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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (June 17, 1897)
Tufe NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT June 17, t8i7 PUBLIC OWNERSHIP. THE PRINCIPLE FOR WHICH OUR FA THERS FOUGHT AND CONQUERED. htakte Monopoly Involves tho TJnoomt: tntional Fower of Toxins sr.e People for Private Parpoees The Doable Ac! ef Creatine nod Choking. The, war upon monopoly is in defense of tbe very principle for which oar fa thers fought and bled and conquered in the Revolution, for a monopoly in pri ate control means taxatiof without representation, and that is a power which no legislature has a right to grant to any man or set of men a pow er which no one should be permitted to exercise in a free country, for "tax ation without representation is tyran ny." It makes no difference whether the people are compelled to pay the tax by the power of their necessities or by the .power of the sheriff. When the coal combine raised tbe prico of coal last year on an average 30 cents a ton, it levied on the United States a monopoly tax of $9,000,000 on the annual output of 4S.000.000 tons, because tbe combine was already receiving heavy prices for it coal, and tbe cost of mining it i.i not increasing, but diminishing every year. Vice President Holden, one of tbe leaders of the combine, testified before the Mew York senate investigating com mittee that in "advancing the price of coal the cost of production or trans portation is not considered at all" tbe price ' 'has nothing to do" with tbe cost. It will not do to say that people need not buy ooal if they think tbe price is too bigh they have got to buy coal it ia only because of the necessity of tbe case that the combine is able to collect its exorbitant rates. Look at the Western Union paying 100 per cent dividends in tbe darkest days of tbe war, and averaging, from its organization to the present time, 800 per cent per annum on its original stock. No wonder the owners of these monopolies .became polymillionaires. No wonder Jay Gould remarked that he had rather be president of tbe West ern Union than of the United States. If these magio methods of accumulating riches were equally diffused, it would not be so bad, but tbe farmers cannot I put their hands into Undo Sam's pock ets and take out whatever tbey choose, as tbe monopolist can. Tbe fu: mer and the mechanic sell at competitive prices and buy at monopoly prices. Tbe tele graph men and- the coal men sell at monopoly prices and buy at competi tive prices. No wonder the former grow poor anal tbe latter unconscionably rich. Not only is monopoly in private con trol unjust, as enabling its owner to compel tbe people to pay more than a labor equivalent for the service be ren ders; not only is it the most powerful Influence for corruption and for hasten ing tbe concentration of wealth in tbe bands of a few selfish schemers; not only is the growth of private monopoly the greatest danger of the repnblio, but upon the plane of actually existing laws, so far as any monopoly rests up on a grant from the government, it is absolutely unconstitutional, and so far as it rests upon agreements among men, or the natural limitation of property, it calls for state interference according to undisputed principles of tbe common law. As we have seen, and as the Ameri can publio knows to its cost, a monop oly in private hands gives its owner the power to' collect from consumers more than tbe value of what they re ceive. He could charge the fair value of the service be renders without a monop oly tbe advantage of monopoly. The reason men struggle so hard to obtain is Is tbe power it gives to charge more than tbe value in other wordB, a pri vate monopoly confers tbe inestimable privilege of demanding something for nothing and involves the power of tax ing the people for private purposes, a power which the legislature cannot law fully confer upon any man or set of . men, because it does r.ot itself possess any such power, it cij tax or authorize taxation for publio purposes only, and taxation for tbe benefit of an enterprise in private control is not for a public but tor a private purpose and is beyond the sphere of legislative power. It mokes no difference whether the constitution limits the power of the log ialature to public purposes or not, the grant of a monopoly is, according to ih iuutueaii unuoiplvs of jurisprudence, viith'tsiy- Leyuiiil the utmost power of any legislative body in a free country. Tbe provisions of the constitution are not the only limitation on legislative power. There are others that inhere in the very substance of republican insti tations. And what the legislature cannot law fully do directly it cannot lawfully accomplish indirectly uuder the guise of a franchise. The nettled principles of the law, logically carried out, would render utterly void every franchise iu existence. Kven tbo sovereign power oi Queen Elizabeth was held incompetent to create uoiictpolius, because they were detrimental to the iuteresU of the peo ple. And if the "divinely counnissiomd ruler" of the people may not inflict this injury upon their interests by what an tbority can it bo done by tbe servant vt the people, elected to cotunrve their in teresM, uoi to defeat them? An ageut must I loyal to bis principal's inter ests, and the imunc-u he wtm t to be so his authority vanUlns. That is bedrock U the law if the rlvl'isvd world. AH this is clear, and yet our judges would irobubly Ixsiuto to declare a legislative frsurltle void todny tven if the argaim til ntiniiitt It validity were fully and strongly urgtsl (which it uev tr lias im u so far n 1 know), and they weulii inviut tK'MUM of the tag Hue of sueii naetiui-itU in the past and the disturbance (hut wistkl ii rauwtt by an adverse division at tliia late dsy. And yet it Is perfneUy n.iiiit that the , uDdauieiitftl piiueiplf (if a tt'j'olliciut government ate broken every time a franchise is granted and evtry moment a monopoly is maintained by aid of the law instead tit being swept into tbe list of crimes u it should be. Tbe people are bitter in their denunciation of trusts, and congress has passed severe laws against tlx nj for tbe sole reason that they are monopolies, whereby we have the serio-comical spectacle of a govern ment creating monopolies with one hand and endeavoring to choke them with the of her declaring absolutely void all monopolies formed by agree ment among men, because monopoly is in its nature contrary to publio policy, and sustaining exactly similar, in some cases identical, monopolies established by tbe agents of the people without an atom of authority to do it, but through a flagrant breach of their trust and in violation of tbe fundamental principles of free institutions, which even tbe di rect vote of a majority of the people would have no right to overcome or al ter. The remedy does not lie in killing the trusts and franchises. We could not if we would, for monopolies are form ed in obedience to a law superior to any that congress can make the law of in dustrial gravitation. Internally monop oly means co-operation instead of con flict, wise management instead of plan less labor, economy instead of waste. It is not monopoly we object to, but monopoly in private control. Tbe true remedy is publio ownership of monop olies. That will retain tbe economies of concentration and Remove the eviis of overgrown private power keep all that is good, kill only what is eviL We are bound to have monopolies. Tbe only question is whether they shall own the publio or tbe publio own them. We think the peoplo will be more comfort able to swallow than be swallowed. Professor Frank Parsons in Twentieth Century. ' Not Guilty, of Coarse. Havemeyer, tbe sugar king, is not guilty of contempt That was tbe de cision of tbo court Thursday at Wash ington. The trial of Mr. Havemeyer is not, however, without beneficent results. It emphasizes the fact that tbe laws are for tbe poor and hastens tbe time when the majority of tbe American people shall be iu contempt of court. Last week we called attention to the legal farce that resulted in tbe imprison ment of Broker Chapman, or, to be more explicit, resulted in transferring bis place of residence to a section of tbe district jail and furnishing his usual lnxuries at tbe expense of the govern ment .The offense of Chapman and Havemeyer was one and tbe same thing. That Chapman's case was not dismissed is due to their differing ranks. It is his misfortune that he is not a millionaire instead of a millionaire's factotum. There is one significant point in the proceedings that should not escape no tice. Tbe judge did not permit tbe mil lionaire's case to go to tbe jury. He re lieved them of all power by ordering them to bring in a verdict of not guilty. Had the simple question of right or wrong been left to tbe 12 citizens there would have been a possibility of endan gering tbe sugar king's liberty. No person who does his own thinking is surprised at the humilating failure of the United States senate to compel a multimillionaire to accord it respectful treatment The lords of the trusts are tbe masters of tbe nation, and there is no reason why they should stand in awe of a body that is their subservient tool or conceal their contempt for a people shamefully submitting to their robbery. Lcadvillo Miner. BUTLER ON INCOME TAX. Continued from yaps 1. The Forcing Process. One of the large eastern acid manu facturers, having works in Chicago and Cleveland and backed by a capital of 17,600,000, is making extreme efforts at present to place his goods in Colo rado. In addition to getting tbe freight rate reduced from Chicago to Colorado common points from 03 cents to 60 cents per 100 pounds, he is offering aoid at a price which is below cost of production. This, of course, saves the consumer considerable while it lasts, but in case the Colorado concern is forced out of business the eastern man will have everything his own way, and eventually tbe consumers will pay for what tbey are gaining now. We think it would be a much more far sighted policy for Colorado consumers to protect the home concern and by so doing not only keep the money in cir culutiou at home, but prevent the east ern niauufucturer from getting control of the market, which will enable him to make prices to suit himself. Denver Road. , Coxey Pesslmlatie. In suspending his paper Coxey do clares that "it is too late now o expect any reform through the ballot," and it ia broadly hinted that unless the prom ised prosperity is forthcoming Inside of a few mouths it may become news sory to again mass the unemployed and bankrupt peoplo at Washington, this time not to petition, but to demand that they fulfill pledges wade prior to election to aa outraged people, or re sign. This wounds somewhat as if Cox ey bad a notion of marebiug upou W ashington in truly John Urowu tah ion. Events that have transpired during the past few weeks indicate that auoth er strong revolutionary current has set in, and for tan next few months we may espwt to hear plenty of mutti-ling ou tbe part of those who have lost faith to the ballot Cleveland OUseu. A for Chandler, There ia a great swindle that Senator Chaudltr tuiiiht get after, with profit to tint jrovt rnim ni ami honor to hitnec If the riiioalVlllo tuUrou't. The govern iwtnl Im paid twice over In principal slid iiitrntt what the rod nw aud still ewes the piim I pal of the UuiU imued to build the steal Iron hihway, y Should u 1 1 Ik' government lake wwe iou f this nd and operate it for Die b and UntUf th whole peotitaf J PaattitsVk l,tLor ut. and exert their power to prevent con gress, it not to try to influence the court to save them from paying a fair share of the burdens of taxation. They con tribute liberally in campaigns. It must be because they expect a princely return. They refuse to contribute, if they have power te prevent it, to support tbe government, though they expec the government to call out soldiers if neces sary to protect their property, if such an emergency should arise. Let them remember that tbe ninety-nine out of every hundred ot such soldiers are the men who are today forced to pay double taxes in order that the rich and power ful privileged few may escape taxation. Mr. President, it is astonishing, when we stop to look where the wealth of this country js located, to see that the court should feel justified in straining and per verting the constitution to prevent the majority of the wealth of the country from paying taxes. It is astonishing that congress does not move its hand to correct tbe wrong. But a little overl per cent of the people of tbe United States own 70 per cent of tbe property of this country. Over 98 per cent of tbe people have left distributed among them less than 30 per cent of tbe wealth of the country. Under any system of tbe tariff taxation tbe bulk of the duties col lected and tbe burden of taxation falls upon that 98 per cent who own only S per cent of tbe wealth. Tbe doctrine that is preached ib sup port of protection and high tariff duties is tbat we must protect American labor against the pauper labor of Europe and American industries against foreign in dustries where pauper labor is employed. I suppose pauper labor is labor that has to work cheap under competition, be cause no laborer works for less than wbat would support him if he can help himself. Now let us see bow the pauper labor of America compares with tbe pauper labor of Europe. In Europe tbe average of tenant farmers, tbe average of men who do not own homes, who rent houses, who work .for their daily living, is about 40 per cent of the population. How is it in this country? Between 70 and 75 per cent of the American people are tenants and renters. We have a larger per cent of people who do not own homes and who work one day for their next day's bread than tbe cheap pauper labor countries of Europe have, and yet under tbe false promise of protection we continue to lay tbe burden of taxation upon tbesboulders of tbatclass or.people and allow to go scot free those who own 70 percent of tbe wealth and who are each year accumulating to themselves nearly all tbat labor produces, iney own more wealth than tbey know wbat to do with, yet they object to paying a fair share of I tbo taxes for tbe support ot tne govern-1 ment, and congress acquiesces. History tells us that every country that baa gono down under commercial ism reached the stage of decay when less than 10 per cent of the people owned nine-tenths of tbe property. We have already passed that period, that danger line lone ago. If we bad a fair and just income tax on the statute tanks, it would not remove the conditions, the special privileges, that today are con centrating tbe wealth in the bands of a few. It would simply equalize taxation. Tbe evils tbat make an unfair distribu tion of the wealth created would still re main, other legislation would sun tie needed to remedy that. The wealth of this country baa doubled since 1880. We bad then about 43, 000,000,000 worth of property. Today we have over 186,000,000,000. How has that wealth been distributing itself while it has been created? Oat of every dollar, Mr. President, that has been added to the wealtn 01 tms country since 1880 it has gone about as follows: To one man out of twenty, two-thirds of that dollar has gone; to the other nine teen out ot twenty, only one-third 01 tbat dollar has gone, to be divided among tbe nineteen, less than tuo cents for each; and tbe tact stares us in tne face tbat tbe nineteen who have gotten one-third out of every dollar's worth of property created since 1880 have been the producers of wealth and the others have been the speculators and accumu lators of wealth by special privileges granted by congress in unjust and vic ious laws. Now, Mr. President, this dispropor tion, as I have said, is not due entirely to the want of an mcome tax. It is due chiefly to other causes. Those causes should be removed. There are great financial and transportation problems before the country that congress will be called upou to consider. The causes that have brought about tbis startling disproportion of the distribution of tbe wealth must be removed it our republic is to be preserved. But even if these causes were already removed and mere was equal opportunity offered every cit izen to work and enjoy the fruits of his labor, still the duty and responsibility of congress would be just as great to see tbat taxation was so levied and collected that each individual would pay in pro portion to his ability to pay. The in come tax is the fairest and most just method of accomplishing this. Inasmuch as the tariff bill is no w under consideration, and inasmuch as the last tariff bill had an income-tax provision, aud it was that provision that the court rendered its decision upon, it will prob ably not be out of the way to road an extract from the dissenting opinion ot Mr. Justice Harlan. He is a republican, lie no doubt believes In the principles of protection. If be is a republican such as the majority on this floor is, he is not even satisfied with the high protection of the Wilson bill. Now, what does be say about the tariff bill being a fair measure ot taxation? In speaking of striking the iueome-tai provision out ol tbe Wilson law he says: It TcrttMlM rwialv that those parts of tas Wllsoa Art thai sacvlve lh n. Utorrntth eoaetltetton Isvutveil hy law ewa are taoss Imnuaiae bardsae ihii Ihe rat bolr ut la tiHlnii peuple aao ure eo nil. (rata rl iai,l wu are ao to turtaaal la uea lavweti persoeal properl, s-a a las ue4a or storks of foftxireUoea thai aula euala Ihtlr tuatntt alwiMt iaiirleteeolaaer. lie recognised the fact that the Wilson bill with the Ineomo-txprovialon struck out was not a lair and equitable meas ure of laiatloa. IU rveogelwd the fact that it laid the burden most heavily upou thoee who did not oh a much prop My and who bad not the mean 10 pay. la t hl coneortios I might rail situation to the fart tbat whether it l a democratic tariff or a mpuhliraa tariff, whether It U 1 tariff for protxrtina or tariff tor rv aue, yet a tariff ia still praetleally pull tat. Is r-y tate la Ibis vm we raiae our Ui by a tax on the poll aad a tax u property. Why? tt rrwanlie the Ut that every oiaa whether he owns property or not, re ceives certain protection from tbe gov ernment es an individual. Therefore we place a uniform tax on each individ ual, ou bis head and call it a poll tax so that every one, even if be has nothing but bis limbs and bis muscle, is called upon to contribute so much to support the government. Then in order to equal ize taxation, we turn to the individual and look at bis property, and we tax him according to the amount of bis property, a certain per cent on his prop erty. Howie itwith the Federal government? We raise nearly all of our taxes by a tariff; tbat is a tax on a man's necessi ties, a tax on bis mouth, on bis back. Therefore each individual is taxed on wbat be eats and wears. He is taxed not according to bis means, but accord ing to his necessities, without any regard to the amount of property he owns. If the man worth f 1,000,000 eats no more than the man who mauls rails for SO cents a day and does not own a dollars worth of property, if a man worth f 1, 000,000 wears no more clothes than the man who mauls rails for 50 cents a day and does not own a dollars worth of property, then they both contribute exactly thb same to support tbe Federal government. To tbat extent the tariff may be called, for it is the nearest illus tration you can give to the system of state taxes, a poll tax not literally,but near enough for illustration. Now, will we raise all of tbe money necessary to run the government upon the individual; that is by a poll tax? I have a tenant, he owns nothing but a little personal property, which be moves from one tenant bouse to another, when he moves. He has ten children. He buys more pairs of shoes, if be buys any for bis children, in a year than I buy. Tbe mills tbat you want to open now in ord r to itetore prosperity de pend upon being kept open on bis power to buy, upon bis power to consmme. He has his wife and his children, and his children are increasing. His power to purchase is less now than it was five years ago, though his family is larger and bis necessities greater. Shall we place upon tbat man, in order to in crease bis capacity to consume, burdens of taxation out of bis ability to pay? If your American manufacturers pros- Eer and keep their mills open, it must be ecause the American people are able to consume and to purchase. When we raise all of our taxes by tariff, then we not only put a poll tax on the tenant, but an additional poll tax on bis wife and on each of bis ten .children a poll tax on every mouth that is fed and on every back that is clothed. Then we make tbis poll tax very nign,nign enougn to raise all the tax necessary without placing a dollar of tax on property. Is it just? Mr. President, it is clear to-aay mat the burdens of taxation today fall largely upon tbat great mass of American peo ple who are not accumulating wealth, men of moderate means and men who work for daily wages. For what reason I will not stop now to discuss, but tbey fall largely upon tbat great mass of American citizens wno work more Hours in a day than tbey should be forced to work in order to supply their families with tbe necessities of life. Tbe wealth tbat is accumulated by the fortunate few in tbis country, whether honestly or dishonestly, is not a question to be con sidered with reference to an income tax. but tbat wealth should certainly pa in oroDortion to its amount with tbe man who has accumulated only a small amount, who is forced to be a daily toiler and producer. It beirins to look as if the constitution may never be again amended by submit ting an amendment to the states. Surely if this amendment cannot be submitted to the States, then no amendment in tbe interests of good government and jus tice will ever be submitted, unless there is a radical change in tbe American con gress. There is more public sentiment, round ed on tbe broadest principles of equity, behind this question of an income tax than behind any other question that I can conceive of tbat will have to be sub mitted to the people as a constitutional amendment If we can not amend our constitution? if tbe court can render de cisions digging holes in it from time to time, and the old bulk of the constitu tion has to stand with tbe life taken and amended out of it by judicial decisions; if with the progress of events we cannot amend the constitution to keep pace with the development of civilization and commerce, then the quicker tbe Ameri can people kno w it tbe better. II we can not suomitto tne legislatures of the states tbis amendment providing for an income tax, then there Is one other way of amending tbe constitution, and the neoole ought to know, and know quickly, that their only hope is through a constitutional convention. A constitutional convention, if called, Mr. President, will not be called under the auspices of a political party; it will not be called when voters can be appealed to on the ground of standing by "tbe dear old party." Men will vote their honest judgment; the evil effects of party machinery that warp men's judgment will not be in play then; and the dele gates, coming fresh from the people, will not be so easily controlled by corpora tions and trusts as some members of eono-rens are. The dolesrates in a con stitutional convention will stand nearer the people than congress now does. 1 he orivileired few. who now enjoy so many unjust advantages, had beet submit to a just income tax a dozen times man lores tue people to can a conswiuiiouni convention. Such a convention would destroy the vlla that cause the unequal distribution ot wealth. 1 shall press this amendment, but 1 would prefer to see a convention held. If the rivlltrd clan were wise, they would help me to paas this amend ment. But thev will not aud 1 wlh Imply to call the attention of that class of our ettliana, and ot thoae whosyin pathiw with theineo strongly a to probably be unable to do etaet justice between all our f itiiena, to Ihe fael that this animilment is a small Inform emu narml to what the American people will demand la ronatitutioaet convention. If they meet-aad they surety will meet soon, nnleee congmea measures up Bearer its duly and that then there will be a supreme effort ot Ihe American ipl to go bet to first prtadple and place this aovernmeut where It lfuJrs thought they had placed It, and, 1 think, more eartlully, tha our tueeator wore able lo do la tbe primitive ta of our republic. !trntbl the "repudialor" have Bueeee.H la elei line; an attortty-gu eralwnnt weevietf a mitfhtr flue web eroua4 lb putlle defaulter. Ex. I z if vi yy t an v 23 SO ANDY CATHARTIC CUntCOIISTIPATIOIl ALL DRUGGISTS 1BS0MTELT CDiEMTEED t?Z"''"f"7'''T!! &i picaaa nhwrm. a. stkkmnh ucneui uh. Oilcaeo, HoirtreaL, wm.,ornw lorm. jii 7irU I I 7llUsW-eVSI if l it II I Sllillt T. t V ? Ill il IbT.1 a a m mm ' UNt rnurii. m BUY DIRECT, .ttiffl A $20 TA1L01U1ADE SUIT FOR $10 Caaa with Orer ana coupon. These Fashionable Suits are raaAetroia an ALK-WOOL BLACH DIAtiiiNAL. 1H t)z. HSUL1SU WOHSTliU. The mot popular cloth for fine dress wear or neat Uuniness suits. Its wear-resmunK aualities place it in the front rank of tbe clothing of the world, ine nings and trimmings are the bet,giving our suits a finish unexceiiea . DON'T PAY 100 PER CENT MORE THAN COUT wtaen yon can buy direct from the manufacturer at the same price your dealer pars. We aro making thia great SO day of for to eet more customers and figure tliene tailor-made suits down to cost, linsrare opportunity gives you a saving of ?IO, and is a good Investment, De caune woolens are sum to advance, and you will have great cauite to con gratulate yourself for purchasing at our reduced price Don t delay, there are a thousand other people reading this ad . and knowlQ-'LiJiS goods will order at once. We follow the rule "First dome. First Served." T - T OUR GREAT 30 DAT COUPON OFFER. oT.'sut ,0'M'Z. J price on tte tailor made nuits, but in order to enlarge our Dumnens we are ) q. a An 4 making this special offer, giving every reader of this paper a chance to get a fine uSO.UU suit utlesf than wholesale. On receipt of 10 cash and coupon we will ship one r v t of ihoumlu.nil mrikntea a fit. Vonr moner cheerfully refunded '.f suit Is " sn witn - not satisfactory. Give your chest mearare over the vet, your walt measure J Z under the vest and length of Insesm of pants, your height, weight and age, and J05,t'j uiu you waui ui a Bttuii"" r ' z we guarantee to give yon a prlect llttiug salt. Should you i belore you ouy, write u i the coupon wllh order. hi.fr.r.vi.11 im. riiani.tnrirarirl ni'iiw 2-cent MtuTtin fur reulr. Send Cnt this out. H. il. a ia., jno-uo isearuoni nt.. uitutcp, ... S gTadeofwork, JUT . VARIABLE FEED t and u at I v nrr saw miixs, , ABOUT COST. JO- J. PLANERS and i i I I SHINGLE MACHINES, , II ENGINES and BOILERS, ' If I I CORN, FEED, and i I I FLOUR MILLS, S S !f 1 mnmnaMM.k A WATER WHEELS, 3 tj J tJCE2.'"'' 1 BALING PRESSES, i Pllj J CORN SHELLERS, . L--- i M PEAHULLERS, J I S jj r I SHAFTING, J I 1 PULLEYS and S S ... I V I MILL GEARING. ' I ief 'SAW REPAIRING Ky- Mtj A SPECIALTY. S ffl'4-': j , SU-PRICES LOW, I l j2--Jd Large Catalogue Fbee. J T.L. STEPHENS, Pres. HARRT I. WILSOB, Bee. W. C. STEPHENS, Treat WW. a- f j m BT M S 7 SUMMER TEEM BEGINS JUNE 1,1897. First class instrnction in all Commercial and Shorthand branches. An excellent opportunity is afforded teachers and university students. . Write for terms and catalogue LINCOLN BUSINeSS COLLSGe Corner Hth and 0 Streets Telephone 864. Lincoln, Neb. SteelTanks Galvanised, In all sites, round,oblongor square S. B. WXVOEJt, Ut) Chicago. Christian Endeavours to San Franoisco. The Denver and Rio Grandn It. Tl the "Scenic Lina of thn Wnrlri " nnio n - voauf kt vwy o b V the Christian Endeavorers tbe most vari ed arfd beautiful scenery and tbe best ac comodations of any of the Trans-Con ti- IT' ueutui Lines. Endeavorers en rontn tn uttanA t.ha National Convention at San Francisco, in July, 1897, will find it to their ad vantage to use the Denver and Rio Grande R. R. in one or both directions. ine choice o two routes is offered via this line, using the standard gunge line through Leadville, Canon of the Grand and Glenwood Spriugs, in one direction; and the narrow o-nno-a Una nm th. famous Marshall Pass and through tbe oiacK uanon 01 tne uunnlson, in the other. Both routes take the passenger through the world famed Royal Gorge. For further particulars and 'beauti fully Illustrated pamphlets call on or ad dress, S. K. IloornR, G,P, T.A., Denver, Colorado. We have said before that Dryan re ceived more populist than democratic votes and believe it can be proven. From Sa to '94 the populists doubled their vote in the nation and it is sale to say that in '90, 3,OOi,O0 populist votes were cast. No one disputes that the free silver republicans east 1.000,000 making 4,000.000 votes cast for Hryan. The democratic candidate received 0,. 500,000 votaa and 31,800,000 of them were democrats. It Is the troth tbat when 1900 cornea the populists will have the naming ol the president that takes his seat oa March 4th, 1901 Staoton Register. Oovernonioleuuth has been disabled with rheumatism during tbe past week, lie is able to get around again with the aaaisUsce of two canes, lie cannot touch but one loot to the ground, bat manages to t up to the rapitol each day and traus.ut the important bul-neea. CAN HAVE BUT ONE WIFE". taat Teaassa atl aaa Satahe teas awav. Ityoa wast to quit tobamo sslaf easily asj lorever, be made well, strong, mitfrnetx, lull of a Me and vigor, tabs Na-To-llae. the wonderworker, that makes weak men strong. Many gala tea pottod la tea dais. Over 400,000 eared. ,tuy Na-To-ias ot your 4 rvggiel sulr gusrastee to rur. fioe or l, Houklel aad sample mailed tree, jMdrea Htertiag Uu1j Co., I'hbago or Nsa Y, A aiar Is I aetwealt. Polygam.us Relations of Indians Must Soon Cease. Panv, Okl., June 15.-The Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians are wrought up over the new law which goes into effect Julyl .relating to polygamy. After tbat time each of the forty Chevenne In dians who has morn thn n nno njtta mill have to choose one of two of tbe wives ne nas ana tne other wives must go back to their relatives. The i the squaws who have become enlightened iu meir Biiutuion, nas oecoaie intense. Every squaw who wants to remain with her husband is doing her best to please mm, ou iuat aiie win oe tue lucky wife. There are fortv of t.heaa and in all they have over 100 squaws. SAN FEAN0I800. 0ALIF0BNIA. National Convention Young PeopU'a So ciety of Christian EniWvnv. Rate via the Burlington. 122.50, San t ran Cisco to Lincoln via direct lines, S33. San Francitwn tn t rail and Portland. S2S.50 San Francisco to Lincoln via steamer and Portland. Helling dates, Jane 29 to July 3. Ktop-overs allowed on gointripat and west of Denver; on returning trip at points in Culiforula on tickets read' Ing via direct lines. At points west of and including LlvlnKston, Mont., on. tickets wading via Portland. Special trains of tourist and palace s eeplng cars through to Sno Francisco. Berths reserved on request at B. & M depot or city oltlce, corner lOtn and O stmts, Lincoln, Neb. a St Uko. W, Bon!kix, C. P. T. A. MILWAUKEE, WI8. Annual iWlbr Edacttiootl Aue-elation- llatw, IIMtt for the round trip Ironi IJneola via the Burlington. rolling dates, July a, 4 and R. t.lteBeion ol limit to Aligns! St. on applicatirtu toiiliu agvnt ai llilwa.uk " ,",,'" Jwlf 13, and oa pavment ol 0 rente detail fee, tfiUnl Iraia from Llnwilo July a. For brinn etc., apply at It, A M. d-pt or Cltf oBlws, eoraer 10th and tt slrwte, 5 at Uko, V, Bo tn, C l', A T. A. The tterN)iSr gives all lbs sees. ail Ihe lime. It-ad U,