The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902, September 14, 1899, Image 1
r 9 J The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated. VOL. XI. LINCOLN, NEBRASKA. SEPTEMBER 14, 1899. NO. 18. 4 dA-MY rfKl rt& KY iiSl rift VCy 1 K WHAT THE SOLDIERS SAY Many Privates and the Commanding Offi cer of ihe First Nebraska Interviewed The Rocky Mountain News of August 30 contained the following article. When the First Nebraska arrived in Denver, although it was one o'clock iu the mean ing there were thousands of people i fe the depot to give them an enthusiast reception. The News says: Notwithstanding their gallant record a majority of that regiment is opposed to the administration policy in the Phil ippines. Out of over twenty approached at random, only two expressed them selves as favorable to the new imperial istic propaganda, and these were offi cers The general expression of the men was that it is a war lor ine oenentoi money syndicates, uov v. inr liWtv. that we have no business in the islands; and that there was no need of war if we had given the Filipinos assurance of their ultimate in- In regard to the islands themselves the universal opinion seemed to be that while a white man can live in them he can not work in them. The climate is such that a write man cannot stand the labor and a white man without money has no business there. Many of the men talked freely of Gener al Otis, and gave their opinion of his capacity. Generally speaking, these ex pressions were not flattering The offi cers seemed to hold a more favorable opinion of the Philippine censor than the private soldiers. Colonel Frank D. Eager, the command ing officer of the regiment, is the young est of his rank in the army, being but 28 years of age. He is a, newspaper man, toeing owner of the Lincoln Independent. "There is some beautiful country in the island of Luzon," said Colonel Eager to a News representative, "some of the most beautiful country that I have ever eeen. The only people who can stand to do manual labor in that climate are the natives and Chinese coolies. "The natives are a very courageous neople and in some ways a superior race. Fbelieve ihem capable of self-govern-ment-that is a government sufficient for their conditions. At the present time the followers of Aguinaldo have a gov ernment, which, in a crude way, is mod eled after ours. It is divided into states, ha a sort of postal system, and pratic ally all the islands acknowledge its au thority. Aguinaldo is very popular among his followers, and the Filipinos whom we captured seem to be very much in earnest in their fight for liberty. One who was very severely wounded in the leg was brought to our hospital. He was informed that he would have to lose his leg He acquiesced and told the doctors they could cut off anything but one of his fingers, indicating tha with it be could pull the trigger and still fight for his coun'ry. "The Filipino government would nave to be be stronger than ours, for the reason that they have been used to a strong government for 300 years. "The first mistake," said Colonel Eager, "was in not giving the Filipinos assuraucts of our intentions. If that had been done, war could have been averted. If we had told them what we told the tu bans there would have been little or no trouble. "Now we are compelled to establish law and order. The only question is, shall we use force or diplomacy? The administration seems bent on using force but those most familiar with the subject believe that a little more diplomacy would accomplish greater results. "I do not acree with thp wholesale de nuueiation of General Otis," continued Colonel Euger. ' He is a very hardwork ing and painstaking general. He is a master of international law, which fact has saved us from many complications. General Otis has simply obeyed orders. If there is any blame to be attached to the administration in the Philippines, it ebould be placed at Washington and not on Otis." In regard to the duration of the war, Colonel Eager believes that with the force being sent over the more important towns can be captured next season. Hut as to capturing the whole archi pelago that is a different proposition. After Luzon is taken there remains Min danao, which is perhaps a more serious proposition. The Spaniards never nui subjugate Mindanao. It may take 100, 000 men and years of time to stamp out the entire rebellion. THE CLEVELAND STRIKE Th r.frm press is heavily handi capped in the matter of getting news, We cannot at all deiiend upon the agen cies Ptnnlnved bv the srreat dailies for the news that the workers in the reform kaiim nre mostly interested in is not published in them at all. Who knows for instance, anything at all about the rrot strike in Cleveland one of the F " most important In its bearing on funda mental principles that has ever occurred in the United States? Some time ago the Hanna republicans, to avoid defeat, secured the nomination of a gold bug democrat by that party and then do eerting their own man turued in and elected him mayor. That put the whole city government in the hands of the Mark Hanua plutocrats. The corpora tions came down on their employes and the people with a heavy hand. Then there was a great strike. What do the people, generally, know about the mcr ta of that strike? The great dailies have told us practically nothing. The first gleam ol news about that great contest ha come to this office iu the American Federationist, in an arti cle by John J Kinney, general secretary of the Metal Polishers' Union. In giving an account of what has happened in Cleveland he says: "Small strikes have been and are numerous here and elsewhere, ana some of the really great battles have been fought here iu this city, commencing with the great coopers' strike in the Tly '70's and concluded with the vn strike three years ago. The greatest strike, however, and which, in comparison with the others, is as the arc light to the tallow dip, is the one now being fought. Not only is it the greatest battle ever fought within the borders of this city, but I believe that it is the greatest conflict that ever took place on American soilbetween the wage slaves and a heartless corporation. "The original cause of the strike con sisted principally of two grievances. The first was the schedule which necessi tated the running of the street cars at the rate ef 30 miles an hour, 18 miles in excess of the lawful speed, and which has resulted in the killing and maiming of dozens of people daily. "Secondly, the inhuman treatment the men were subject to. Many, in order to make nine hours' pay, were compelled to be at the corporation's beck and call for twenty-one hours out of every twenty-four. When once upon a car no employe knew when he would be relieved. To leave the car to attend to nature's wants never meant less than seven days off. When these brutal conditions be came known to the public a sympathetic wave of indignation rolled over the city. The fight then began to be the sole topic of discussion. It grew in bitterness to the extent that a corrupt city council and the entire police force (who, unfor tunately for themselves, were uuder the orders of incompetent and brntal offic ers,) arrayed themselves against the strikers. Alter two weeks of fighting, the corporation agreed, through its president, H. A. Everitt, to modify its schedule and remove mauy other irri tants and to take back 80 per cent, of all former employes at once and the balance as soon as occasion demanded. Tne men went back to work. Two weeks of work demonstrated to the strikers that the agreement was only signed for the purpose of getting them back to work. The second strike was then inaugurated, and the greatest con test in the history of the labor move ment began. Not, however, between the railroad company and the strikers, but between a corrupt corporation aided by a willing council on one side and an in dignant and outraged people on the ottier. The former soon had eighteen companies of militia in the city. Not to preserve life and property, but to exas perate a corporation ridden and pillaged people. "The latter having only natures weap ons, of course did not engage in any conflicts with the brass-buttoned whelps who stood behind bayonets and loaded rifles, but at once decided to use labor's silent yet powerful weapon, the boycot. And how has it worked? "Militia, police, scabs and all who aid ed and abetted the unholy trinity of force, greed and corruption, were soon under its ban. Busses, trucks and ex press wagons were at once put into competition with the privileged monop oly. Nine out ot every ten ot all tne people whose business necessitated transportation from one part ol tne city to another used and are still uing this antiquated method of transporta tion. The tenth one rides in the busses not from a matter of principle but from a matter of policy. Ihese ancient trans portation facilities are being used on ten of the thirteen lines. The other three lines run in the nabob district. )n these lines ride the plutocrat and his snob. To them the corporation points with pride, as it did when P. M. Arthur rode on the scab cars and could see no reason why he should not. They are our 'best citizens' and 'our educated people,' are some of the favorite expres sions of our prostituted press. They seem to forget that it was the educated, broad-cloth citizens who com posed the mob of Doston, that dragged Garrison with a rope around the neck through the streets of that city. "Every car that passes the center of the city from the other lines inspires the people with the hope of success on ac count of the empty seats. "Victory must crown the efforts of the people when the struggle is over. But then tbeu the battle to remove foiever the cause that precipitated the strike will be fought. The reclamation of sto len public property will be the slogan. Thousands of people who never dreamed of public ownership of public utilities are now its warmest advocates, ihe old bugaboo that the city could not manage these institutions has been laid away to rest forever. The people have at last awoke from their lethargy and realiz that private corporations who control and use public utilities only for their private gain are not only incompetent to manage these institutions, but are brutal and heartless in their method to extort the last cent, the last drop of blood from their victims. "1 he lesson has been a bitter one one that has been fraught with many sacrifices. T be lesson has been firm implanted in the hearts of the workers and the future is pregnant with hope and cheer, and in the worker s horiz jn, shining clear and bright, the star of public ownership of public ntilities sheds its clear and lustrous rays." MONEY NOT RELIGION, Senator Carter Mmt The American I'eople Are not lofluvnimi by Heliglon or Sentiment. Senator Carter, f Montana, is a fair representative of ti. greed i nd commer cialism that is the Kipiriog force of all republicanism in these later years. He is also a fair representative of the way the men of millions who run the party secured their wealth. He began business up in Burt county in this state, where he swindled large number of hardwork ing farmers out of their farms and then took a French leave of absence. He would hardly dare to show his head in Burt county today. For that kind of shrewdness be was first made chairman of the republican national committee and then sent to the United States sen ate. The other day he gave out an in terview and this is what he said: "This is a practical nge. We are going to deal with this question on the basis of dollars and cents. If the Americans be lieve that the Pbilippines are going to help us they will never lot the islands go. If. on the other hand they find that the Philippine are a constant drain and a small return, you will find the verdict of the people to be against permanent re tention. Neither religion nor sentiment will have much influence in determining he verdict. The great question will be: " Vi it i a;?' If we can show the country that it will and I tnibk wecan, tne Ameri can nag will never come down in tne Philippines." "What sort of government should be devised?" "Three suggestions will undoubtedly be made. The first will be to abandon the Islands entirely to the natives. I do not beiieve this will meet the approval of the American people, "The second will be to seiz the islands in a firm grasp, assuring the people that we mean to give them a better govern ment than they could enjoy under any other flag or that they could create for themselves, but that we are masters and propose to remain so. "Then, the third proposition will be to throw a loose string around the people holding their seaports and custom house with our navy but allowing them abso lute freedom in their internal affairs. This freedom, in my judgment, would soon become anarchy and we would have to rule anyway, so I should say that the second proposition is the one that ought to be adopted. The firmer we are in onr administration the more respect those people will have for us. "As to the form of goverment," con tinued Senator Carter, "I should say that a governor ought to be appointed by the president, with a council also se lected by biai. There might be a Fili pino legislature, composed of prominent men from each of the islands, to discuss questions and advise the governor. I do not approve of a commission. I think the authority ought to be vested in a re sponsible head and not spread through stwral commissioners." U. P. ANARCHISTS The time has come when the question must be settled whether the Union Pacific corporation shall rule in this state or be subject to the laws. It will not do to let this matter go farther. Shall the magnates of that road ride rough shod over the legislature, the courtsnd the executive and proclaim itself superior to them all? It has inaugurated a system of anarchy the end of which no man can see- If that corporation is not subject to the laws, no other corporation is and if the corporations are not subject to the laws neither are the citizens of this state. The late actions of that corpora tion in defiance of the laws has no paral lei in this country. If it continues iu its course there will be no other way than to call upon the military force of the state to take possession of it and hold t until it is willing to submit to the laws of this state. The following letter will explain how t has taken upon itself to defy the laws of this state: Lincoln, Neb., S -pt. 11, 1899 Attorney-General, I. J. Smyth, Lincoln, Neb. Dear Sir: I beg to inform you that in nerformine the duties of State Oil In spector, for the state ol Nebraska, 1 nnd that the I nion 1'dcitlc railroad company has bought and received from the Stand ard Oil company the following cars of oil: Date Car No. Gallons May 27 465! .5139 June 17 23H5 6108 June 27 3675 6100 July 22 4809 5091 Aug. 9 2220 8."9 Aug. 24 1292 7887 Total .38,184 gallons or 734 barrels The above oil has not been instated under the laws of this state. The deputy oil insiiector for the Omaha district Charles E. Fanning, called on John W, Griffith, the purchasing agent, and was refused. Iam of the opinion that Ihe lnw U Ism nu violated in this instance. Believimr that corporations as well as individuals, should obey the law of this state, I tberelore asK your assistance in the enforcement ol this law. ery trul yours, J. N Gafkin, Slate Oil Inspector. Every word the republicans say against Holcomb's use of house rent money, blackens the character of Gen eral Thayer. H my nearest friend and political leader bad ever taken a cent of house rent money and I had sanctioned it I never would say a word about the other fellow, for doing the same thing. Out of resiiect for the old hero we ask everybody to stop their gab about gov ernors house rent. mu Expansion is a dangerous thing. kin is liable to rip. News of the Week The interest of the week has been con centrated ou three things, namely: The trial of Dreyfus, the attempt of he Brit ish government to practically annex the Boer republic in South Africa and the startlingnews from South America which is to the effect that a union of all those republics is being formed to protect themselves against the McKiuley policy of conquest. The attention of the whole world is rivited upon Ilennes where the court martial was still engaged in the second trial of Dreyfus. There has been practi cally a stenographic report cabled every day to the dailies of the United States, which filled from three to six columns of fine print. The writer of this has care fully read all the testimony offered, be sides the incidents and gossip which has been sent and he has failed to find any thing in the testimony that would con vict a man in a court in this country. The whole world baa come to the con clusion that Dreyfus) is innocent. fThe result was that when the verdict of guilty was announced by a divided court five far conviction and two for acquital there was a cry of "Bbame" raised in the capital of every civilized nation to which was added the protest of every newspaper outside of, l ranee except one or two printed in Rome. The form of the verdict fshows fraud on the very face of it. Dreyfus is found guilty of treason "with extenuating cir cumstances" and sentenced to ten years detention in a fortress. If he was guilty of treason, which the court by this act says it does not believe, there could be no extenuating circumstances and ten years detention in a fortress "is not the punishment provided for treason by the law of France. To an American accustomed I to the forms of law in this country, the pro cedure in the Dreyfus trial is wholly in comprehensible. If a justice court in the backwoods of Arkansas should conduct a trial in the manner of the Dreyfus trial, it would become the subject of ridicule the whole country over, and justice courts sometimes permit some very queer things. The witnesses instead of being confined to what they knew about the guilt of Dreyfus were permitted to make long arguments, lasting for days giving their impressions, beliefs and re lating what they had heard. Ou the other hand whon the counsel for the prisoner undertook to cross-question the witnesses, whenever a question was asked that had a tondancy to get at the truth, the court refused to allow it to be answered. At last the court refuseujto subpueaa witnesses for the defense or al low their testimony to ba taken? by a commission. What waa the result of this course of procedure upon the civilized world? A universal protest and the expression of anger and disgust. Public expression was given to them everywhere in words like the following: "The civilized world is aghast at the crime of Jflve abject judges." "Rennes is France's moral Se dan." "Five unhappy judges bavealready taken their places in the judgment of the human race, besides Judas, Pilate and Judge J.ffries." "We have; been watching the sick bed of a great nation not knowing what new and deadly form the malady would take." Theltmne's verdict will live lorever as the supreme effort of human wrong headedness "We do not hesitate to pronounce it the greatest and most appalling prostitu tion of justice the world has witnessed in modern times. All the outrageous scandals which marked the course of the trial nale into insignificance beside the crowning scandal of the verdict." In such expressions as these the press of Austria, Germany, Italy, Switz-rland Holland, England and the United States unite. The whole hum mi race! every where, utters its prote-t Why? Be eause it is evident that a great wrong has been done- In this universal pro test there is hope, not for Dreylus alone i,n t fnr the whole human race. It is a defiance to the doctrines that have been preached iu this country so prominently of late that a nation can defy thelaw of righteousness and live and prosper. sure as a nation adopts thatjeourse ret ribution will follow. There is no way of escape for it. Will France escapo? There is no pos sibility of it. Itstributioualrealy threat ens from many diff rent quarters. II rrmnr 01th lliitlon is in! danger. From evBrr couatry comes notices of with drawal, by individuals and by conct rted action of intending exhibitors. Soon these notices will come from govern ments that have appropriated or in tended to appropriate large sums. Her finances will become disarranged, her markets curtailed and distress at home will result. Some time ago the Independent an nounced that tne South American re publics were uniting in some sort of combination against the United States. The imperialist papers took especial pains to make an emphatic denial of any such purpose on the part of those republics. Now comes the news that diplomatic circles in Washington are greatly agitated over the subject. The people of those republics have been watching the course of events. The doc- trines of might, regardless of right, that . I . . , .. leading republican papers, are having their effect. This nation is becoming the terror of all the small nations ot the earth. What else could be expected when they see the doctrine that one na tion has the right to buy another nation proclaimed by i.the president of J,the United States and defended by his cabi net and the great dailies of thi& nation? The people of the South American re publics are also right when they view with alarm the visit of W. E. Curtis to their shores. He is not there for the simple purpose of writing articles for a Chicago paper. There is not a sensible man in the United States who believes that. He is there as the well-paid agent of the gold ring of Wall street. If, the money power concludes that it (can ex tend its human slavery by the annexa tion of South American republics, there is not republican paper now support ing the McKinley administration that will not advocate it. The position of the administration, the abandonment of the declaration independence, the doc trine of conquest, the throwing asideof the advice of Washington, the effort to establish a great standing army ana a great navy, the overthrow of tha,(Mon roe doctrine, in fact the complete change in the policies of this government which McKinley nas inaugurated, ail, or any one of them, is enough to give alarm ' to the South American republics, and they are only acting iu the way one 'would expect them to act under the circum stances. According to the latest dispatches the people of Eigland have entered a very thorough protest against Joe Chamber- berlain's effort to practice McKinley re publicanism in grabbing the Boer repub ic in .South Africa. Here again the common people buvj intervened and pronounced against Senator Carter's thoorios, which are the theoris of the McKinley administration, that a nation can live and prosper while discarding the law ol righteousness. Uver there as here, if the world is not to be thrown uto a series of wars ol conquest such as has not been seen for four hundred years, it will ba the v.)ice ol the common people that ill put a stop to it. Con centrated wealth urges it on. lao enort to raise an army lor a war of conquest upon the Filipinos still meets with many discouragements. The late-it report of the number of enlist menta in tne ten new regiments Is as follows: sxth With 4th 4Mt. m (4th ..14'.' ,.4: 1C4 ..U 31.6 ..236 ...H10 Iliib Hitb 47th Z'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. il :d That no more men in a population of 70.000,000 people could be induced to enlist, when the time and effort that has been expended in getting these recruits is taken into consideration, is the most astonishing thing in connection with this whole business. Thre was scarcely anvinwiiodid not believe wben)itbis cull was made that the regiments would be filled within a lew d iys. Wben one considora that there are thousands of men out of employment, that the young American is full of enthusiasm an 1 al ways crazy for adventure, and then looks at the above tlgures ha can come to no other conclusion than tout the American people are almost universally opposed to the Mckinley policy. If there were a war on hand for libertyjand not for conquest m re than half mil lion roung American wouldl'bave ten dered their services before this time. llllT A pni niTD niVC WHAT A SOLDIER SAYS. R. L. Miller, tow editor of the Harwell Mascot, hat a fow words to Isay abot tne aiu -rens wars tuns iucn.iuiy u been waging drring the Just two years. He enlisted when the. war with Spain flrst,broke out, and no doubt nine tenths oI.thoHB who enlisted with bim, hold the same opinion. He speaks as follows: We have been asked what we thought of the war and if we were against it why we enlisted in May, 1898. We enlisted to fight cruel and bloody Spain for hu manity's sake. To help make free our near noighbors, the Cubans. When they were freed from their oppression and tyranny, peace was declared between this country and Spain. So far we endorse every action of our president and our government in declar ing and carrying that war to a conclu sion. But we do not endorse the action of the president in righting a weak na tion of people at the extreme side of the world, who ask for their freedom and have been fighting for it for a hundred years. We are opposed to a war of conquest, extermination and imperialism for per 80n,a' ana p, tlca' Rree" ' a. P""" and his few followers. We look opon it as a disgrace for a president to offer to protect a Sulu sultan in slavery and polygamy in return for a small support in a far away land. For these views it we are a copperhead, it is batter to be a copperhead and be for the right, against slavery, polygamy, oppression and a censored press and speech, than to be an imperialist upholding the censorship of the press, defending and creating big trusts, causing our noble nag to float over a foreign land of polygamy, fight a war of conquest to enable a few would- be American barons to establish colo nial cooley labor coloniea. We were for the Cuban war and we are against the Philippine war. Or in better terms; were for the Spanish-American war and against the McKinley-f bilip- pinewar. There believe as we do the populists, the democrats, the silver re publicans, prohibitionists and over one- third of the republican party. A GUILTY CONSCIENCE. J. Sterling Morton, of the Nebraska City Conservative is among our oldest and best friends in Nebraska, the family acquaintance dating back) "o'er the sands of time" for more than forty years but we were going to call him a tyrant we won't d) that but we will say that we believe that he is laboring under a guilty conscience, that nearly every word he pens for the Conservative is done for spite, revenge and jealousy jealousy be cause Nebraska has preduced other great , leaders of men besides himself. In his last Conservative speaking 'of trusts he says: "By preventing the overproduction they will prevent the stagnation that al ways follows and by holding industrial and wage prices from unhealthy fluctua tion they will tend to keen all prices more steady, includ ng thoe of farm products." Ureat tieavensi Advocate a policy to lay farm lands Idle to grow up in weede and ruin'the land for futu e crjps, to make idle farm hands, to let the plows and the binders rust and rot. Great policy, isn't it? Why not e ideavor to make some policy that will prevent men and corporations from viitua'ly stealing nil the profits ot the products of the farms thus making thousands of dollars for those who never did a day's work in their lives, except to plot and plan to grow rich off of the toiling masses? Then again Mr. Morton says: "As long as the wage worker is getting a living wage the farmer will get a living price for his products." And again we exclaim; ureat heavens! Advocate a policy that will oniy pro duce a mere living! Why should the farmers toil all the days of their lives and never makeauything but a mere liv ing, while the corporationists and the money power gang pile up their millions Answer this! then this great sage ol "guilty conscience" says that "overcapi talized trusts will have their day and collapse." Thus intimating that after the collapse the laboring classes will get their just dues. Hut what a weary waiti ng it will be. In the meantime now many thousands of poor people will go hungry and snff. r for the actual necessi- homes will there be? How many untime ly suicidal graves will bedeck our fair land in consequence of despondency brought on by just such persecution and tyranny of the evil effect of the money power? Lyons Mirror, (r p.) JACOB NORTH. In the death of Jacob North, Lincoln has lost one of its old and most substan tial citizens. He came to this city many years ago and began work as a practi cal printer. For a time he was foreman at the Journal office but afterwards es tablished a printing house of his own which has fx come one of the most suc cessful in the west. He knew his busi ness from top to bottom and by close attention to it, be left In it upon a sure foundation. He recently went back to England on a visit, but his health con tinuing to be poor he returned much sooner than he expected to. Us leaves a lame family three sons and four daughters, all of whom have been closely connected with his business. He was an exemplary man in every way and many : . l t t very mny iwereijr mourn Lis I08S. He was 61 years old. Can a boy king and bis r;'-ent mother sell nine millions of people and di liver them as a flock of sheep are delivered? Is such a bill of sale legal or jnst? The forts, arsenals an 1 othr public works that Spam had erected were mentioned in the birgain but neither the teriltorr nor the people. : i ;j -j "TTNJ a : ' " a -73 33- ' 2 u c