;;'- '' .4 I f. The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated. fiUjQ J 3 ( LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, APRIL 23, 1896. VOL. VII. NO. 46. PHILOSOPHY OF PARTI Conditions and Elements Required for the Success of a new Party. A NEW PAETT CANNNOT MAKE ISSUES. It can Only Organize and Present Issues Evolved by Surrounding Conditions. 'Borne Things to Think Over. The paper following is the casual ad dress delivered by Mr. Taubeneck before the Illinois people's party state central committee, at Springfield, early in 1896, and is printed in "The Little Statesman" at the request of the committee. F. J. S. No country on earth is ruled by par ties as is the United States, Ours is strictly a government by parties, and the most interesting phase of our history for the political student, is the "rise and fall" of parties. Since theformation of our government twenty-eight political parties have been organized, of which number but five have elected presidents. Most of those that failed were the fore runners of others, ice-breakers of those that finally succeeded. Since the organ ization of the p- ple's party, in 1891, the question has often been asked: Why have a few parties been successful and the majority failures? Why did one suc ceed and others fail? I have given five years of patient study and observation to the solution of this difficult problem The following conclusions are the re sult: vThe organization of a new party is a most hazardous venture. There are so many elements to Harmonize, ana so many obstacles to overcome, that those who have practical experience in this field usually shrink from the task; polit ical organizations are governed by laws which are immutable as those of nature. When these laws are disregarded or transgressed, defeat is inevitable. There is qo chance, luck or blind fatality in the success or failure of a new party, but all depends upon a correct understanding of and the rigid adherence to these laws. The conditions necessary to the suc cessful organization of a new party are these: First. Discontent, unrest, misery, dis tress and dissatisfaction among the masses are the basis of every political revolution. The discontent must be general, pervade nearly all classes, and have its origin in a common cause, The people, as a whole, never think until they feel, and never correct an evil so long as the burden is bearable; therefore the discontent must become intense be fore they leave old grooves, old parties, old associations, and align themselves under a new banner with those who have been their adversaries in the past. Gen eral discontent among the masses is the first condition and the very foundation upon which all new parties rest. Second. This discontent and unrest must be caused, not by an act of nature, as flood, drought, famiue or pestilence out by the government, in either making bad laws or in refusing to legislate on florae new issues; that is, the government must be responsible for the discontent oy refusing to repeal obnoxious legisla tion, or by disobeying the wishes of the people to enact new laws on new ques tions arising out ot new conditions. Third. All existing parties must ignore the new issue and refuse to heed the voice of the people; that is, those parties al ready organized and recognized as polit ical factors must turn a deaf ear to the demands of the people. A new party cannot be organized on anissuefor which an old one is contending without becom ing a "claim jumper." No new party -can be successfully organized until the discontent becomes intense and all exist ing parties decline to take up the new issue. These are the indispensible conditions mecessary to the organization of a new party. No one or two are sufficient; it requires all three. When all are favor -aoie, men tne ioiiowmg elements are necessary to consummate the work: First. Orignal thinkers minds capa ble of analyzing and tracing effects and conditions to their logical conclusions; to first principles; to their final analysis: and of prescribing a remedy which will give the desired relief, and which is prac- : 1 3 j. - . , 1 . 1 uuai uuu nun ni variance wnn me present stage in the developement of the race. Many new parties have been failures for the want of this element. No new party -can succeed unless its demands rest on sound principles, along practical lines, .and correspond with the present stage in tne aeveiopement 01 tne race. Second. Speakers and a press, to pre sent the demands of the party to the people, without these it cannot reach the public. This is an indispensible, but, if influenced by improper motives, the most dangerous element in the organi zation 01 a new party, writers and speakers are the m older s of public opin ion and have the power to temporarily lead the people in the wrong direction as well as in tne right. A distinguished ".-senator once remarked: "This is the wind-mill element in a party, because they diffuse the thoughts and principles of a party as the wind carries over the land the vapor rismsr from the ocean. Third. The cold-blooded calculator: the practical politician;the organizer who can drill, weld and cement the different -elements into one mass, into a machine, o that the party may act as a unit. No new party can be a success without the support of a portion of the practical and successful element in society. A success ful party is always a practical party, because a party cannot be successful un til it becomes practical. These are the three elements necessary to consummate the work of organizing a new party when all the conditions are favorable. One cannot be substituted for another when any are lacking. Each must do that for which nature bas pre pared it and not intrude upon another's domain. An orator or editor in seldom more than a superficial thinker or organ izer, nor ts an organizer or profound thinker likely to be a success as an editor or orator. - In connection with the conditions and elements mentioned, it becomes necessary to rigidly observe and adhere to the fal lowing rules; otherwise the best effort will result in nothing: 1. The discontent and dissatisfied ele ment in the old parties is the only build ing material, the only source of supply for a new party. Voters will not join a new party until they are dissatisfied with an old one. The source ot suppiy 01 a new party is in proportion to the dissat isfied elements in the old parties. No new party can succeed which does not meet the demands and receive the sup port of these elements. JJ. no new party can succeed except on the question or questions which are dividing old parties and those that add strength to them; that is, a new party must make that question which is disintegrating the old organizations the issue, the central idea, the test of partv fealtv. The acme, the science of platform-building for new parties con sits in finding out what question isdi viding the old parties, and making that question the issue for the new one with out any other planks except those that add strength to this one. A new party cannot succeed, therefore, which would try to make single-tax, socialism, nation alization of all public utilities, prohibi tion or woman suffrage an issue, when the dissatisfaction in the old parties is due to the money question, the sale of bonds and the income tax decision. This would be giving the voter "a stone when he asks for bread." The dissatisfied ele ments in the old parties must find in the new party that for which they are con tending in an old one, unencumbered with other Questions in which they do not believe; otherwise there is no induce ment to leave one or join the other. No new party can be a success on any ques tion until it divides the old parties, be cause otherwise there is no source of sup ply foribuilding material. 3. No new party will succeed when it makes that question which is dividing the old parties the issue, and then loads its platform down with other demands in which the masses do not believe; that is, a new party cannot take up the money question, which at present is dividing the old parties, and then add single-tax, eocalism, prohibition and worn an suffrage and receive the support of those are con tending for monetary reform in the bid parties. The dissatisfied elements in the old parties will not support a new party if compelled to vote for three or four measures in which they do not believe, or which they do not understand, in or der to get to get to vote for one in which they do believe. The repelling force of such a platform is greater than its at tractive force, ihisiswby the platform of a new party is seldom much stronger than its weakest plank. 1 4. The platform must be constructed so that all members of the party can stand on and defend it as a whole; that is, a new party will not succeed with a platform, containing, say, four planks, when a portion of its members believe in the first plank only, another portion in the second only, a third portion in the third only, and a fourth portion in the last only. To illustrate tne point, sup pose we add to the platform of a party containing one plank with one million a second plank with another million votes We then have two planks and two million votes, one vote for each plank and one vote against each plank "a bouse de vided against itself." If we add a third plank with another million otes, we then have two votes against each plank and one for it. Every time we add a plank we also increase the repelling force in a party, which in time will shatter it into as many factions as there areplanks. It is impossible to unite in one party those elements which from principle an tagonize one another. 5. A new party can make planks, but not issues. Issues evolve out of condi tions, and new parties out of issues. Ninety-nine per cent, of those who under take the task of organizing a new party confound planks with issues. A plank is simply a declaration stating the side taken by a party on some question; while an issue is a controversy between parties, or when the public mind is focused on some question which, being amrmed by one party and denied by an other, is presented to the people for a de cision. 1 be public mind is never focused on more than one great question at one time. This is why seldom more than one Question becomes an issue in one cam paign. Men can make planks, but God creates issues. 6. An ideal platform U one in which the issue is the great "central idea," and with no other planks except those which add strength to it. Whenever a plank repels more votes from the "central idea than it attracts, then it has no business in the platform. That question which is dividing and disintegrating old parties must also bo the "central idea" for the new one, and all others subordi nate to it. No new party has ever suc ceeded with any other policy or with any other kind of platform. 7. If the object in a campaign is to hold the "rank and file" in line, in the place of winning new recruits, then the party should select its candidates from me ranus 01 tne "oiu guard," which is an excellent policy after a party is firmly established and contains a majority of the voters. But if the object is to win new recruits, then the best men to nomi nate (other things being equal) are those wno leit the old parties last. A new re cruit as the candidate can bring tea new voters with him where a candidate se lected from the ranks of the "old guard" can bring one. The average voter Is very sensitive when asked to join a new Earty and vote for men whom he has itterly opposed in former campaigns. But if you give him an opportunity to vote for men who left an old party since the preceding election or at the time he did, he feels as though he was voting for one of his converts. If a new party adopts the policy of selecting its candi dates from the new recruits, it will gather around its banner a large army of new workers in each succeeding campaign who have not before antagonized the dissatisfied elements in the old parties. 8. The press and speakers, as well as the candidates, who present the demands of the party to the people, cannot be too careful in guarding against anything that may arouse party prejudice and party spirit. They must constantly keep this point in mind: Ignore and re main silent on all other political ques tions except those which are dividing the old parties. Never offend or antago nize the source of supply the buiidingma terial for the new party. The moment a leader or speaker of a new party receives the label "crank," his influence with those not yet in the party is destroyed. Those who enthuse the "old guard" sel dom make converts. The most effec tive speakers are those who left the old parties last, because they will receive attention, and their words will have fen times as much weight with the dissatis fied elements in the old parties as otoer speakers. Those editors and speakers who ridicule or abuse voters tor remain ing in the old parties, or attack their in telligence and patriotism, are the great est enemies to a new party. The secret of success in conducting a campaign for a new party consists in compelling the old parties to discuss those questions only which are dividing their ranks, if they can do this, then it logically follows that every time the press and speakers of the old parties attack the new party they also attack and offend the dissatis fied elements in their own organizations and drive them away. This is turning the enemy's guns on his own ranks, and the more be tires, the more votes he will drive into the new party. 9. In a campaign between old parties there are three distmct stages. I he first is educational, an appeal to reason, to the higher faculties in man. The second is an appeal to prejudice; and the third usually the two weeks preceding an elec tion, is an appeal to the passions, to all that is left of "the wild beast in the heart man." A new party can without difficulty hold its own in the fls&t sge, but the two last, unless well guarded, break its ranks. 10. All Questions which are. .or have been, issues between existing old parties, will divide and dissolve a new party into its original elements, if it injects them into the campaign or platform. These are the conditions and elements necessary and the laws which must be observed to successfully organize a new party. Everything is governed by law; political parties are no exception. No new party can succeed until some great question divides and disintegrates the old ones. When this takes place, then the secret of success for the new or ganization consists in making the issue that question which is dividing the old parties, and with no other planks except such as add strength. The enemy in politics, like in war, if he understands his business, always attacks the most vulnerable poiut. If the new party does not present any weak points, then it logically follows that the old parties must attack its fortress the questions which are dividing their own ranks. But if the platform of a new party advocates measures in whieh the dissatisfied elements in the old parties do not believe, then the old parties will not only attack the new one on its weak points, but also compel its press and speakers to offend and antagonize its source of supply its building material. Whenever the old parties succeed in com pelling a new one to antagonize those elements in tho old parties to which it looks for its source of supply, it will disintegrate. With these facts before us, what great question or questions are dividing the old parties at the present time? The money question, the sale of bonds and the income tax decision. Now (189G) for the first time since I860 the dissatis fied elements in the old parties are suffi ciently numerous to elect a president and congress, providing they can be uni ted in one party and on one platform. The people's party is in a position to build a platform, out of the questions which are now dividing the old parties, that will receive the support of eight million voters in the United States. St. Paul of Nebraska St. Paul, Neb., April 16, 1896. Boarding the Ord branch of the U. P. R. R. at Grand Island at 3:30 p. m. on the loth inst we were whirled over the rolling praries northward and after an hours very pleasant ride the brakeman cried out; "St. Paul change cars for Loup City and points west." We alighted from the train and proceeded to the hotel Phillips, visited at the court house and at different places in the city and after a refreshing night's rest, went out among the dear people to see what could be done in the way of adding a few more names to the roll of honor. St. Paul is a pretty little city situated on the South Loup on an elevated table land, rising toward the setting sun; farmers report the wheat crop in this county more forward than is usual for the time of year. J. M. I). The Crop pay It all. The family of Levi P. Morton, govern or of New York and aspirant for the pres idency, sailed ou April 8 on a European trip. The farmers of the west will con. tinueto take daily trips along the fur rows which bear the crops which pay the traveling expenses of the Morton fam ily. Silver Knight. MARION BUTLER'S WORK Vigorous Efforts to Enact the Omaha , Platform Jnto Law. HE KEEPS IN THE MIDDLE OF THE EOAD. Bills to Prohibit Gold Mortgages, to - stop the Issue of Bonds, to Limit the Veto Power, to Establish Government Telegraphs. ' AUo One to Amend the Constitution and Provide an Income Tax. AH the populist senators and congress man are keeping right in the middle of the road, doing their royal best to keep the principles of the Omaha platform be fore the people, and to enact them into law. Among the many really good measures introduced iu Congress by them the following have been recently present ed by Senator Butler of North Carolina: i A bill to prevent discrimination be tween various kinds of legal tender money of the United States, and to mantain the equal debt paying and purchasing power thereof, and for other pnrposes. "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress ' assembled that any note, bill, bond, draft, check, ex change, contract, mortgage, public 01 private obligation, or pecuniary liability hereafter made or contracted, which may provide for its payment in a specific kind or kinds of legal tender money of the United States, may be paid or discharged ;n any kind of legal tender money of the United States, current at the time of its maturity or collection, at its face value, such stipulation or agreement to ' the contrary notwithstanding." In presenting this bill Senator Butler said: "By its title it will be seen that It is a bill to maintain the equal debt pay ing and purchasing power of all the legal tender currency of the country. I see that the various state conventions, now being held to elect delegates to the Re publican National Convention are de claring in faver of this policy, and pledg ing their party to give the people such a currency. Both of the old parties de clare it their policy in their last national platforms, and will probably so declare again this year. In order that we may be able to turn these promises into per formances before another compaign, I hope the committee on finance will report this bill promptly. We shall then be able to redeem, before their next national conventions are held, the promises which both of the old parties made, so they will not have to make these promises over again. The People's party stands ready to help either party, to redeem this promise. We are ready to do it now. Gold mortgages are plastered over every town and hamlet in this country, and nearly every man today who borrows money is forced to give a gold bearing mortgage or note. No Government shonld allow such discrimination against any of its legal lender or lawful money. It is not only an injustice to the debtor class, but it is a suicidal governmental policy. It is all wrong and no party can defend it. Both the democratic and re publican parties say they are opposed to such a policy, but they have done noth ing to correct it. They can correct it by passing this bill. The law as it now stands, instead of maintaining the equal debt paying and purchasing power of all lawful money actually makes gold dearer. How can the government de liberately legislate to increase the pur chasing power of gold, and then insist on paying its own debts iu this dear money and force private debtors to do the same. The money lender and the bond holder are the only people who are benefited by the present law. Itistothe detriment of everybody else. The bill which I offer will correct the wrong." Senator Butler also succeeded in secur ing the following amendment to the postotfice appropriation bill: "Provided that fifty thousand dollars of this amount to be used to defray the expense of the experiments in rural free delivery under the direction of the Post Master General, and the amount hereto fore appropriated for this purpose, and still unexpended, be available for said experiment. During the fifty second congress Hon. Tom Watson secured an amendment to the postoflice appropriation bill provid ing ten thousand dollars for two years to make an experiment in rural free de livery, but every Post Master General since that time has steadily refused to apply this money for that purpose on the ground that the amount was not large enough to make a practical ex periment. To remove any excuse, and to secure a practical test of free rural de livery. Senator Butler presented the above amendment, which he followed with a vigorous speech demanding at least some consideration for the farmer, and gained his point by a narrow vote. He snowed that free postal de- I livery was being experimented in small towns ana villages and declared that the farming communities were entitled to similar privileges. He asked why should money be appropriated to deliver mail free to a city mat. wh 0 could go to t he office for his mail in five minutes while the farmer who paid more than his share of taxes should be forced to go miles for his mail at a great loss of time. The twenty thousand dollars secured by Mr. Watson and the fifty thousand dollars by Sena tor Butler will furnish sufficient fund to make the experiment, and without doubt establish this much desired system de manded bjr the Grange and Farmers Alliance, and farmers of this country will appreciate the efforts of those who brought it about. TO LIMIT THE VETO POWER. The third measure proposed by Sena tor Butler is equally, if not more im portant than the others. Its aim is to limit the veto power of the President. It proposes an amendment to the Con stitution providing that a majority of congress instead of two-thirds, as now, shall be sufficient to pass any measure over the veto of the President. In pres enting this amendment Senator Butler said: , ' 'This veto power is one provision where the constitution, we might say, is defective. It is a relic of monarchy. When our forefathers framed the con stitution they lacked just this much of being weaned from English Ideas. 1 bey could not foresee the tremendous patron age that would go into the bands of the President in addition to this veto power. They conld not foresee, and did not in tend, that this veto power should be used to kill any bill that the President did not himself like. In fact, the veto power was intended to be used very sparingly, and we have the testimony of a number of the framers of the constitu tion to that effect. It is an English idea, but in England the crowd today does not dare veto a bill passed by parlia ment. It has fallen into disuse in a kingdom, but in thisrepublicit flourishes and is used more frequently each year. The people elect their representatives for both houses of congress directed to enact the will of the people into law, yet one man, not even a legisla tor, has the monstrous authority and power to nullify any act of congress A bill is passed after the most careful and deliberate consideration by the re presentatives of the people, yet it can be Vetoed and nullified by the stroke 01 a pen in the hand of one man. This is a dangerous power. When we consider to day the tremendous patronage the President has with which he can influence legislation, in addition to the veto power to kill what is passed, it makes him al most an autocrat. It gives him more power than any crowned head of England or we might say than any Monarch in Europe. We saw, here in the last con gress how this power and the patronage of the President were used to change the opinion of congress and to defeat the will of the people. We saw in the same congress how the veto power wasused to strike down a bill that . was passed by oongreM to coin the seiguorage. .Nearly every administration since the civil war has used the veto power and the patronage of the governmentin the same way. This abuse and danger grows greater each year. Last week Senator Butler introduced a bill providing for a postal telegraph and telephone system. The bill makes it the duty of the postoflice department to place a telegraph instrument or a tele phone in every one of the 79,000 post offices in America, and to reduce the rates on messages so that the receipts will be just sufficient to cover the cost of maintaining the system. In a carefully prepared argument Senator Butler show ed that it was unconstitutional of the government to allow a private monoply to use electricity, which was heaven s gift to humanity for speeding information with lightning rapidity, as it was now doing to the detriment of the postal service of the country.- He also Bhowed that the postoflice department could place a telegraph instrument and tele phone in every postoflice in America and at the same time reduce the charge for messages more than one-half of the present charge and yet receive enough revenue to maintain this vast system giving the people at every postoflice the great benefit of rapid communication by electricity. He showed that the present telegraph monopoly was making more money out of the people and giving the publie a poorer service than any other monopoly on the face of the globe. Un less somebody in congress can answer his arguments congress will be forced to pass his bill or confess that they are on the side of monopoly and against the people. Since the recent decision of the supreme court declaring an income tax unconsti tutional it is necessary to pass a consti tutional amendmemt to wipe out this in famous decision of the supreme court. Senator Butler has introduced such an amendment. In support of it he has shown that the present method of tax ation is unjust in that it raises all of the taxes by a method that is practically equal to a poll tax; that is, by a method that taxes the poorest almost as much as the richest. He showed that every state in the union, in order to equalize taxation, not only has a poll tax, but also a property tax in order that the wealth in each state may bear its just pro portion of the burdens of the government. Therefore, the general government to equalize taxation must also have a sys tem of property taxation or a system of income taxes, so that the rich who get so much larger protection from the gov ernment for their property shall pay their just share, so as to lift some of the heavy burdens from the poor and from the productive industries of the country. Senator Butler maintained that the two greatest and most vital questions in any government are: 1st: to have a just and equitable monetary system; 2d: to have a just and equitable system of taxation; and that therefore no people could be prosperous or happy, and that no gov ernment could rest on a solid foundation unless the great questions of finance and taxation were based on just and equit able principles. A larger volume of money, and an income tax are obsolutely necessary to correct some of the evils from which the body politic now suffers, and to restore to the country a fair de gree of prosperity. leliverance will never come until you stop delivering ballots forthe old parties, So stop it immediately. DEMOCRATIC COITVENTTON. It Proclaims Populist Principles, Then Sends Delegates to Gra ver's National Convention. . The democratic state convention that is that part of the democratic party in the state of Nebraska which believes in free silver and follows Mr. Bryan met in Funke's opera house in Lincoln, April 22, and adopted a platform declar ing free silver coinage at 16 to 1 to be the issue in the national campaign and giving it unqalified indorsement; indors ing tariff for revenue only, the income tax, direct voting for senators, liberal pensions, initiative and referendum and religious liberty; condemning secret po litical organizations based on religious prejudices, but opposing diversion o! public funds to sectarian purposes. In the evening Gov. Stone of Missouri made a straight populist speech which seemed to please the large audience immensely. une touowing persons were selected as delegates to the Chicago national con vention: i William J. Bryan, Lincoln: C.J. Smyth, Omaha; W. II. Thompson, Grand Island; W. D. Oldham, Kearney; r rank J. Mor gan, Cass county; C.S. Jones, Lancaster; John A. Creighton, Douglas; Charles H. Brown, Douglas; C. Hollenbeck, Dodge; G. A. Luikhart, Madison; C. J.Bowlby, Saline; Ed. C. Biggs. Seward; D. Walsh, Red Willow; F. A. Thompson, Clay; Dr. A. T, Blackburn, Holt; J. U. Dabiman, These democrats adopted a populist ' platform, as far as it went, then proceed ed to make populist speeches, and then sent delegates to a national convention of a party rnn by Grover Cleveland, Carlisle, Brice, Gorman and Wall St., all ot which was a very strange performance. Shall ws DImum Tariff. Beetok, Neb., April, 14, 1896. ; Editor Indepknddnt Yours of April 1, was received some time-since. As my business is farming and my time fully occupied to keep both ends somewhere near together (they get farther apart in spite of all I can do) is my excuse for not answering sooner. I do not know but what I am better pleaeed that you did not publish my article than if yon had done so. My object in writing it wai not self aggrandizment I assnreyon. I do think though that we have got to dis cuss the tariff, lknow scores of peopk who are as silly as the man wno contends he is not sick untilne lays - down and dies, we must get them to realize that they are sick or they will take their tariff until the country is as dead as that old door nail we have always heard about. Yours for better government, ;.-(... Geo.: Watkins. German Populist Papers. Woodlawn, April, 15, 1896. Editor Indeperden In answer toyour inquiry about German reform papers I have to say that there are only a few of these papers in this country Die Arberter Zeitung (Labor Gazette) of Chicago is a daily and gives out an eight page weekly. Der Vorbote (The Fore Runner.) This is a good reform paper but socialistic. Der National Reformer of Milwaukee is the only real German populist paper that I know. It is a weekly of four pages well edited by Robert Schilling the well known German populist. There is another paper, Der ArmeTeupel (The Poor Devil.) I am not sure but I think it comes from Milwaukee too. As I am not a sub scriber to this paper I can only judge from a few articles which the Vor Bote copied and those articles are a credit to the paper. Nebraska has no real Ger man Reform paper. . The price of "Yortbote" and the National Reformer is f 2 for each. Ferd Schwerzeb. A Happy Wedding. Mr. F. L. Mary of the governor's office and Miss Margaret Conway were united in marriage April 22nd in the St. Theresa Pro-Cathedral. Both of the young peo ple are widely and favorable known in this city. In consequence a very large" number of prominent citizens of Lincoln and the state were present, among whom were Gov. Holcomb, Private Secretary Marrett, Adjutant General Barry, Super intendent Abbott, J. A. Edgerton, F. D. Eager and a large number of other prominent citizens and friends of the bride and groom. The Independent and Free Silver, Central Citv, Neb., April 11, '96. Your correspondent rolled into thia little city on the Platte yesterday after noon on one of the U. P's. elegantly equipped trains. Central City, the capi- tol and metropolis of Merrick county, presented a very busy appearance today, her business men of all classes seemed to be quite busy looking after their custom ers wno were numerous on tnis particu lar occasion. The free silver idea; gether with the Nebraska Independent are each gaining friends in Merrick county, and the time is coming, and not far distant, when the laboring masses will join hands without regard to previ ous political affiliations for an equality before the law of the white metal with the yellow. J. M. D. It Grows all the Time. Chester, Penn., April 2, 1896. The Merchants and Business Men's As sociation of this city at its meeting to night adopted a set of resolutions in dorsing the free coinage of silver as the only means to bring the country out o the business depression now prevalent The matter was brought np by the re ceipt of a Boston Merchants Association resolution indorsing a single gold stand ard and requesting action on the ques tion. -j.-