s .
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The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
VOL. VIII.
LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, Sept. io. 1896.
NO. 14.
1
V
OIIYAU NOTIFIED
Of His Unanimous Nomination by
the National Silver
Party.
A SERIES OF OVATIONS
The Equal of Which Has Never
Been Seen West of the
Missouri.
A Big Dy For Bran.
The whole north side of the capitol
grounds was filled with people yesterday
afternoon to witness the preliminary
notification exercises of William Jennings
Bryan as the presidential nominee of the
silver party. They stood for three hours
with the sun pouring down upon them
that they might hear the next president
speak upon the all-important question
of the campaign.
Mr. Bryan came upon the platform
escorted by Mr. Norris Humphrey, fol
lowed by Mrs. Bryan and Mr. George A.
3root of Cleveland, 0.
Mr. E. E. Brown introduced Mr. Bryan.
The audience fairly went wild as their
fellow townsman and future president
arose to speak.' The deafening cheers
lasted for several minutes. After the
crowd had yelled itself hoarse and about
exhausted Its lung capacity, Mr. Bryan
was given an opportunity to apeak. His
voice was hoarse at first, but became
stronger as he spoke. He could be heard
quite distinctly to the very edge of (the
vast throng.
As Mr. Bryan stepped forward to ac
cept the nomination bedlam broke loose
nnrA mnra hnt nniet was restored and
perfect attention was given the can
date throughout his twenty minute
jtrmnnh of acceDtance. Mr. Bryan was
x
somewhat hoarse but made himself heard
to the great majority present.
- mr. bbyan's acceptance.
It was 10:30 before Mr. Groot con
eluded and Mr. Bryan began his speech
He said:
" "Mr. Chairman. Chairman of the Noti
fication Committee and to the members
. ' of that Committee: I beg to reply at
this time without the formality of a let
ter. The platform adopted by the silver
convention contains Due one pianx ana
that plank the plank upon the money
question, or UDon the silver question, is
Identical in substance with the silver
nlank of the Cbicairo platform. As
have already discussed at length that
plank and it will not be necessary to en
ter to any extended discussion at this
time, I beg to assure the committee that
I accept the nomination so generously
tendered by them on behalf of the silver
party in the spirit in which that nomi
nation was presented, (Lheers.) 1 can
ADDreciate th feeling which animated
those who assembled there and turned
their backs UDon the party with which
they had been associated.
IT NEEDED COURAGE.
"I knew something of the strength of
parties, and because 1 was in tnat posi
tion, I looked forward to a possibility of
like action on my own part I can ap
preciate the depths of a conviction that
led them to place the interests of their
country above the welfare of their party,
Long cheering; shouts of 'good.') More
than a year ago, when we were engaged
in a struggle to bring the democratic
f arty to an endorsement of free coinage,
he Question was put to me whether, in
-"Vaase of failure,! would support the demo-
ratic nominee if he were a gold stand
ard man. I never believed that such ac
tion was probable in the democratic
party, but when those who questioned
me were not content with probabilities,
but asked again whether, in case of that
event I would support the nominee, I
said, as you will remember, that under
such circumstances my vote would not
given to the mas who would in the exe
cutive office use his influence to fasten
the gold standard npon the American
people. (Cheering.)
"My convictions upon this subject are
not shallow convictions. 1 may be in
rror, my friends. None of us can claim
infallibility. But we have experience of
history to guide us and our judgment
and our conscience, and I stand where
the members of that silver convention
stood. 1 would rather have the ap
proval of my conscience than the ap
plause of the entire earth. I may be in
rror, I believe that the gold standard is
a conspiracy against the human race.
(Great cheering.) I would no sooner
join the ranks of those whose purpose it
is to fasten that upon the American peo
ple than to enlist in an army that was
marching to attack my home and kill
my family. (Renewed cheering.) I can
say, therefore, that I can appreciate the
spirit which annimated those who have
just tendered me this second nomination,
and I can, therefore, accept it in the
spirit in which they present it. And I
can pledge that, if elected, they shall
uever have occasion to accuse me of be
ing falso to that trust. (More cheering.)
PARTV DEFENDERS.
"My friends, when I declared that I
would not support a gold standard can
didate I was standing upon the history
of the democratic party. I was defend
ing its principles as well as the interests
of the country at large. And when the
republicans who assembled in the silver
convention at St. Louis refused to wor-
Continued oa 8th page.
ROSBWATER ON SILVER.
He Was Opposed to Gold Contracts
1886.
In
It is not aurprisig that Senator Van
Wyck'sbill to prevent the demonitiza
tion of the silver dollar, by forbidding
contracts providing that payment on
notes, Ac., shall be made in gold, has
caused a howl of indignation from the
organs of the capitalists throughout the
country. The measure is denounced as
useless, as dangerous, and as unconsti
tutional. The wide attention which
has attracted shows that it is useless,
chiefly to the gold bugs, dangerous to
the scheme of the men who are working
for a demonetization of the silver dollar
and unconstitutional, only in the eyes
of capitalists, who hope to make usuri
ous contracts, whose validity would be
impaired by the operation of the meas
ure.
Senator Van Wyck's bill prohibits the
making of contracts whose performance
would require payment in gold coin alone
to the exclusion of silver. It makes such
contracts entered into after the passage
of the law, null and void. It does not
impair the validity of any contract al
ready entered into but declares the future
making of such contracts illegal because
the certain result of their performance
will be to dishonor the silver dollar, de
crease its relative value, and hasten the
day of a single standard. For months
past heavy capitalists east have been en
tering into such engagements. Thous
ands of leases of property in New York
city have been made with a clause provid
ing for the payment of rent "in gold
coin." The records of the courts show
large quantities of mortgages recorded
with similar clauses inserted in the notes.
No one can deny that the tendency of
such contracts is to cast a cloud upon
our silver currency which by law is as
much the standard of value as gold coin,
Every exclusion of silver from the
channels of trade makes it more difficult
r the government to maintain its rela
tive value as a circulating medium. The
objection that Senator Van Wyck'sbill
is "flatism" is ridiculous. The silver
dollar today circulates side by fide with
the gold dollar. So far the concerted
attempts of large capitalists and of the
Wall street clique to demonetize the
metal have failed. In the face of de
monetization by England and Germany
the United States is sustaining a bi
metallic currency without injury to its
business interests and to the general
satisfaction of its citizenship. The value
of the silver dollar as a coin is equal
to that of the gold dollar. Senator
Van Wyck's bill so far from being
in the interests of "flatism" so
called is directly opposed to an irre
deemable currency of inferior value. Its
aim is to maintain the value, intrinsic
and relative, of the metal dollar by pre
venting the operation of schemes for de
preciating its usefulness as a medium of
exchange. It is a measure for the main
tenance of bimetallism, nut for the
destruction of a staple coinage. It
neither inflates nor decreases the volume
of the currency, makes no dangerous in
novation in financiering and changes
none of the existing conditions. It does
not impair the obligation of contracts
but prohibits the making of contracts
which congress declares shall be illegal
because opposed to the public interests.
Senator Van Wyck's measure is a prop
er and practical one. It is proper be
cause it is aimed at an actual evil, and
one which if permitted to continue will
materially hasten demonetization by
widening the gap between the two met
als. It is practical because if carried into
enect it will prevent the concerted at
tempt which is being made in the east to
dishonor silver as a circulating medium
and to increase the value of the, gold dol
lar for the benefit of the creditor class.
Omaha Bee, January 26, 1886; reprint
ed in Stanton Register.
KEEP HIM ON THE STUMP.
Judge Field Develops Into a Splendid
Bryan Vote Maker.
Hickman, Neb., Sept. 6. (Special Cor
respondence.) Hon. A. W. Field ad
dressed a fair sized audience here last
night composed of people of all parties.
He dwelt mostly on the money question,
and made some very erroneous state
ments in regard to it. His speech did
not elicit that applause and enthusiasm
generally accorded to republican speak
ers at this place. Some of the staunch
est republicans seemed to be restless and
anxious for him to stop speaking. His
allusions to Bryan showed that personal
malice engendered toward him during
their joint discussions four years ago
when Bryan so completely wiped the
ground with him. His effort here was a
complete failure as far as making
was concerned, and we think that if theys
will keep Field on the stump he will make
votes for Bryan faster than our own
speakers can possibly do.
SILVER
The Sage of Minnesota Addresses a
Vast and Admiring Mul
titude. MANY POINTS MADE CLEAB
To Doubting Thomases in the Crowd
Who Seem Glad to Learn
V the Truth.
INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION
Is Called the Siamese Twin of the
Republican Party Intended
to Trap "Gudgeons."
TEE INFAMOUS CRIME OF 1873.
Mr. Donnelly Graphically Describes
How the Transaction Was
Brought About.
A Splendid Address. ,
The announcement that Ignatius Don
nelly would speak was sufficient to
attract one of the largest crowds of the
campaign at the Lincoln hotel last night.
The committee had secured the use of
Bohanan's hall, but as it was not deemed
large enough to accommodate all who
wished to hear the brilliant Minnesota
orator, it was thought best by the com
mittee to have the speaking in front of
the Lincoln hotel.
The immense crowd that assembled
proved the wisdom of the change in loca
tion. There was not a hall in the city
that would have held one-fourth of the
people "who came purely out of idle curi
osity to hear and see an 'anachist.' "
It
is surprising the number of curious peo
ple there are in Lincoln.
At 8:15 Mr. James Manahan, chair
man of the democratic central commit
tee, took the platform to introduce the
speakers. He said, "we have with us
two distinguished gentlemen from Min
nesota, one of them Mr. Thomas O'Brien
democratic national committeeman; the
other needs no introduction to an intel
ligeut audience in the civilized world, the
farmer, the author.the orator.the states
man, Ignatius Donnelly. At the request
of Mr. Donnelly I first introduce to you
Mr. O'Brien."
Mr. O'Brien spoke but briefly. He
said: "The question before the Ameri
can people is the question of free govern
ment. When I see great corporations
with millions at their control practicing
the vilest intimidation to influence their
employes in . the exercise of the right of
franchise, I say that free government is
at stake.
He paid an eloquent tribute to Ne
braska's pride and to the great west,
From the west came the demand that
led to the purchase of Louisiana, the
opening of the Mississippi river, which
thus paved the way for the development
of this grand country lying in the Missis
sippi valley. From the west came Lin
coln, Grant, Sheridan and today from
the west comes that great leader of the
new democracy, W. J. Bryan
"They say it is anarchistic to criticize
the supreme court. Just think what
hat means. The people made the su
preme court. Cannot the people longer
criticize their creatures? Must they in
cur the charge of being in sympathy with
anarchists if they would venture criti
cism upon their servants? I tell you the
people should and have the right to crit-
cise their servants, whether they be ex
ecutive, legislative or judicial."
Mr. Manahan then introduced Mr.
Donnelly, who was greeted with en
chusiastic cheers. He said: "It is a
pleasure for me to be able to talk to you
tonight. You have a beautiful state
and a great city. A city named after
our president and about to be the home
of another.
I believe that as Abraham Lincoln was
called of God so the same divine in
fluence effected the nomination of W. J.
Bryan. I look upon the event that
caused his nomination as the most re
markable, the most dramatic, the most
astonishing, of the century. A man
from the wild and wooly west, a region
many believe to be on the border of
civilization, in twenty-four hours rises
from obscurity to a position of national
prominence, his name in every man's
mouth and the reverberations of his
fame extend over the entire world.' I do
not have to appeal to you to vote for
him. (Cries of no you don't have to, we
will dothat). Think what it means to
your state to have him elected. If we had
such a man in Minnesota we would give
him a majority of 50,000.
Reforms are slow in coming. It takes
years to bring them about. It seems to
be the plan of Providence to have it so.
I was one of the founders of the republi
can party. In 1859 I was elected lieu
tenant governor of Minnesota. At that
time I answered the sophistries of the
slave power. Today I am answering the
sophistries of the money power, and it is
the same old power. The same matters
are at issue. It is precisely the same
battle of the many against the tew, the
battle of the masses against those who
are entrenched in power.
It was said of the old democratic party
(thank God we now have the new demo
cratic party) that they would put the
cow catcher on the rear end of the train
as they were afraid of being run over by
the progressive element of society.
Think, my friends, whether yon are with
the progressive or the retroacti ve element
"In the battle with slave power the
defenders of the slavery system said,
"we will have to marry the black
women." This was urged as a strong
objection against emancipation. But
Abraham Lincoln effectively answered
their empty sophistries when he said
"Because I do not want a woman as a
slave it does not necessarily follow that
I must have her as my wife."
In Indiana a load of old maids were
carted through the streets with the in
scription on the wagon, "Save us from
black husbands," when God knows there
was not the slightest danger of their
having husbands of any kind.
Thus today we hear the same impos
sible arguments. One of them is the 50-
Kcent dollar scare. Did any of you ever
pee one? People talk about the fiat of
government not amounting to anything.
(Why it is the flat of government that
Wives dignity to our courts. It is the
pat of government that places the rope
about the neck of the criminal. There is
nothing on earth more powerful than
the fiat of government. When a govern
bent says a certain thing is money,
whether it be gold, silver, paper or
leather, I have to take it from you in
payment of debt, I take it because I know
that all other men must tafce It from me.
"The trade dollar was a part of the
conspiracy of demonetization. It was
made to fit in a niche of the great scheme
of rascality. They were not legal tender
What was the result? They would pass
only for ' bullion Value about 90 cents,
The banks bought up all and then asked
for the privilege of exchanging them for
legal tender dollars.
"Silver, fell after 1873, when the flat of
government was taken from it. The
same results would have attended gold
had it been demonetized. When gold
was discovered in California in 1849,
three countries of Europe demonetized
gold. Why? Because they were afraid
it would depreciate and raise prices,
Even England appointed a committee
to investigate the probable effect of the
new gold discoveries. It was found that
the (new discoveries werejplacer mines,
and thought that it was a mistake to
demonetize gold, as it was not so plenti
ful as supposed.
About this time silver was discovered
in the mountains of Navada. They saw
that silver must fall hence it should be
demonetized. To those who doubt that
gold would fall if the flat of government
was taken from it I would ask, what is
it that gives gold its value apart from
its use as a money metal? At least three-
fourths of the demand for gold is for
monetary purposes. Take away that
demand and its price will fall just that
amount. That is what legislation does
for gold. But, they ask us, why do you
insist on silver? Simply because as long
as one is used both must be used.
"I have an article here. I do not
know where it is. It was so light I pre
sume it has blown away. It was pre
pared by a Mr. Charles 0. Whedon of
this city, a great financier and repres
entative of great financiers, (a chorus of
voices from audience, one of them now
in the penitentiary)You say one of them
is now in the penitentiary. After his
experience as representative of these
gentlemen he poses as a great financial
luminary. He says that the amount of
money does not have anything to do
with the determining of prices. An old
lady once said when a minister quoted
from Paul in opposition to her wishes,
that is where Paul and I differ." And
there is not a recognized authority but
what differs with Mr. Charles 0. Whedon.
"This great local financier contradicts
himself even in his own paper, which
gives the price of wheat as follows:
1872, 1.42; 1895, .67; 1896, .49.
Just think what it would mean to the
farmers if he conld get $1.42 for his
wheat which was the price prior to the
demonetization in 1873.
The Chicago goldbug press have in
augurated a campaign of education for
the benefit of the laboring man. They
are telling him that if Bryan is elected he
will have to pay twice as much for his
bread, his meat and other food products.
But you look at it from the standpoint
of the farmer a moment. No one will
deny that the increased prices will bene
fit him. If the farmer prospers the towns
prosper. The manufacturers and mer
chants of the city are dependent on the
farmer. When the price of agricultural
products are low the farmer is unable to
purchase the products of the manufac
turer. While it is true that the labor
organizations can keep up the wages of
those who can get work, think of the
vast number who cannot get work.
"I am reminded' of a story of an Irish
man. , Pat was looking at some peaches.
His companion said they were only 5
cents. 'Faith,' says Pat, 'in Ireland we
could get finer peaches than them for
one cent.' 'Well,' says his friend, 'why
did you leave Ireland.' 'Oh,' answered
Pat, 'Oi couldn't get the cent.' That is
the trouble with the workingman. He
hasn't the cent. There is no prosperity,
no growth and men are without work.
In Minnesota it has become a common
saying that real estate has ceased to be
an asset and has become a liability. A
gentlemen, a prominent attorney, said
to me shortly before leaving my state:
'Mr. Donnelly, you have no idea of the
desperate condition of things. Why, un
less a change comes soon there will be a
bloody revolution But we do not want
any bloody revolution. The best revo
lution is that of the ballot box, and the
most effective blow that can be struck at
the ballot box is to elect W. J. Bryan.
"To return to the tables of Statistician
Whedon. (At this point the speaker
quoted the price of cotton in 1872 and
1895.)
"Note the marked depreciation," he
said, "cotton is the principal industry of
the south. This is the condition that
has made the south in favor of silver.
"We now come to tables giving the
price of manufactured products.
"Cheap iron means cheap labor, the
cheapening of the human race and the
degradation of mankind. And for what?
Simply that the money changers may
prosper. : s v.----
"I do not wish to say anything against
the bankers. There is no one that I en
joy more at a tea party than a banker.
But did you ever hear of a banker doing
anything for acommuuity? When the
safety of our country was imperiled
through the lack of funds Abraham Lin
coln wanted money. The bankers gen
erously came to his assistance and of
fered the money at from 19 to 85 per
cent interest. But how about the farmer
and mechanic? When they saw that
their country was in danger they deter-
1111 MOU IU j Duuiu, auU 11 uevroom j ,
leave their bones lying on southern soil
that they might save their country
Where were the bankers then 7
"The bankers are not producers, but
grabbers. They toil not, but live off the
sweat of another s brow. Are these the
kind Of men to put in control of our gov
ernment? Is such the democrarcy of
Thomas Jefferson? Oh, no. What did
that great man say? 'Why, I am so hos
tile against the United States bank that
tbey call me a mauiac. 1 nomas Jener
son started in public life a wealthy man
with a large plantation. When he died
he was bo poor that congress bought his
library, that his family might have
enough money to live on. Lincoln was
also a poor man. now about uryanf
Are there any of vou that he has plun
dered? If he had been a grabber, with
his abilities he would have millions,
This is the kind of men we want to make
Uiis nation great.
Mr. Donnelly said that he would be
pleased to hear any that wished to ask
questions, and he promised not to send
them to jail. Col. L. C. Pace asked how
about the Indianapolis convention?
"That is the Siamese twin of tne re
publican party," said Mr. Donnelly. "It
is to make it easy for those democrats
who do not wish to desert their party.
They can vote for Palmer while the
others vote for McKinley.
Do you want the present condition of
affairs lour years longer; (tries oi no.)
The republican party does not propose
any remedy. I must qualify that state
ment, 1 do them an injustice. They do
propose a remedy by putting up the
tariff, making the farmer pay that much
moie for his necessaries, l Delieve in
tariff, but only in time ot prosperity. If
the east was in destitution and the west
in prosperity we would in the openness of
our heart assist them. But with the
impoverished condition of the west itjis
an insult to ask them to assume addi
tional burdens."
Mr. Donnelly quoted statistics show
ing now tne policy oi tne government
has resulted in the concentration of
wealth in the hands ot a few and that
the burdens of tariff taxation fell almost
entirely in the west.
Mr. McKinley says we should open
the mills. ' What is the use of opening
the mills when you have not the money
to buy the goods. Our merchants now
have eoods lying on their shelves which
they are unable to dispose of. Business
houses are tottering. Banks find their
assets turning with alarming rapidity
into worthless paper. What is the
remedy, is the question.
"Whedon says you nave a per capita
circulation of f 23, so that every family
of five should have $100. Have yot got
it?
"After a careful and thorough investi-
gtition I find that the per capita circula
tion of the United States is $3.83, when
in 1873 it was $67. Do you wish this
contraction to continue. If you do not
you should vote for W. J. Bryan.
When asked if be thought indepeudent
free coinage on the part of the United
States would restore the parity of gold
and silver at 16 to 1, Mr. Connelly said
that it would. He cited the tact that
when free coinage passed the senate in
1892 silver, on the very prospect, rose
from less than a dollar to $1.20 within
9 cents of the mark and then the
money power stepped in and bought up
congress and prevented the passage of
the bill. Silver immediately fell back to
the old price.
in regard to the charge oi the useoi
corruption in securing the passage of the
act oi la io ne citea tne sworn statement
ot Lookenbach, in which Ernest Seyd, a
noted English banker, said that he had
secretly bought up the American congress
under the instructions of the president
of the Bank of England. He also re
ferred to the fact that no man under
stood the act.
He closed hia very able speech by say
ing: "If you wish the infamous act re
pealed vote for W. J. Bryan and a con
gress that will co-operate with him. They
tell us that it will double the price of pro
ducts and ot labor. Is that not what
you wan t?This is the battle of civilization,
the battle that determines whether we go
down to the condition of Europe, with a
landed aristocracy and a tenant peas
antry or start out in a new era of en
lightenment and civilization, foo are
aoout to take an important step. May
you have the wisdom to vote right."
THE SOLDIER BOYS.
They Will Oo Into Camp at Lincoln Park
One Week From Tedsy.
One week from today the brigade o!
Nebraska National guards, composed of
two regiments of infantry, one troop of
cavalry and a battery of artillery, will
go into camp of instruction at Lincoln
I park, south of this city. A batallion of
regulars from Fort Crook, i nnder , com
mand of Major Tan Home, will come
down and give the guards some object
lessons in soldiering. The regulars will
bring the Twenty-second regiment band
with them and will be by no means the
small part of the encampment.
It is the intention ot Brigadier Gener
al Bills that thel896 encampment shall
be a school of instruction which will
cover thoroughly the whole of the field
work. By special recommendation of
the war department, this instruction
will cover particularly' extended order,
advance guard and outpost duty, in
cluding defense of outposts and special
instruction in suppression of mobs,
i There will be in addition to the usual
problems given to the officers to work
out theoretically, a practicial illustration
of the latter. On Friday during the en
campment the brigade will march into
the city of Lincoln from the south. The
problem being that a supposed mob has
possession of the city. The formation
will be in several columns and as these
oolumns reach N, 0 and P streets they'
will swing to the west. It is to be sup
posed that the greatest point ot resist
ance will boon O street between Tenth
and Twelfth, where the mob will be be
hind barricades. These will be fired upon
by the artillery and an assault by the in
fantry will follow. The guards will be
supposed to drive the mob down 0 street
until in the neighborhood of Ninth street
all resistance will be overcome and the
dispersion completed. The army will
then march out of the' city and into
camp.
Each day of the week after Monday
the regulars will go through the cere
mony of guard mounting and the Guards
will be expected and required to follow
the teachings which the sight will supply.
There will be drills every day and the
last of the week there . will be the com
petitive drills for. the possession of the
"Governor's Cup."
The last day, Saturday, will be "Gov
ernor's Day," and this will also be pay
day. General Bills and Major Fechet
say that this ceremony of distribution
of pay will not bear the slightest resem
blance to the scenes at the government
distribution of beef to the Sioux, which
Borne of the northwestern people are
familiar with.
On this day also there will be an in
spection of the brigade by Brigadier Gen
eral Bills and afterwards the guards will
pass, for regiments, in review before the
commander-in-chief, Governor Holcomb.
Brigadier General Bills will be in com
mand of the camp.
Lincoln Criticised the Court.'
Some say he has "attacked the income
tax and the supreme court. I deny
that. If you will read it you will find
that the platform doesn't criticise the
supreme court. It wouldnt disturb me
me very much it it did. (Applause.) Do
you remember the Scott decision and
the indignation it caused? In my first
political speech in New York I criticised
that decision. I remember that Lincoln
criticised that decision and said he was
in favor of reorganizing the court. I
have heard it attacked in congress. I
intended to do it myself, because I
thought their decision was not good
law. If the time ever comes when yon
can't criticise every branch of govern
ment, the end of the republic is at hand
Henry M. Teller.
In clubs of ten or more campaign
subscriptions lOo eaoh. No com
mission allowed.
Hume, the Hlstorlaon Money.
"We find that in very kingdom in
which money begins to flow in greater
abundance than .ormerly everything
takes a new faith' Labor and industry
gain life, the merchant becomes more en
terprising, the manufacturer more dili
gent and skillful."
... .!.
IS
