The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902, September 14, 1899, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    r 9
J
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
VOL. XI.
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA. SEPTEMBER 14, 1899.
NO. 18.
4
dA-MY rfKl rt& KY iiSl rift VCy 1 K
WHAT THE SOLDIERS SAY
Many Privates and the Commanding Offi
cer of ihe First Nebraska Interviewed
The Rocky Mountain News of August
30 contained the following article. When
the First Nebraska arrived in Denver,
although it was one o'clock iu the mean
ing there were thousands of people i fe
the depot to give them an enthusiast
reception. The News says:
Notwithstanding their gallant record a
majority of that regiment is opposed to
the administration policy in the Phil
ippines. Out of over twenty approached
at random, only two expressed them
selves as favorable to the new imperial
istic propaganda, and these were offi
cers The general expression of the men
was that it is a war lor ine oenentoi
money syndicates, uov v.
inr liWtv. that we have no
business in the islands; and that there
was no need of war if we had given the
Filipinos assurance of their ultimate in-
In regard to the islands themselves the
universal opinion seemed to be that
while a white man can live in them he
can not work in them. The climate is
such that a write man cannot stand the
labor and a white man without money
has no business there.
Many of the men talked freely of Gener
al Otis, and gave their opinion of his
capacity. Generally speaking, these ex
pressions were not flattering The offi
cers seemed to hold a more favorable
opinion of the Philippine censor than
the private soldiers.
Colonel Frank D. Eager, the command
ing officer of the regiment, is the young
est of his rank in the army, being but 28
years of age. He is a, newspaper man,
toeing owner of the Lincoln Independent.
"There is some beautiful country in
the island of Luzon," said Colonel Eager
to a News representative, "some of the
most beautiful country that I have ever
eeen. The only people who can stand to
do manual labor in that climate are the
natives and Chinese coolies.
"The natives are a very courageous
neople and in some ways a superior race.
Fbelieve ihem capable of self-govern-ment-that
is a government sufficient
for their conditions. At the present time
the followers of Aguinaldo have a gov
ernment, which, in a crude way, is mod
eled after ours. It is divided into states,
ha a sort of postal system, and pratic
ally all the islands acknowledge its au
thority. Aguinaldo is very popular
among his followers, and the Filipinos
whom we captured seem to be very much
in earnest in their fight for liberty. One
who was very severely wounded in the leg
was brought to our hospital. He was
informed that he would have to lose his
leg He acquiesced and told the doctors
they could cut off anything but one of
his fingers, indicating tha with it be
could pull the trigger and still fight for
his coun'ry.
"The Filipino government would nave
to be be stronger than ours, for the
reason that they have been used to a
strong government for 300 years.
"The first mistake," said Colonel
Eager, "was in not giving the Filipinos
assuraucts of our intentions. If that had
been done, war could have been averted.
If we had told them what we told the tu
bans there would have been little or no
trouble.
"Now we are compelled to establish
law and order. The only question is,
shall we use force or diplomacy? The
administration seems bent on using force
but those most familiar with the subject
believe that a little more diplomacy
would accomplish greater results.
"I do not acree with thp wholesale de
nuueiation of General Otis," continued
Colonel Euger. ' He is a very hardwork
ing and painstaking general. He is a
master of international law, which fact
has saved us from many complications.
General Otis has simply obeyed orders.
If there is any blame to be attached to
the administration in the Philippines, it
ebould be placed at Washington and not
on Otis."
In regard to the duration of the war,
Colonel Eager believes that with the force
being sent over the more important
towns can be captured next season.
Hut as to capturing the whole archi
pelago that is a different proposition.
After Luzon is taken there remains Min
danao, which is perhaps a more serious
proposition. The Spaniards never nui
subjugate Mindanao. It may take 100,
000 men and years of time to stamp out
the entire rebellion.
THE CLEVELAND STRIKE
Th r.frm press is heavily handi
capped in the matter of getting news,
We cannot at all deiiend upon the agen
cies Ptnnlnved bv the srreat dailies for
the news that the workers in the reform
kaiim nre mostly interested in is not
published in them at all. Who knows
for instance, anything at all about the
rrot strike in Cleveland one of the
F "
most important In its bearing on funda
mental principles that has ever occurred
in the United States? Some time ago
the Hanna republicans, to avoid defeat,
secured the nomination of a gold bug
democrat by that party and then do
eerting their own man turued in and
elected him mayor. That put the whole
city government in the hands of the
Mark Hanua plutocrats. The corpora
tions came down on their employes and
the people with a heavy hand. Then
there was a great strike. What do the
people, generally, know about the mcr
ta of that strike? The great dailies
have told us practically nothing.
The first gleam ol news about that
great contest ha come to this office iu
the American Federationist, in an arti
cle by John J Kinney, general secretary
of the Metal Polishers' Union. In giving
an account of what has happened in
Cleveland he says:
"Small strikes have been and are
numerous here and elsewhere, ana some
of the really great battles have been
fought here iu this city, commencing
with the great coopers' strike in the
Tly '70's and concluded with the
vn strike three years ago. The
greatest strike, however, and which, in
comparison with the others, is as the
arc light to the tallow dip, is the one
now being fought. Not only is it the
greatest battle ever fought within the
borders of this city, but I believe that it
is the greatest conflict that ever took
place on American soilbetween the wage
slaves and a heartless corporation.
"The original cause of the strike con
sisted principally of two grievances.
The first was the schedule which necessi
tated the running of the street cars at
the rate ef 30 miles an hour, 18 miles in
excess of the lawful speed, and which has
resulted in the killing and maiming of
dozens of people daily.
"Secondly, the inhuman treatment the
men were subject to. Many, in order to
make nine hours' pay, were compelled to
be at the corporation's beck and call
for twenty-one hours out of every
twenty-four. When once upon a car no
employe knew when he would be relieved.
To leave the car to attend to nature's
wants never meant less than seven days
off. When these brutal conditions be
came known to the public a sympathetic
wave of indignation rolled over the city.
The fight then began to be the sole topic
of discussion. It grew in bitterness to
the extent that a corrupt city council
and the entire police force (who, unfor
tunately for themselves, were uuder the
orders of incompetent and brntal offic
ers,) arrayed themselves against the
strikers. Alter two weeks of fighting,
the corporation agreed, through its
president, H. A. Everitt, to modify its
schedule and remove mauy other irri
tants and to take back 80 per cent, of
all former employes at once and the
balance as soon as occasion demanded.
Tne men went back to work. Two
weeks of work demonstrated to the
strikers that the agreement was only
signed for the purpose of getting them
back to work. The second strike was
then inaugurated, and the greatest con
test in the history of the labor move
ment began. Not, however, between the
railroad company and the strikers, but
between a corrupt corporation aided by
a willing council on one side and an in
dignant and outraged people on the
ottier. The former soon had eighteen
companies of militia in the city. Not to
preserve life and property, but to exas
perate a corporation ridden and pillaged
people.
"The latter having only natures weap
ons, of course did not engage in any
conflicts with the brass-buttoned whelps
who stood behind bayonets and loaded
rifles, but at once decided to use labor's
silent yet powerful weapon, the boycot.
And how has it worked?
"Militia, police, scabs and all who aid
ed and abetted the unholy trinity of
force, greed and corruption, were soon
under its ban. Busses, trucks and ex
press wagons were at once put into
competition with the privileged monop
oly. Nine out ot every ten ot all tne
people whose business necessitated
transportation from one part ol tne
city to another used and are still uing
this antiquated method of transporta
tion. The tenth one rides in the busses
not from a matter of principle but from
a matter of policy. Ihese ancient trans
portation facilities are being used on
ten of the thirteen lines. The other
three lines run in the nabob district.
)n these lines ride the plutocrat and his
snob. To them the corporation points
with pride, as it did when P. M. Arthur
rode on the scab cars and could see no
reason why he should not. They are
our 'best citizens' and 'our educated
people,' are some of the favorite expres
sions of our prostituted press.
They seem to forget that it was the
educated, broad-cloth citizens who com
posed the mob of Doston, that dragged
Garrison with a rope around the neck
through the streets of that city.
"Every car that passes the center of
the city from the other lines inspires the
people with the hope of success on ac
count of the empty seats.
"Victory must crown the efforts of the
people when the struggle is over. But
then tbeu the battle to remove foiever
the cause that precipitated the strike
will be fought. The reclamation of sto
len public property will be the slogan.
Thousands of people who never dreamed
of public ownership of public utilities are
now its warmest advocates, ihe old
bugaboo that the city could not manage
these institutions has been laid away to
rest forever. The people have at last
awoke from their lethargy and realiz
that private corporations who control
and use public utilities only for their
private gain are not only incompetent
to manage these institutions, but are
brutal and heartless in their method to
extort the last cent, the last drop of
blood from their victims.
"1 he lesson has been a bitter one
one that has been fraught with many
sacrifices. T be lesson has been firm
implanted in the hearts of the workers
and the future is pregnant with hope
and cheer, and in the worker s horiz jn,
shining clear and bright, the star of
public ownership of public ntilities sheds
its clear and lustrous rays."
MONEY NOT RELIGION,
Senator Carter Mmt The American I'eople
Are not lofluvnimi by Heliglon
or Sentiment.
Senator Carter, f Montana, is a fair
representative of ti. greed i nd commer
cialism that is the Kipiriog force of all
republicanism in these later years. He
is also a fair representative of the way
the men of millions who run the party
secured their wealth. He began business
up in Burt county in this state, where
he swindled large number of hardwork
ing farmers out of their farms and then
took a French leave of absence. He
would hardly dare to show his head in
Burt county today. For that kind of
shrewdness be was first made chairman
of the republican national committee
and then sent to the United States sen
ate. The other day he gave out an in
terview and this is what he said:
"This is a practical nge. We are going
to deal with this question on the basis of
dollars and cents. If the Americans be
lieve that the Pbilippines are going to
help us they will never lot the islands go.
If. on the other hand they find that the
Philippine are a constant drain and a
small return, you will find the verdict of
the people to be against permanent re
tention. Neither religion nor sentiment
will have much influence in determining
he verdict. The great question will be:
" Vi it i a;?' If we can show the country
that it will and I tnibk wecan, tne Ameri
can nag will never come down in tne
Philippines."
"What sort of government should be
devised?"
"Three suggestions will undoubtedly
be made. The first will be to abandon
the Islands entirely to the natives. I do
not beiieve this will meet the approval
of the American people,
"The second will be to seiz the islands
in a firm grasp, assuring the people that
we mean to give them a better govern
ment than they could enjoy under any
other flag or that they could create for
themselves, but that we are masters and
propose to remain so.
"Then, the third proposition will be to
throw a loose string around the people
holding their seaports and custom house
with our navy but allowing them abso
lute freedom in their internal affairs.
This freedom, in my judgment, would
soon become anarchy and we would have
to rule anyway, so I should say that the
second proposition is the one that ought
to be adopted. The firmer we are in onr
administration the more respect those
people will have for us.
"As to the form of goverment," con
tinued Senator Carter, "I should say
that a governor ought to be appointed
by the president, with a council also se
lected by biai. There might be a Fili
pino legislature, composed of prominent
men from each of the islands, to discuss
questions and advise the governor. I do
not approve of a commission. I think
the authority ought to be vested in a re
sponsible head and not spread through
stwral commissioners."
U. P. ANARCHISTS
The time has come when the question
must be settled whether the Union Pacific
corporation shall rule in this state or be
subject to the laws. It will not do to
let this matter go farther. Shall the
magnates of that road ride rough shod
over the legislature, the courtsnd the
executive and proclaim itself superior to
them all? It has inaugurated a system
of anarchy the end of which no man can
see- If that corporation is not subject
to the laws, no other corporation is and
if the corporations are not subject to
the laws neither are the citizens of this
state. The late actions of that corpora
tion in defiance of the laws has no paral
lei in this country. If it continues iu its
course there will be no other way than
to call upon the military force of the
state to take possession of it and hold
t until it is willing to submit to the
laws of this state.
The following letter will explain how
t has taken upon itself to defy the laws
of this state:
Lincoln, Neb., S -pt. 11, 1899
Attorney-General, I. J. Smyth,
Lincoln, Neb.
Dear Sir: I beg to inform you that in
nerformine the duties of State Oil In
spector, for the state ol Nebraska, 1 nnd
that the I nion 1'dcitlc railroad company
has bought and received from the Stand
ard Oil company the following cars of
oil:
Date
Car No. Gallons
May 27
465!
.5139
June 17
23H5 6108
June 27
3675 6100
July 22
4809 5091
Aug. 9
2220 8."9
Aug. 24
1292 7887
Total .38,184 gallons or 734 barrels
The above oil has not been instated
under the laws of this state. The deputy
oil insiiector for the Omaha district
Charles E. Fanning, called on John W,
Griffith, the purchasing agent, and was
refused. Iam of the opinion that Ihe
lnw U Ism nu violated in this instance.
Believimr that corporations as well as
individuals, should obey the law of this
state, I tberelore asK your assistance in
the enforcement ol this law.
ery trul yours,
J. N Gafkin,
Slate Oil Inspector.
Every word the republicans say
against Holcomb's use of house rent
money, blackens the character of Gen
eral Thayer. H my nearest friend and
political leader bad ever taken a cent of
house rent money and I had sanctioned
it I never would say a word about the
other fellow, for doing the same thing.
Out of resiiect for the old hero we ask
everybody to stop their gab about gov
ernors house rent.
mu
Expansion is a dangerous thing.
kin is liable to rip.
News of the Week
The interest of the week has been con
centrated ou three things, namely: The
trial of Dreyfus, the attempt of he Brit
ish government to practically annex the
Boer republic in South Africa and the
startlingnews from South America which
is to the effect that a union of all those
republics is being formed to protect
themselves against the McKiuley policy
of conquest.
The attention of the whole world is
rivited upon Ilennes where the court
martial was still engaged in the second
trial of Dreyfus. There has been practi
cally a stenographic report cabled every
day to the dailies of the United States,
which filled from three to six columns of
fine print. The writer of this has care
fully read all the testimony offered, be
sides the incidents and gossip which has
been sent and he has failed to find any
thing in the testimony that would con
vict a man in a court in this country.
The whole world baa come to the con
clusion that Dreyfus) is innocent. fThe
result was that when the verdict of
guilty was announced by a divided
court five far conviction and two for
acquital there was a cry of "Bbame"
raised in the capital of every civilized
nation to which was added the protest
of every newspaper outside of, l ranee
except one or two printed in Rome.
The form of the verdict fshows fraud
on the very face of it. Dreyfus is found
guilty of treason "with extenuating cir
cumstances" and sentenced to ten years
detention in a fortress. If he was guilty
of treason, which the court by this act
says it does not believe, there could be
no extenuating circumstances and ten
years detention in a fortress "is not the
punishment provided for treason by the
law of France.
To an American accustomed I to the
forms of law in this country, the pro
cedure in the Dreyfus trial is wholly in
comprehensible. If a justice court in the
backwoods of Arkansas should conduct
a trial in the manner of the Dreyfus trial,
it would become the subject of ridicule
the whole country over, and justice
courts sometimes permit some very
queer things. The witnesses instead of
being confined to what they knew about
the guilt of Dreyfus were permitted to
make long arguments, lasting for days
giving their impressions, beliefs and re
lating what they had heard. Ou the
other hand whon the counsel for the
prisoner undertook to cross-question
the witnesses, whenever a question was
asked that had a tondancy to get at the
truth, the court refused to allow it to be
answered. At last the court refuseujto
subpueaa witnesses for the defense or al
low their testimony to ba taken? by a
commission.
What waa the result of this course of
procedure upon the civilized world? A
universal protest and the expression of
anger and disgust. Public expression
was given to them everywhere in words
like the following: "The civilized world
is aghast at the crime of Jflve abject
judges." "Rennes is France's moral Se
dan." "Five unhappy judges bavealready
taken their places in the judgment of
the human race, besides Judas, Pilate
and Judge J.ffries." "We have; been
watching the sick bed of a great nation
not knowing what new and deadly form
the malady would take." Theltmne's
verdict will live lorever as the supreme
effort of human wrong headedness
"We do not hesitate to pronounce it the
greatest and most appalling prostitu
tion of justice the world has witnessed
in modern times. All the outrageous
scandals which marked the course of the
trial nale into insignificance beside the
crowning scandal of the verdict."
In such expressions as these the press
of Austria, Germany, Italy, Switz-rland
Holland, England and the United States
unite. The whole hum mi race! every
where, utters its prote-t Why? Be
eause it is evident that a great wrong
has been done- In this universal pro
test there is hope, not for Dreylus alone
i,n t fnr the whole human race. It is a
defiance to the doctrines that have been
preached iu this country so prominently
of late that a nation can defy thelaw of
righteousness and live and prosper.
sure as a nation adopts thatjeourse ret
ribution will follow. There is no way of
escape for it.
Will France escapo? There is no pos
sibility of it. Itstributioualrealy threat
ens from many diff rent quarters. II
rrmnr 01th lliitlon is in! danger. From
evBrr couatry comes notices of with
drawal, by individuals and by conct rted
action of intending exhibitors. Soon
these notices will come from govern
ments that have appropriated or in
tended to appropriate large sums. Her
finances will become disarranged, her
markets curtailed and distress at home
will result.
Some time ago the Independent an
nounced that tne South American re
publics were uniting in some sort of
combination against the United States.
The imperialist papers took especial
pains to make an emphatic denial of
any such purpose on the part of those
republics. Now comes the news that
diplomatic circles in Washington are
greatly agitated over the subject. The
people of those republics have been
watching the course of events. The doc-
trines of might, regardless of right, that
. I . . , ..
leading republican papers, are having
their effect. This nation is becoming
the terror of all the small nations ot the
earth. What else could be expected
when they see the doctrine that one na
tion has the right to buy another nation
proclaimed by i.the president of J,the
United States and defended by his cabi
net and the great dailies of thi& nation?
The people of the South American re
publics are also right when they view
with alarm the visit of W. E. Curtis to
their shores. He is not there for the
simple purpose of writing articles for a
Chicago paper. There is not a sensible
man in the United States who believes
that. He is there as the well-paid agent
of the gold ring of Wall street. If, the
money power concludes that it (can ex
tend its human slavery by the annexa
tion of South American republics, there
is not republican paper now support
ing the McKinley administration that
will not advocate it. The position of
the administration, the abandonment
of the declaration independence, the doc
trine of conquest, the throwing asideof
the advice of Washington, the effort to
establish a great standing army ana a
great navy, the overthrow of tha,(Mon
roe doctrine, in fact the complete change
in the policies of this government which
McKinley nas inaugurated, ail, or any
one of them, is enough to give alarm ' to
the South American republics, and they
are only acting iu the way one 'would
expect them to act under the circum
stances.
According to the latest dispatches the
people of Eigland have entered a very
thorough protest against Joe Chamber-
berlain's effort to practice McKinley re
publicanism in grabbing the Boer repub
ic in .South Africa. Here again the
common people buvj intervened and
pronounced against Senator Carter's
thoorios, which are the theoris of the
McKinley administration, that a nation
can live and prosper while discarding
the law ol righteousness. Uver there as
here, if the world is not to be thrown
uto a series of wars ol conquest such as
has not been seen for four hundred
years, it will ba the v.)ice ol the common
people that ill put a stop to it. Con
centrated wealth urges it on.
lao enort to raise an army lor a war
of conquest upon the Filipinos still
meets with many discouragements. The
late-it report of the number of enlist
menta in tne ten new regiments Is as
follows:
sxth
With
4th
4Mt.
m
(4th
..14'.'
,.4:
1C4
..U
31.6
..236
...H10
Iliib
Hitb
47th Z'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. il
:d
That no more men in a population of
70.000,000 people could be induced to
enlist, when the time and effort that has
been expended in getting these recruits
is taken into consideration, is the most
astonishing thing in connection with
this whole business. Thre was scarcely
anvinwiiodid not believe wben)itbis
cull was made that the regiments would
be filled within a lew d iys. Wben one
considora that there are thousands of
men out of employment, that the young
American is full of enthusiasm an 1 al
ways crazy for adventure, and then
looks at the above tlgures ha can come
to no other conclusion than tout the
American people are almost universally
opposed to the Mckinley policy. If
there were a war on hand for libertyjand
not for conquest m re than half mil
lion roung American wouldl'bave ten
dered their services before this time.
llllT A pni niTD niVC
WHAT A SOLDIER SAYS.
R. L. Miller, tow editor of the Harwell
Mascot, hat a fow words to Isay abot
tne aiu -rens wars tuns iucn.iuiy u
been waging drring the Just two years.
He enlisted when the. war with Spain
flrst,broke out, and no doubt nine tenths
oI.thoHB who enlisted with bim, hold the
same opinion. He speaks as follows:
We have been asked what we thought
of the war and if we were against it why
we enlisted in May, 1898. We enlisted
to fight cruel and bloody Spain for hu
manity's sake. To help make free our
near noighbors, the Cubans. When they
were freed from their oppression and
tyranny, peace was declared between
this country and Spain.
So far we endorse every action of our
president and our government in declar
ing and carrying that war to a conclu
sion. But we do not endorse the action
of the president in righting a weak na
tion of people at the extreme side of the
world, who ask for their freedom and
have been fighting for it for a hundred
years.
We are opposed to a war of conquest,
extermination and imperialism for per
80n,a' ana p, tlca' Rree" ' a. P"""
and his few followers. We look opon it
as a disgrace for a president to offer to
protect a Sulu sultan in slavery and
polygamy in return for a small support
in a far away land. For these views it
we are a copperhead, it is batter to be a
copperhead and be for the right, against
slavery, polygamy, oppression and a
censored press and speech, than to be an
imperialist upholding the censorship of
the press, defending and creating big
trusts, causing our noble nag to float
over a foreign land of polygamy, fight
a war of conquest to enable a few would-
be American barons to establish colo
nial cooley labor coloniea.
We were for the Cuban war and we are
against the Philippine war. Or in better
terms; were for the Spanish-American
war and against the McKinley-f bilip-
pinewar. There believe as we do the
populists, the democrats, the silver re
publicans, prohibitionists and over one-
third of the republican party.
A GUILTY CONSCIENCE.
J. Sterling Morton, of the Nebraska
City Conservative is among our oldest
and best friends in Nebraska, the family
acquaintance dating back) "o'er the
sands of time" for more than forty years
but we were going to call him a tyrant
we won't d) that but we will say that
we believe that he is laboring under a
guilty conscience, that nearly every word
he pens for the Conservative is done for
spite, revenge and jealousy jealousy be
cause Nebraska has preduced other great ,
leaders of men besides himself. In his
last Conservative speaking 'of trusts he
says:
"By preventing the overproduction
they will prevent the stagnation that al
ways follows and by holding industrial
and wage prices from unhealthy fluctua
tion they will tend to keen all prices
more steady, includ ng thoe of farm
products."
Ureat tieavensi Advocate a policy to
lay farm lands Idle to grow up in weede
and ruin'the land for futu e crjps, to
make idle farm hands, to let the plows
and the binders rust and rot. Great
policy, isn't it? Why not e ideavor to
make some policy that will prevent men
and corporations from viitua'ly stealing
nil the profits ot the products of the
farms thus making thousands of dollars
for those who never did a day's work in
their lives, except to plot and plan to
grow rich off of the toiling masses? Then
again Mr. Morton says: "As long as the
wage worker is getting a living wage
the farmer will get a living price for his
products."
And again we exclaim; ureat heavens!
Advocate a policy that will oniy pro
duce a mere living! Why should the
farmers toil all the days of their lives
and never makeauything but a mere liv
ing, while the corporationists and the
money power gang pile up their millions
Answer this! then this great sage ol
"guilty conscience" says that "overcapi
talized trusts will have their day and
collapse." Thus intimating that after
the collapse the laboring classes will get
their just dues. Hut what a weary waiti
ng it will be. In the meantime now
many thousands of poor people will go
hungry and snff. r for the actual necessi-
homes will there be? How many untime
ly suicidal graves will bedeck our fair
land in consequence of despondency
brought on by just such persecution and
tyranny of the evil effect of the money
power? Lyons Mirror, (r p.)
JACOB NORTH.
In the death of Jacob North, Lincoln
has lost one of its old and most substan
tial citizens. He came to this city many
years ago and began work as a practi
cal printer. For a time he was foreman
at the Journal office but afterwards es
tablished a printing house of his own
which has fx come one of the most suc
cessful in the west. He knew his busi
ness from top to bottom and by close
attention to it, be left In it upon a sure
foundation. He recently went back to
England on a visit, but his health con
tinuing to be poor he returned much
sooner than he expected to. Us leaves
a lame family three sons and four
daughters, all of whom have been closely
connected with his business. He was an
exemplary man in every way and many
: . l t t
very mny iwereijr mourn Lis I08S.
He was 61 years old.
Can a boy king and bis r;'-ent mother
sell nine millions of people and di liver
them as a flock of sheep are delivered?
Is such a bill of sale legal or jnst? The
forts, arsenals an 1 othr public works
that Spam had erected were mentioned
in the birgain but neither the teriltorr
nor the people.
: i ;j -j
"TTNJ a : ' " a -73 33- '
2 u c