macy of McKinley. A democratic pres
ident dared great Britain in behalf of the
Monroe doctrine; a republican presi
dent cringe the servile knee to Great
Britain! England was making prepos
terous claims against Venezuela and
Cleveland stopped it England is making
preoteroiis claims In South Africa, she
declines a propon-d arbitration, and Mc
Kinley help her out of a very deep hole
by aying: "Who touches an English
man uiqst account to me!".
There never was such a villainous and
(Continued on Page Eight)
DESCRIPTIVE PHRASES
A Scholar Shows how They are Used tm
Deceive the People and Cover op
Plans to rob ".
The following extraats are from "The
Scholar in Social Service," by Rev.
George C. Larimer in Coming Age. '
"The press has lately given currency
to statement that "living constitutions
grow, and when they cease to grow they
are no longer living." It is understood
that this representation is put forth to
cover and justify certain questionable
movements and methods on the partofthe
present government With the cause of
the statement we have nothing to do,
whether the administration has1- acted
wisely or not is totally apart from the
principle involved in this position. Ine
author of this declaration means that in
fringements of an existing constitution
and deviations from its mandates are
features of its growth. If they do not
mean this, then there is no point to their
declaration; and, if they do not mean
this, they are undermining the authority
of law and are preparing the way for
anarchy- The English constitution has
grown, but not by ignoring and repudi
ating itself or by suppressing Magna
Charta. It has grown by extending its
privileges, as under Gladstone's premier
ship, to the people and by a more liberal
interpretation and by a wider application
of its provisions. So, also, ours grew
when the first amendment on liberty of
thought and of worships was adopted,
and when the fifteenth amendment en
larged the freedom of the negro; but it
is only dwarfed, stunted Bnd marred
when it is set aside in the interest of
some passing policy. But it may be
said that constitutional guarantees, in
times of war may have to be suspended.
This I nothing doubt. What 1 object
to is the mischievous looseness which
calls such tn act "a growth of the con
stitution," which misleads and which
opens the way for astute and unscrupu
lous statement to rob the people of their
rights under the cover of constitutional
growth. " '
Another bit of sophistical juggling,
that has gone far toward perpetuating
social ills, we have in the assumption
that business has developed itself under
certain so-called "laws of trade," which,
like the laws of Meades and Persians
change not, and which, like those of na
ture are sacred and irreversible. Two or
three men combine to corner the market
or several corporations enter into a trust
and commercial values are deranged, op
portunities for employment are dimin
ished and they assume an attitude of
benignant virtue, intendingthat the
"laws of trade" and not themselves must
be blamed for the result. They are like
David who had Uriah placed in the
front of the battle, where he Would h
slain, and who then moralized that "the
sword devours one as well as another".
I hold that this obscuration of truth
should be exposed, and that it should be
plainly shown that these manipulators
are deranging and defying the laws of
trade, not honoring them. The prime
cause for existing industrial troubles ia
to be found in the willful and often
times illegal intereference with these
laws, and there will never be any marked
improvement until a different line of ac
tion is adopted.
Educated men and women should also
confront the misapprehensions that ex
ist concerning the need and the power
of charity in modern life. It mar seem
ungracious for one in my position to
speak a word that may sound as a dis
couragement to the exercise of this prac
tical grace. Nevertheless, I am con
strained to express the view that too
much attention is being given to its de
velopment and too little to the cultiva
tion of that by which it should be super
ceded, namely, justice, whenever indus
trial conditions are injurious, and when
working people suffer from commercial
greed, an equivalent or compensation is
usually sought in munificent alms giving.
At various periods in the worlds history
this phenomenon has occurred. In pro
portion as justice betvesn man and man
has declined, that form of charity which
consists in giving money has been more
quickened. In Paris, London, New York
and Boston elemocenary institutions
abound. Against these various economi
cal writers have raised their voices, as it
is manifest to the trade intellect that
uncontrolled and almost excessive gratui
tous tend very largely to pauperism of
the community. Personally, I believe
that a great deal that passes for charity
is simply an organized effort to repress
discontent and to reconcile multitudes
of people with the unhappy conditions
of their lot I, for one, do not call that
charity which is essentially mechanical,
and which turns a" man's soul inside out
and pries to the innermost secret of his
nature before a dole is bestowed. Char
ity is something diviner; grander; its ob
ject is not mrerely relief from a passing
evil, hut such a relief as shall tend to
quicken all that is lst in niadhood and
womanhood. To accomplish such an
end, something more is needed than an
agent with a note book, prying into the
life and creating the impression that hu
man sympathy is certainly remote if not
altogether absent from the gift ' Of
course, charity is peeded. We do not
underrate its value, but the scholar
should insist on what his own reading
must have taught him that the one
thing pre eminently lacking tody is
justice, and the one thing that would
cure many of the evils that now assail
our social life would be the restoration
of justice, not merely in events of law,
but in the ordinary dealings between
man and man.
We'll rally round the flag. ys,
And shoot them down again;
They're shoutiag the battle cry of free
dom. We'll rally round the flag, boys,
And shix)t them down again,
They're shouting the battle cry of freedom.