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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (April 30, 1896)
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, APRIL "30, 1896.
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS LIARS.
The Whole Story About the Censure of Senator
Allen by the Senate Abosolutely False.
THE MANNER IN WHICH THE POPULIST KNIGHT OF THE WEST
1 FIGHTS WHEN THE ENEMY HURL THEIR FORCES UPON HlHT
Falsehoods Denounced. 'Thieves Called by Their Right Names, Populist
Men and Principles Defended.
No Braver Knight Ever Lead
The fearful power within the control of
the Associated Press, ' occupying as it
does,, the news columns of every daily
paper in the United States, is something
terrible. A weekly paper fighting that
power, is like the naked savage, with
bow and arrow and war club, combating
troops armed with the modern repeating
rifle, Hotchkiss and Gatlin guns. But
the Independent is going to fight to the
best of its ability with the weapons it
has, hoping that it may at least check
the advance of the enemy until the better
weapons for this warfare can be supplied,
Last week Truthful Anninhada special
dispatch in the State Journal, written in
Washington as follows:
"Washington, April 17. (Special.)
Senator Allen's performance in tne sen
ate todav. of which a full report appears
in the press dispatches, was neither
crditable to himself or to the dignity of
the body of which he is a member, a or
the first time in the history of Nebraska
one of its senators was forced to take his
seat for disorderly conduct in debate and
was subsequently only allowed to pro
ceed upon the motion of one of his demo
cratic colleagues. With that recklessness
of statement for which he is noted, Sena
tor Allen took occasion to denounce the
senate committee on Pacific railroads, of
which Senator Gear is chairman, and
characterized it as being controlled by C.
P. Huntington and as having refused to
call before it opponents of the Pacific
railroad funding bill. He was sharply
and properly rebuked by Senator Gear of
Iowa, chairman of the committee, who
in a few wordH placed Senator Allen's po
litical career, with its remarkable twists
. and turns among the parties, before the
senate and forced the Nebraska senator
into a defense of the party's position,
which he bad assumed. This lead up to
eulogium upon General Weaver by
Senator Allen, a vigorous attack upon
that Iowa blatherskite by Senator Gear,
the virtual giving of the lie by Senator
Allen, a scene of more or less disorder
in the senate and the humilati on of the
Nebraska senator. It was a mortifyng
spectacle and will still further decrease
Senator Allen's influence in the upper
The Associated Press dispatch which
went into all the dailies in the United
States was in substance the same,
Then there appeared in the editorial
columns of the dailies in Kansas City,
St. Louis and Chicago, the most severe
and malignant criticisms on the disgace-
ful conduct of the great populist sena
No paper outside of thegoldite ring
being able to get the dispatches from
Washington giving the truth concerning
the transactions in congress, the only
thing to do was to await the arrival of
the Congressional Record to find out
what did occur. The Record containing
the verbatim report of what was said,
and official report of the action of
the senate, came to hand the
day the Independent went to
press, and it being a weekly its readers
cannot get the truth about the matter
until still seven days later.
Now what is the truth about the mat
ter? The whole story is a malignant
falsehood. The senate instead of cen
snring Senator Allen, by a vote fifty-
seven senators being present decided
that Allen had not violated the rules of
the senate, and permitted him to pro
ceed with his remarks. Senator Allen
was not reproved but endorsed by the
When the senator took the floor again
he repeated in still stronger language
what he had said about Senator Gear,
and the senate having previously decided
that he was in order, the plutocrats and
railroad senators dared not to further
To enable the reader to understand the
whole matter, it is necessary to state
that Senator Hill had been speaking for
about three days in fact, filibustering
to prevent the consideration of Senator
Peffer's resolution to investigate the in
famous bond deals.
Senator Hill yielded the floor to Gear
of Iowa to introduce the Union Pacific
railroad bill. Then this colloquy oc
curred: Mb. Allen. With the consent of the
Senator from New York Mb. Hill, I
should like to ask the Senator from Iowa
if this is what is known as the Frye bill?
Mr. Gear. No, sir; it is the committee
bill. It is somewhat changed from the
Frye bill. It is the bill prepared by the
committee, which embraces the settle
ment of both roads. ,
Mr. Allen. I infer that the committee
on Pacific railroads has concluded its ex
amination of witnesses.
Mr. Gear. I think so.
Mr. Allen. I should like to ask the
The Hosts of The Oppressed.
Senator if any of the shippers along the
line of these bond-aided railroads have
been invited to appear before the com
mittee? Mb. Gear. As I stated once before to
the Senator from Nebraska when this
question was before the Senate, public
notice has been given of all the hearings,
and shippers, boards of trade, and every
body else could have appeared before the
committee and have stated whatever
Mb. Allen. No further notice has
Mr. Geab. No further notice has been
Simply a general notice?
Simply a general notice,
the same notice as has been given at all
the hearings by committees in both
branches of congress during my service
in either branch.
Mp. Allen. I should like to ask the
Senator also whether any specific invita
tion has been extended to any boards o
trade or chambers ol commerce or
grangers or alliance organizations to
furnish data and appear before the com'
Mr. Geab. No specific invitation has
been sent to anybody.
- Mb. Allen. What class of witnesses
have appeared here, and representing
MB. Ueab. I nave not time to re
capitulate all the evidence. It fills a
large book. The Senator can get it by
application to my committee room, and
find out what class of persons came be
fore the committee and read it, which
suppose he will do.
Mb. Allen. Yes; I can read.
Mr. Geab. I know you can.
MR. Allen. 1 simply desire to say a
few words, if I can have the permission of
the Ssenator from New lork.
Mb. Hill. Certainly. .
Mr. Allen. Mr. President, several
weeks ago this question was up, and it
was then notorious that Collis P. Hunt
ington and his lobbyists because that
is the proper designation for them
were here in force to influence the action
of congress in legislation upon the sub
ject of the Pacific railroads. I then
called the attention of my honorable
friend from Iowa, for whom I have the
highest respect, to the fact that no in
vitation had been sent to the patrons of
these roads and to the people who were
affected by this legislation, either to ap
pear before the committee or to lay be
fore it any data in their possession. I
had hoped at that time that the honor
able Senator from Iowa, who is at the
head of this committee, would have sent
out an invitation which could have been
done for 2 cents a 2 -cent postage stamp
would have carried the letter to the
National Grange and the national and
state alliances of the states through
which these railroads run, and the boards
of trade, the chambers of commerce, and
the great body of shippers and people
whose interests are affected and deeply
affected by this proposed legislation, to
appear before the committee and give
evidence and furnish data. I suppose,
of course, that the honorable Senator
would have done that. I had no doubt
that he would do it when his attention
was drawn to the fact.- I regret to say,
Mr. President, that it does appear to me
as though there had been a studied effort
on the part of the Pacific Railroad Com
mittee to cut on those people from any
opportunity to appear before the com
mittee or lay before it necessary evidence
and data, and by that means get a full,
free, and fair expression of popular senti
ment upon the subject.
Mr. (Jear. Mr. President, if the sena
tor troin Wew xork will permit me tor a
moment, I beg to say, in reply to the
statements made by the Senator from
Nebraska, whom I have known these
many years in all the different political
affiliations and parties with which he
has been connected during the last thirty
years, that, as 1 said before, a public
notice was given that the committee
were to have hearings in regard to a
iroposed settlement on the part of the
'entral and Union Pacific railroads of
the debts they owed the Government.
The only notice, as I have before said,
that I have ever known to be given by a
committee of congress in regard to a
proceeding of this kind went out in the
Associated Press dispatches.
After some further talk. Mr Allen
Mr. President, with the indulgence of
the Senator from New. York and the
Senator from Kansas, I wish to accupy
the time of the Senate for just a
1 am not inclined to engage in a quarrel
with my distinguished friend from Iowa,
for whom I have very great respect in
deed Mb. Gear. You can not get into a
quarrel with me.
Mr. Allen. For 1 have known him
since I was a barefooted boy. I believe
him to be an honest man and I know him
to be an able man, but I can not under
stand, and the Senator will have to ex
plain his explanation to me before I can
understand it may be in consequence of
my dullness wby the people of this
country haveno right, why they have not
been invited, to appear before this com
mittee and make their grievances known.
I speak of what I have seen with my
own eyes. 1 have been in the Pacific
Railroads Committee room on two dif
ferent occasions when this so-called in
vestigation was going on, and I have
seen the supreme magnate of American
railroads and American politics, himself
the embodiment of force and corruption,
Louis P. Huntington, sitting there, ap
parently a lord over the committee and
everybody around him, and his lobbyists
occupying the seats in the committee
room; not a farmer, not a merchant, not
a man living upon the prairies, not
man living along the line of the railroads
there not one.
The Senator from Iowa says that
has not been the custom to Bend out
notices to these people. Mr. President,
if it has not, then the custom ought to
be changed. A precedent that excludes
the great masses of the people who are
affected by legislation of this kind from
an opportunity to be heard before this
committee, or any other committee
congress, ought to be revoked as speedily
I am not going to make any charge
against the committee I would not do
that, for I recognize that they are all
honorable gentlemen: Brutus was an
honorable man also. I recognize their
honesty and their capacity, but I can
not help but be impressed with the
thought that there was a studied and a
fixed purpose and I say it now a
studied and fixed purpose to exclude
these people from any representation be
fore that committee or an opportunity
to lay before it their wishes or any facts
in their possession.
This bill I do not know what it is, but
if it is read, and I shall ask to have it
read and put in the record, so that
shall appear tomorrow morning means
what f lean read it as well as though
bad it before my eyes at this moment,
It means an extension of the debt of
these railroads to the nation substan
tially upon the lines laid down and die
tated by Mr. Huntington.
In the course of the colloquy that fol,
lowed, Mr. Allen, recited the names be
ginning with that of Lincoln, of all the
presidents for whom he had voted. Then
Mr. Gear said:
rne senator irom meDraska has given
us his political history. I congratulate
him that out of seven Presidential votes
he has given four or five at least on the
right side. When he voted for James B,
Weaver a gentleman of my own state-
he voted for a man who is in favor of
confiscating all therailway property and
public property, the telegraphs, and
everything of that kind and issuing ir
redeemable paper money for them; who
stood then and stands now on the same
platform that the Senator from; Ne
braska stands on the Ocala platform
The Senator from Nebraska has been a
republican. All right. He has been
democrat, he says. I respect a good
honest democrat. Today he represents the
populist party, occupying a position be-
t weenthe two parties according to his way
but really with his guns aimed toward
the republican party and looking all the
time to the democrat party, with which
he affiliates. That is his political record
At Senator Allen's request the Gear
Union Pacific railroad bill was ordered
printed in the record, after which Mr,
Mr. President, I have just one word to
say in reference to the last remarks of
the Senator from Iowa. I regret very
much that he has taken occasion to
assail the populist leader of 1892 at a
time and in a place where that gentle.
man can not be heard, for I assure you,
Mr. rresident, and the country, too, that
if James B. Weaver were presen t here
and it were lawful for him to speak in
this Chamber, the language of the Sena
tor from Iowa would have been a little
more moderate, a little less offensive
than it has been at this time.
Mr. Gear. I beg to say to the Senator
that I have met the honorable gentle
man whom he supported for the Presi
dency in the other branch of congress.
I am ready to meet him at any time.
Mr. Allen. It was under compulsion.
It was never voluntary.
Mr. Gear. Not at all.
Mr. Allen. It was under duress.
Mr. Gear. Not at all.
Mb. Allen. It was under duress.
The world can rest assured that is was
Mr. Gear. Iam not m the habit of
meeting folks in that way. -
Mr. Allen. James B. Weaver is one
of the most illustrious and intelligent
citizens of the United States, a man of
great character, a man of great ability,
of great mental force, of great attain
ment; a man whose character can not be
impeached by any honest man, and I
can not understand it I did not see it,
but I heard it how reference to a man
whose character is so well established in
all these respects, and whose name has
been mentioned herein derision, is greeted
with a significant guffaw, from one of
distinguished representatives of the state
of which he is an honored citizen. I
heard the guffaw. I did not seethe facial
expresHion at the time it was uttered.
Mr. President, it will not do for the
Senator from Iowa to stand in this
Chamber and say that James B. Weaver
wants to confiscate property. There is
not a child 5 years old who does not
know that that statement is false.
Mb. Gear. Does not the Senator con
Mb. Allen. I do not undertake
Mb. Gear. Will the Senator from
Nebraska yield for a question?
Mb. Allen. Ihe senator from Iowa
can not crawfish out of the statement.
Mb. Gear. Will the Senator answer a
MR. Allen, les, sir.
Mb. Geab. Does the Senator take the
ground that it is the right of the govern
ment to take all the corporate property
of this country the railways, telegraph
and telephone lines and pay for them in
unlimited issues of greenbacks? That is
the ground that James B. Weaver stands
on. the Ocala platform, for X nave beard
him argue it and defend it in bis own Con
gressional district. I was there when he
moved into that district in L&'JJ, the
Council Bluffs district, and spoke against
Mr. Uager. I heard him argue in faror i
of that idea. That is the platform h
stands on. I call it confiscation.
Mr. Allen. He does not stand
mMr. Gear. You can dispute with
James B. Weaver himself.
Mb. Allen. No, I will not dispute
with James B. Weaver himself; I dispute
with the Senator of Iowa. He is in the
Chamber. I am his equal here, and any
where else, for that matter. He can not
stand here and utter falsehoods of that
kind against one of the greatest and
most illustrious citizens of the United
States because he happens to be a pop
ulist and go unwhipped of the rebuke bis
language justly and necessarily deserves.
Mr. Hoar. I call the Senator from
Nebraska to order aud ask that his
words be taken down.
Mr. Allen. I call the Senator from
Massachuetts to order and demand that
his words be taken down. I resume my
seat under the rule until my words are
Mr. Faulkner. I move that the Sena
ator from Nebraska be allowed to pro
ceed in order.
Mr. Hoar. The words have to be
taken down, and they have to be ruled
upon by the chair.
Mr. Faulkner. There is nothing in
the rule which requires the Chair to rule
upon the question before such a motion
The Presiding Officer, The chair did
not hear the first observation of the Sen
ator from West Virginia.
Mit. Faulkner. The motion I make
is that the Senator from Nebraska be
allowed to proceed in order. The Sena
tor from Massachusetts suggests that
the Chair must rule upon the language
as taken down as to whether it is parli
mentary. The rule simply requires that
the language shall be read from the
desk for the information of the Senate.
It does not require that the Chair shall
submit the question to the senate if a
motion similar to the one I have made
Mr. Chandler. I ask for the reading
of the rule.
The Secretary read.
Mb. Hoab. I suggest the absence of a
The Pbesidino Officer. The absence
of a quorum is suggested. The Secretary
will call the roll.
The Secretary called the roll. ,
The President pro tempore. Fifty
five senators have answered to their
names. There is a quorum present.
Mr. Gorman. Let the words be read.
Mb. Faulkner. I suppose that under
the rule the proper proceeding is to have
the words taken down and read. I have
made a motion that the Senator from
Nebraska be allowed to proceed in order,
The President pro tempore. Have
the words been read to the Senate?
Mb. Faulkner. They have not been
The Pbesident pro tempore. The
Secretary will read the alleged censurable
words to the senate.
The Secretary read as follows:
No; I will not dispute with James B. Weaver
himself. I dispute with the Senator from Iowa,
He Is In this Chamber. I am his equal here, and
annwhere else (or that matter. He can not stand
here and ntter falsehoods of that kind against
one of the greatest and most Illustrious citlsens
ot the United States because he happens to be a
populist, aud go unwhipped ot the rebuke his
language justly and necessarily deserves,
The Pbesident pro tempore. What
action will the senate take.
Mb. Faulkner. I move that the Sen
ator from .Nebraska be allowed to pro
ceed in order.
Mr. Hoar. Is the motion debatable?
Mr. Faulkner. It is not debatable, as
is expressly stated in the rule.
Mr. Hoar. 1 asked the Chair, and not
the Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. Faulkner. Very well.
The President pro tempore. In the
opinion of the Chair it is not debatable,
Mr. Hoab. l so understand it.
The Pbesident pro tempore. The Sen
ator from West Virginia moves that the
Senator from Nebraska be allowd to pro
ceed in order.
The motion was agreed to.
Now that is the official record. The
man whom the senate sat down upon
was the republican Senator Hoar of Mas
sachusetts, and not the populist Senator
Allen of Nebraska.
Senator Hoar called Senator Allen to
order. The Senate bad his words taken
down and read again to the senate'
After investigating the matter and find
ing no violations of the rules of the Sen
ate, it allowed Senator Allen to proceed.
It would be a tine set of pariiamentory
rules that would not allow a senator to
deny a false statement. It is done nearly
every day in the year.
The verbatim report proceeds as fol
Mb. Allen. Mr. President
Mr. Gear. Will the senator from Ne
braska yield for one moment?
Mr. Allen. Certainly.
Mr. Gear. To the language used by
the senator from Nebraska I take no ex
ception. I have lived among the people
wh?re I have made my home for more
years almost than the senator has lived
in his life. They know best whether the
words he has stated are true or false. I
am satisfied now, if I never was before,
of the truth of an old adage. When I got
into this unfortunate altercation with
the senator from Nebraska I made a mis
take. It is an old saying that you can
not "touch pitch without being defiled."
I am sorry that I had the altercation
Mr. Allen. Mr. President, I am very
glad indeed to be able to defile a gen
tleman who has seen so much of this
world and who has had such a varied ex
perience as my distinguished and always
amiable friend, the senator from Iowa
Mr. Gear upon whom I look more as a
misguided father than in any other re
spect. I also thank the senator from
Massachusetts Mr. Hoar for having
my words taken down words that were
perfectlv parliamentary. Of course it
served to interrupt the proceedings here
and to deprive me of some time to dis
cuss this matter. I am always glad to
know that theamiabie and distinguished
senior' senator from Massachusetts has a
kindly eye upon me aud watches me to
see that I do no damage in this chamber,
and who is always especially careful of
what I say when I am discussing popu
listic doctrines and populistic statesmen.
When called to order by the distin
guished and always amiable senator
from Massachusetts I was denying the
statement made by the honorable junior
Senator from Iowa that James B.
Weaver is a confiscation 1st. Let me pro
ceed at that point and repeat the state
ment briefly. I said, Mr. President, and
I repeat, and I am sorry to be compelled
to repeat anything here, that James B.
Weaver is one of the most illustrious
citizens of the United States, and I am
glad to have this distinguished audience
and presence here to listen to me when I
state that there is not a man between
the two oceans or between Canada and
the Gulf of Mexico who is better equip
ped from his experience as a soldier and
his experience as a statesman, his great
education and his great capacity, to dis
charge public duties than is James B.
Weaver. I have a larger audience now
than I had a few morai nts ago when I
was called to my chair, and I wish to
call attention to the fact that when I
mentioned the name of this illustrious
soldier and statesman as a distinguished
citizen of the' United States a guffaw
from the junior senator from Iowa, aud
ible all over the chamber, greeted the
Mr. President, populist as I am, in
competent as I necessarily must be to
discharge public duties in the estimation
of the junior senator from Iowa and his
sympathizers and associates, living out
on the prairies among the coyotes and
prairie dogs, I have been taught better
manners than that. I would not greet
the name of the humblest citizen of this
nation with a rough guffaw in the senate
of the United States or in any other
place where I could be put.
The honorable junior senator from
Iowa says that James B. Weaver was a
conflsoatlonist, and wanted to confiscate
the railroads and telegraphs of the
United States. I said, and I repeat it,
the statement is false. There never was
any truth in it. I do not mean by that
to reflect upon the junior senator from
Iowa. I do not mean to carry with that
the implication that the honorable sen
ator from Iowa made that statement
maliciously or knowing it to be untrue.
1 simply say, as a matter of fact, that it
is false; that is all.
I repeat, the honorable junior senator
from Iowa and my always amiable and
distinguished learned friend the senior
senator from Massachusetts never ren
dered this country the valuable services.
never gave the intellectual or the moral
force to the upbuilding of this nation
that James B. Weaver has given to it;
never. That, Mr. President is greeted
with a smile and a grin and an audible
expression of disapproval, as the name
was greeted a moment ago in a like
manner and in a rougher manner. Mr,
President, there is no more law-abiding
citizen than James B. Weaver. He is one
of the greatest lawyers the state of Iowa
ever produced. 1 doubt if he has an
equal as a lawyer in this chamber. He
is a very great lawyer and is illustrious
in courts of this country where many
men who sneer at his name wouid not be
permitted even to take a back seat. He
is not only a great lawyer, but he is a
distinguished soldier, whose valor has
been illustrated upon more than thirty
fields of carnage in this country, and he
bears upon his person honorable wounds.
Now, sir, because that man happens to
be a populist, because that man, whose
ancestors came to this country long be
fore the Revolutionary war, who is an
American citizen from the sole of his feet
to the crown of his head, happens to look
upon political questions a little different
ly from the juniorBenatorfrom)Iowa and
my always distinguished and learned and
accomplished friend from Massachusetts,
his name is to be met with a sneer and
his defenders are to be called down in
this chamber as violating the rules, for
speaking in his behalf.
No, Mr. President, he is not a connsca-
tionist. The statement is untrue. James
B. Weaver believes in the doctrine of the
populist party. He believes that this is
a government of the people, as it should
be; a government by the people and for
the people. He is not of that class of
statesmen who sail under false colors,
who give their words to tha people and
consecrate their lives and give their votes
to the corporations. There are some
statesmen in this country who do that.
James B. Weaver believes in the gov
ernment ownership of railways, in the
government ownership of all telegraphs
and telephones. Dos the honorable sen
ator from Iowa have any argument that
he can use against the accomplishment
of that purpose? Does he not know that
over thirty of the nations ot tne earth
today own and operate their own rail
roads? It is something to be laughed at,
is it not? It is something to be greeted
with scorn and guffaw when the name of
a man who believes in that happens to
be mentioned here.
How are you going to get possession
of the railroads? The honorable senator
from Iowa, for whom I have great re
spect and whom I love as a son should
love a father, seems to think tnat it is
impossible to accomplish that result
and the senator laughs again as though
it was funny and a thing to be laughed
Mr. Chandler. Will the senator from
Nebraska allow me to interrupt him?
Mb. Allen. Certainly.
Mb. Chandler. We are cot laughing
at what the senator says; we are laugh
ing at the way the senator says it. We
can not help that.
Mr. Allen. 1 was not referring to my
amiable friend from New Hampshire.
Mr. Chandler. I laughed in sym
pathy with Che senator from Iowa.
Mr. Allen. It seems to De laugnaDie.
The doctrine of eminent domain seems to
have escaped the attention of my learned
friend frt m Iowa, Of course my always
learned and distinguished friend, the
senior senator from Massachusetts, un
derstands it in all its ramifications. And
what is that doctrine? What gave a
railroad corporation power to go across
your farm in Maine and take your prop,
erty and construct its railroads upon
your farm and exclude you from it?
V here did that power come from? Why,
it is the constitutional , inherent power
in every sovereignty, known as the
power of eminent domain. Is it not the
taking of private property upon com
pensation for public use? That is the
d?ttrin Jt WM established in the state
of New York in the case ofBloodgood
vs. The Mohawk River Railroad years
and years ago, and has become the set.
tied doctrine in this country that wher
ever the public interest requires the tak
ing of the citizens' private property for
public use it can be taken under the
power of publio domain. The public in
terest alone is to be consulted, and com
pensation is to be given to the owner of
the private property.
I ask my honorable friend from Iowa
and his sympathizers nnnn t.ha nth..
side of the chamber whv this trmrarn.
ment domain, the same inalienable
power that attaches to the natinn&l
government, and when the public inter
est requires the great railway and tele
graph systems to be reduced to govern
ment ownership why the irovernmant
cannot condemn them, if necessary, and
rtl will ama. A-1. m . .
uuivuwk, mem, paying a lair equivalent
for them, and operate them in th tnra.
est of the people at large?
uamestf. weaver believes in that doc
trine. Why, sir, he is fortified by every
constitution in the forty-flve stales of
this union and by the national constitu
tion itself. .- He is fortified by every con
stitution of every country on which the
sun shines today, And yet there is a
doctrine which has never ocmirrad m th
junior senator from Iowa. No doubt it
has occurred always to the distinguished
bcuuiiu- irum Massachusetts, now,
what is wrong about it? I did not bring
on this discussion about James b,
Weaver. ' '
. Then the honorable senator says that
James B. Weaver wants to take a limit
less volume of worthlese paper money
and buy the railroads with it Mr.
Weaver never gave utterance to a senti.
ment of that kind upon the face of the
earth-never. Why stand here in the
senate of the United States, in the full
glare of public sentiment, in this place
where publio sentiment is formed and
fused, and hold up the distinguished citi
zen of thiscountry who is 1.500uiilesfrom
here as the leader of a doctrine of this
kind when it is absolutely untrue, when
he does not believe It and does not ad
vocate it now, and when his party does
not believe in it and has never advo
cated it? . .......
Now, Mr. President, returning my
thanks again to the honorable and dis
tinguished and very learned senior sen
ator from Massachusetts for his careful
attention to my conduct and language.
I resume my seat and turn the floor over
to the senator from New York.
Mr. Chandler. I move that the sen
ate proceed to the oonsideration of ex
That Senator Allen's severe denuncia
tion of Huntington and his lobbyists
was justified by the facts, in nrovan h
Senator Morgan's minority report in
which he says:
Four men who owned the atnrfc In t ha
Central Pacific Railway company and a
lew wno owned that of the Union Pacific
company built them under contracts
made with themselves through a "con
tract and financing" and a "Credit Mo
biller" which they also owned, and they
have blazed up before the country in a
glitter of wealth that eclipses the wealth
of the greatest monarchs of the earth.
I hey swarm through the corridors nf
the capitol with agents and lobbyists
and complain of the ingratitude of the
republic, while extolling themselves as j
having become burdened with riches, the
fruit of their genius. Refusing to ac- '
count for the trust funds they have re
ceived and carried into their collossal
fortunes, which would more than place
these companies out of debt and still
leave them rich, they demand that con-
gross shall wait a century for the pay
ment of what they have left to use as 4
ocranir nf nmd anil .kail .n..J..
them under a new contract and new con
ditions this great national highway for
half its value.
Going at It Right.
Plattsmouth, Neb., April, 24, '96.
The populist party, organized a polit
ical reform club in this city which now
has 107 members. They hold their
meetings once in two weeks, on the first
and third Wednesday of the month.
They have taken up the reading and dis
cussing of the Seven Financial Conspir
acies. The meetings are well attended.
Where there was only about sixteen or
seventeen that would attach themselves
to the organization one year ago, we
now have over one hundred and good
prospects for a much larger number at
an early date. Rob't J. Vass was
elected president, Henry Hempel, record
ing secretary and M. S. Briggs corres
pondingsecretary. The next meeting will
be held on the sixth of May. Every bod y
is invited to come and hear the truth.
Arm in Arm.
Bud Lindsey the negro saloon keeper
of Lincoln will go arm in arm with John
M. Thurston to St. Louis, aud help de
liver the state of Nebraska over to Mc-
Kinley. It has come to a pretty pass
when negroes with such a vile reputation
as Lindsey, are allowed to assist in nomi
nating a candidate for presidential
honors. Red Goud Nation.
Leaves an Aching Told.
The American National Bank of Denver
closed its doors April 22. This caused a
run on the National Bank of Commerce
which however stood the strain. The
president of the Americal National gives
as the reason of its failure, the general
stringency and loss of custom. One
more aching void in the best banking
system the world ever saw.
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