mm
.
v
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
V,'
VOL. VII.
LINCOLN, NEB., THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1896.
NO. 36
mm
1
A Till WITH FARMERS
'The Great Economist Gen- A Warner
Tells Them Why They Are
in Distress
THE CAUSE OF LOW PEIOES-
Hard Scratching to Make Ends
Meet, Nothing for Comforts
and Little to Educate
, the Children
Can Easily Have Dollar Wheat if They
Want it.
' Every farmer understands the immense
difference to him between a scale of prices
indicated by wheat at a dollar, corn fifty
-cents, wool twenty-five cents, cotton ten
-cents, and other things in proportion,
and one indicated by wheat at fifty cents
corn twenty-five, wool twelve-and-a-half,
cotton five and other things in propor
tion to this scale; but when we asked
what is it that determines whether the
-one scale or the other shall prevail, he is
at a loss 'or an answer. He knows well
enough that the scale indicated by dollar
wheat, fifty cent corn, twenty-five cent
wool and ten cent cotton, would make
him prosperous, and enable him to pay
his debts and taxes, educate his children
nd enjoy some of the comforts his hard
labor entitles him to. He knows, too,
from sad experience, that the lower scale
of pieces for what he produces, while his
debts and taxes remain the same as un
der the higher range of prices, means ruin
to him if be is in debt, and means hard
scratching to make ends meet, if he is out
of debt, and leaves nothing for comforts
and little for the education of his chil
dren; for when it takes forty acres of
wheat to send a boy to college, as it does
when wheat is worth but fifty cents a
bushel, few ariners' boys will be sent to
college.
Now, is it not a fact within the knowl
edge of all farmers who have worked
farms for the past twenty years, that in
that time a change in the price level of
farm products equal to that here indicat
ed, has actually taken place? The ques
tion then for the farmer to answer to
himself is, what has caused this change?
Have the farmers brought it about them
selves intentionally? Hardly that. The
answer the gold standard men make is
"improved methods of production, and
consequent over-production." Let us
carefully examine this explanation.
What have been the great improvements
in agriculturein the last fifteen or twenty
years? That there have been improve
ments in implements of all kinds will not
be denied, but none to materially cheapen
production, much less to greatly increase
production. Is it not true that most of
the modern agricultural machinery, such
as the reaper and mower, horse rake,
gang plow, sowing and planting ma
chines, and many others, were all in use
before the end of the third quarter of the
century, or before 1875? What one of
really importance, except, perhaps, the
self-binder, has come into general use
since 1875? Is it not also true that dur
ing the period from 1850 to 1875, while
these improvements were rapidly coming
into use, and while products really did
increase much faster than population,
that prices all this time were slowly
rising? This certainly is true. More
over, how does it come about on the
theory of improved methods of produc-
tion and consequently over production,
that land itself, and many things in the
production of which, and in the supply
of which, there has been no improvement
and no increase, have, nevertheless,
shared with everything else a decline in
price? Finally, the bottom fact is that
there has been no increase outrunning
population in any of the great staples.
The increase in the annual production
of wheat, cotton, wool and cattle, has
not kept quite up with the increase of
population. There has not been quite
so much wheat on the average per capita
for the population consuming wheat, in
the last five years, as in the preceding
five years.
Hence, the theory of improved methods
of production and over-supply fail
entirely to account for the fall of prices.
Moreover, it is a well settled principle in
economics that vChile there may be dis
proportionate production, over-production
of all things is imposs ible. That
would be equivalent to saying there is
too much wealth to divide. And again,
as will be shown further on, while in
creased production in particular things
may causea fall in the price of such things
or in rela tive prices, it cannot cause a
fall in general prices. Nor would an in
crease in the production of things gene
rally cause a fall in the general level of
prices if the supply of money increased
in the same proportion as products. It
is only when the proportion between the
supply of money and commodities gen
erally, changes, that general prices vary.
Some other cause, then, for the recent
change, in the price level from the scale
marked by dollar wheat, with other
things in proportion, must be looked for.
If the farmer will ask himself the ques
tion, "What determines prices, or what
determines the relative value of things
among themselves," he will find when he
has answered that question he has found
an answer to the main question; namely,
why there has been such a change in the
price of all his products, and for that
matter, of products generally? What,
for instance, determines the relative
value of wheat and corn, wool and cot
ton, cattle and horses?
' The answer, and the only answer is,
"supply and demand." The general law
may be stated as follows: Whatever
affects the supply of a thing Govern
ment interference or anything else de
mand remaining the same, affects its
value. Secondly, whatever affects the
demand for anything, the supply remain
ing the same, affects its value; or to put
these two forms of statement into one
whatever cause affects the relation of
the supply of anything to the demand
for it, affects its value. This is the law
that governs the value of things as com
pared one with another, and would be
true whether there were much or little
money, or for that matter, none at all.
In other words, this law would be true
under conditions of barter.
We have next to show that the same
law holds good as to the value of money
or as to the price of commodities gen
erally; and it should be understood that
in using the terms "value" and "price,"
taht value is used to express the value of
one thing as compared with something
else, or the value of money in commodi
ties, or, as is sometimes said, in purchas
ing power.y .
Bankers often use the phrase "value of
money" when they mean the interest
money will bring; but this is not the
sense in which the term "value of money"
is used in economics. On the other hand,
price mean the value of a thing in money,
or the quantity of money it will exchange
for.
With this in mind, then, the law gov
erning the value of the money, that is,
the quantity of commodities a given sum
of money will exchange for, or which is
the same thing, the general range of
prices of commodities, may be given as
follows: Whatever cause affects the sup
ply of money, the demand for it, or. the
debts to be paid, and the things to be
bought and sold remaining the same,
affect its value.
Secondly, whatever affects the de
mand for money, the supply remaining
the same, affects its value. The demand
for money, it should be remembered, is
mainly to pay debts and to exchange for
commodities.
The enunciation of this law may also
be put in a single form, as follows:
Whatever cause or causes affect the re
lation of supply of money that is debts
to be paid and things to be bought and
sold affects the value of money, or, which
is the same thing, affects prices gener
ally. If the quantity of money be in
creased.other things remaining the same,
the value of each unit will be lessened; or,
to put it the other way, the quantity
of commodities will bring more money.
In other words, prices will rise and
money will fall. When prices rise money
necessarily falls; and when money rises
grows dearer prices fall. A good way
to look at the relation of money to com
modities is to ask. how much money a
given quantity of commodities will bring.
In order to retain a clear idea of this
law of. value of money, or of prices gen
erally, it should be kept in mind that the
value of the total volume of money does
not change. If, for instance, the volume
of money should be doubled, with no
change in the quantity of things to be
bought and sold, the double volume
would simply stand agaiiiHt the same
quantity of things to be exchanged for
money. Each unit of the larger volume,
therefore, would exchange for but half as
much as a unit of the volume before it
was doubled. For like reasons if the vol
ume of money should be halved, other
things remaining the same, each unit of
the smaller volume would have double
purchasing power, and consequently the
purchasing power of the whole of the
smaller volume would be the same as the
purchasing power of the volume before it
was cut down one-half. Hence we must
understand that it is the units of the
volume of money that vary in value and
not the whole volume. The price of a
thing is the number of units of money
in our system dollars that a thing will
exchange for. Hence, the law governing
or determining price levels may bestated
as follows: The range of prices generally
depends on the proportion of money to
debts and commodities, i. e., to debts to
be paid and things to be bought and
sold; and so the volume of currency re
deemable in standard money, and also of
bauk credits that so largely supply the
place of currency, depends on the supply
of primary or basis money, it follows
that general prices depend primarily on
the supply of standard money, or money
of ultimate redemption.
Consequently it is plain enough that
the question of price levels is one of the
relation of money volume to commodi
ties. We can, therefore, have which price
level we choose, that of dollar wheat, fifty
cent corn, ten cent cotton, and so on, or
the other level of fifty cent wheat, twenty
five cent corn, five cent cotton, etc.
Either of these planes can be easily
enough secured. One, that represented
by fifty cent wheat, five cent cotton, etc.,
is the gold plane of prices; the other, that
indicated by dollar wheat, ten cent cot
ton, etc., is the bimetallic plane. With
gold the sole measure, it is impossible to
have high, or higher, prices. On the con
trary, prices must go lower as gold ap
preciates, or grows dearer, as it is doing
now all the time. With the money supply
left as before 1873, to come from the
mines of both gold and silver, we would
undoubtedly have in time a range of
prices approximating that which pre
vailed from 1850 to 1873.
But the gold men say that low prices
are not an evil. That may or may not
be true, but fulling prices are an evil al
ways, for they not only increase burdens
but they impede production and imperil
business enterprise. Moreover, low prices
are an evil, if with low prices debts are to
be paid which were created when prices
were high, for then earnings are unjustly
taken from those who are entitled to
them and turned over to those who have
no right to them. It is often claimed,
too, that when prices fall, what one buys
costs less and therefore ho one is hurt.
But in the first place debts and taxes and
many other things do not change with
prices, and consequently more of every
thing is required to pay the same debts
taxes and many other things after
prices have fallen. Again things do not
go down evenly. Products go first, pro
fessional services, cost of education and
things that can be controlled by monop
olies, follow slowly. Then again, pro
ducers sell in the wholesale market and
buy in the retail market; and prices in
the retail market often remain up long
after wholesale prices have gone down.
Hence, in any view of the question, fall
ing prices work injustice to all producers,
and most of all, perhaps, to the great
agricultural class.
Great solicitude is manifested in high
places about the depreciation of currency.
But what about the depreciation of
everything else? The currency at best is
not more thau 3 per cent of the entire
wealth of the country. Is it nothing to
have wheat, cotton, goods of all kindB
all the products of labor all the things
that must go to buy money and pay
debts and taxes, and in the end, labor
itself, depreciate as we have seen them go
down since 1873?
Ask the question of yourselves, and
your neighbors, under which condition
would this country be most prosperous,
one with a general run of prices, indi
cated by dollar wheat, fifty cent corn,
twenty-five cent wool, ten cent cotton
and labor and other things in propor
tion, or one with wheat fifty cents, corn
twenty-five, wool twelve-and-a-half, cot
ton five, and labor and other things
ranged on that scale? Well, as we have
shown, the difference is one of money sup
ply and nothing else. We cannot have
the higher range of prices with only gold
and bank promises to pay gold for cur
rency. There is no getting away from the fact
that the basis of our money system must
be broadened by adding silver to gold, if
we would have a higher range of prices
for our products, or if we would prevent
a further fall of prices. This is the only
way, too, to provide a sound and stable
currency. A. J.warneb.
Gov. Holcomb ' Triumph,
The American Bimetallist has a por
trait of Gov. Holcorab and a sketch of
his life. In the sketch occurs this para
graph:
The most complete victory the gover
nor won was when these same busi
ness men who before election were afraid
that if a populist governor was elected
immigration to the state would cease,
organized what is known as the Million
Club, the object being to encourage im
migration to Nebraska. Shortly after
the legislature adjourned last spring
they invited the governor to Omaha
and tendered him a banquet, at the
same time elected him president of this
club which went to show that the men
who opposed him before election ap
proved his official actions, and it can be
truly said, as several prominent business
men expressed tnemselves at that ban
quet, "that Governor Holcomb is the.
best governor Nebraska ever had;" and
we believe his name will be a prominent
one before the populist convention in St.
Louis for the presidential nomination,
and that when the people of this country
come to know the governor as he is
known in his own state, they will not
hesitate to honor him with the greatest
gift this country can bestow upon any
one of her citizens.
THEY ALMOST FAINTED
Tillman's Remarks in the Senate
Made the Hair Stand on Old
Fogy Heads
John J. Butler of Evans, S. D., sends a
clipping from the N. Y. Mercury which
has the following headlines over a report
of Tillman's speech in the senate:
Turbulent Tillman. His Maiden Speech
Resembles the Braying of an Ass. Foul
Attack on the President. His Torrent
of Abuse Disgraces South Carolina.
Mr. Butler's comment, written on the
margin of the paper is, "Bully for Till
man.'' Tillman referred to President Cleveland
as follows:
"His course has been unswerving in
the absolute contradiction of his public
professions and letter of acceptance. The
expectations and interests of the people
have been forgotten and ignored. The
party which elected him has been be
trayed, and its banners, which floated
so triumphantly in the breezes of 1892,
now trail in the dust of defeat. The
practical destruction of the party has
been aciomplished.
"Where has this man sunk his person
ality? Whom has he consulted? Whose
advice has he recognized? None but that
of the bootlicks and sycophants, who
have crawled on their knees for the
crumbs of patronage and betrayed their
constitutents for the offices in his gift.
"In the entire history of this country
the high office of president has never
been so prostituted, and never has the
appointing power been so abused.
Claiming to be the apostle of civil ser
vice reform, he has debauched the civil
service by making appointments only
of those whose sponsors would sur
render their manhood, and, with bated
breath, walk with submissive head in
his presence.
"With relantless purpose he has ignor
ed his oath of office to uphold and obey
the law and has paid out gold instead of
coin and issued bonds to buy more gold,
by both actions over-riding the law and
giving no heed to the interests of any
but his moneyed friends I must say his
owners or partners.
"At the point where he was denounc
ing President Cleveland he abandoned
his prepared speech and lapsed into a
description of how he came to Washing
ton to Witness Mr. Cleveland's first in
auguration and had exposed himself for
four hours on the plaza of the Capitol in
order to participate in the jollification
over a democratic president, a democra
tic senate and a democratic house; and,
he exclaimed dramatically, "and God
forgive me for being such a fool,"
The associated press said that Stew
art went up to Tillman and openly con
gratulated him on the floor of thesenate.
That was the worst thing of all lor the
staid old cuckoos. Editor Independent.
ALL AGREED
That We Should Get as Many Men as Pos
sible to Vote the Populist Ticket-
THE GREAT 0VER8H ADO WING I88UE
How Marion Butler Coaxed the Silver
Men to Come With the Populist
Party.
Vo Patriot Can Vots fox a Ooldbuf or
Btraddlabng-.
The following is the speech made by
Senator Marion Butler before the silver
congress, held at Washington, January
22: i ,
I wish to thank you for the honor of
the invitation to address this conference.
I trust you will pardon me to say a word
about the party of which I havetbe honor
to be a member. IVefer especially to the
Wise and patriotic action taken by the
national executive committee of the peo
ple's party at St. Louis last week. Ap
plause. When the people's party was formed it
was composed of men who bad in the
past been an important part of the rank
and file of the two old political parties,
men who bad never taken the lead them
selves but who had always followed the
lead of others aud who became disgusted
with the record and course of their par
ties and lost confidence in the leadership
which they had followed. They came to
cvther and formed the people's party,
and wrote the Omaha platform as the
declaration of their principles. The plat
form is a broad, bold, manly and defiant
protest against every form of organized
monopoly and oppression. , .
The same evils which exibted when that
platform was written exists today, but
in a more aggravated form, l believed
in that platform then and I believe in it
now. I believe that every plank in it
must be enacted into law before we can
have a return to a true republican form
of government.
But the members of the people's party
have learned a great deal about practi
cal politics since that platform was
written. That is, they have learned a
great deal about tactics and methods
which it is absolutely essential to use to
face and successfully contend against the
common enemy.
We realize today that a large majority
of the voters of America are opposed to
the policy of both of the old parties.
Yes, a large majority of the voters be
lieve that the present distress of the
country has been brought about by bad
aud vicious legislation, for which both
old parties are equally responsible. Nbw,
it is perfectly clear that if these voters
can be brought together aud organized,
if they can be induced to combine their
votes on next November, that we can de
feat the gold combine and the monopo
lists and win a triumphant victory for
liberty and good government.
Unfortunately, a majority of the voters
of the country are not ready to accept
the entire platform of the people's party,
but we realize that we should have no
quarrel wfth a patriot who is opposed to
present conditions aud who is willing
and ready to join with us to right the
wrongs of the people; yea, I say, we
should have no quarrel with such men,
because they do not believe in and
agree to everything that we believe in.
If he is against the policy of the two old
parties, then he is with us and on the
side of the people in this fight. Then let
us join hands on what we do agree on.
Even if we cannot exactly agree on the
kind of relief needed, let us agree to
fight the common enemy. Is it better
for the British gold trust to rule this
country, or is it better for those who are
opposed to it to shape our laws? That
is the question.
The national executive committee of
the people's party at St. Louis, after
viewing carefully the whole situation, de
cided that it was our patriotic duty to
extend an invitation to every individual
voter and to every organization which is
opposed to the tyranny of national bank
currency, who is opposed to the further
issue of bonds as a burden upon future
generations, who is opposed to a further
contraction of the currency as a curse to
the present generation, who is opposed
to the British gold trust dominating and
controlling our government in every
branch, to join our ranks for the coming
fight, or to hold conventions at the same
time and place with us, so that we may
put up one candidate for president and
vice president on whom every patriot in
America can unite in the next campaign.
I say that when the people's party rose
in obedience to the gravity and import
ance of the situation and took this posi
tion, that it did the wisest and most
patriotic thing that any party has ever
done in the annals of our history. Ap
plause. The action of the people's party make
it possible to defeat the gold combine in
the next election. To-day you have
accepted that invitation on behalf of the
silver forces and thereby you have
turned the possibility into an almost
certainty. Applatse.
If the people s party bad not taken
this position a goldbug would have been
elected president on next November just
as surely as the sun shines on that day.
Your action in accepting this invitation
is equally as patriotic and equally as
necessary to bring about a union of pa
triotic forces and give us a chance for
victory. Applause.
The people's party and the Bilver
forces, as represented to-day, do not
by any means constitute all of the forces
that will be united before next Novem
ber in a common fight against a com
mon enemy. There are tens of thou
sands and millions of voters who are
still nominally in the two old parties
who will not stay in them a day longer
than their national conventions are held.
They love their party name and love
the principles which those party names
used to represent, and they are hoping
against hope that the traitorous leaders
of their party will be converted to prin
ciples of true democracy, as represented
by Thomas Jefferson, and to principles
of true republicanism, as represented by
Abraham Lincoln, and that their next
national conventions will return to these
great fundamental and basic principles
of honest government. Yes, they hope
against hope, because their leaders have
long since been mortgaged, body and
soul, to the gold combine and to organ
ized monopoly. The campaign funds to
run these t wo great parties have come
in the past and must come in the future
from those very monopolies and class
interests which are today sucking the life
blood of the nation.
Both of these parties live on blood
money; they betray and help rob the
people and live on a part of the spoils
wrung from the rauk and file of their
own members. There are hundreds of
men in congress to.day who know these
facts, yet they insist on their people
staying in the old parties until the next
national conventions are held.
Therefore, it is absolutely necessary
now, for them and the people's party
to form oue great movement, so big
big and so strong that the people will
have some place to go, where victory is
possible. In short, before the old party
conventions are held, it is absolutely
necessary to build up this great move
ment as a nucleus around which those
who will renounce the actions of the next
national conventions of the two old
parties can rally.
Let us do this, and then if the leaders
of the people from the south and the
west in the next national conventiousdo
not bolt and condemn the work of the
gold combiue, then the people at home
will condemn their leaders and rally to
this movement with every other patriot
in the country. The hope for reform is
not in the politicians or the members of
congress, but it is in the people. When
the people will not befooled and betrayed
auy longer then the politicians will fol
low the people. The delegates to the
next national conventions of both of the
old parties will not bolt, no matter what
kind of a platform is adopted and no
matter who is nominated, except in such
states as the delegates know that a ma
jority of the voters will bolt if they do
not. Delegates from States where they
think they can fool the people and whip
them into line will not bolt, but go home
and try to explain why the people
should stand by their old parties just
once more. - '
There are not enough goldbugs in the
United States to elect a president. The
goldbugs themselves are not the greatest
danger. . It is the politicians and the
congressmen who claim to be friends of
the people, but who are willing to sacri
fice the interest and the prosperity, even
the liberty of the people, lor onice and
party success. Such men are the worst
enemies of the people and the most valu
able agents of the gold trust, l hey do
work for the gold trust that no one else
can do. They have the confidence of
their people at home and they trade on
that confidence and betray that confid
ence in the name of party when they
know that the success of their party
means the success of the British gold
trust aud the increased poverty of the
people. Let the people beware of such
false friends. Had it not been for such
hypocrites, such traitors, the rank and
file of the democratic party and the re
publican party would have repudiated
both of these gold parties before now,
and would have come together into one
movement that would have smashed the
gold trust, and prosperity would have
returned to every man's door.
The hour has come when people will
do this in spite of their leaders whom
they have followed so long and so disas
trously. Before concluding, I wish to call at
tention toone great, vital and important
fact. I wish to call attention to it and
emphasize it now, for it must be, and will
be, the one great slogan and battle cry
in the coming struggle between the peo
ple and the gold combine. It is this,
that the people can never get relief,
that not a single bad law on the statute
books can ever be repealed, that not a
single good law can ever be passed, no
matter who constitutes congress, until
the people drive from the White House
the agents and tools of the gold combine
and organized monopoly Applause and
place in the stead of such aliens, tories,
and traitors, a man who is an American
partiot.a man with the' patriotism, man
hood and courage of Andrew Jackson.
Applause.
' I say that the people can never get re
lief by merely electing congressmen and
senators, oven though they are pledged
to stand for the right. In the first place
the patronage and, the power lodged in
the hands of the president is so great
that too often Congressmen are bullied,
persuaded, brow-beaten, not to say
bribed by it. Have we not before us the
humiliating spectacle of the fifty-third
congress a democratic cangress in both
branches, elected by, and pledged to give
the people the free and unlimited coinage
of silver (for there was a large majority
pledged by the people for this measure),
yet did not the country witness the
humiliating spectacle of that congress,
influenced by some subtle, dangerous
and damnable influence from the White
House, until that majority, pledged to
stand by the people, was melted away
and turned into a majority for Shylock
and his greedy minions.
Yes, congressmen and senators desert
ed their people and bowed at the feet of
the mammoth goldbug in the White
House for policy aud spoils, if not for
bribes. Every man in America knows
that if we had had a patriotin the White
House instead of the man who is there
now that the last congress would have
stopped the issue of bonds, that the last
congress would have given the people
the free and unlimited coinage of silver
and would have taken from the banks
the unconstitutional power which they
hold now and restore it to the people's
government, where it belongs.
Besides, the president has the power of
veto. No bill can become a law except
with his consent and sovereign will; that
is, it takes two-thirds majority in both
houses of concress. at th
pass any law if the president objects
thereto, and every man on this floor
knows that it is next to impossible to
get two.thirds of both branches of Con
gress at the same time to pass any law
against the interests of the gold com-
uine ana ior tne interests of the people.
In short, mv friends, hr nra torn trraa.
evils that a wicked and unscrupulous
man in the White House can use to over
come a law of congress even though the
majority of congress was composed of
patriots. Either one of these powers in
the bauds of the president is sufficient to
nullify legislation; the two together make
him a dictator.
Therefore, my friends, in view of these
facts cold, stubborn, ugly facts how, in
the future can any man vote for a gold
bug for president and then expect to get
relief for the people? No patriot can do
it; no patriot will do it. A man who is
for the single gold standard is for trusts,
monopolies, combines and for everything
that is opposed to good government, for
everything that is fatal to the prosperity
and liberty of the American people.
In the coming campaign tbe issue will
be drawn equally between this class of
men and the people. Every voter shall
have a chance to make his choice, and I
believe that if we will do our duty that
as surely as there is a God in heaven
that when the polls close on next No
vember that a majority, yes, a large ma
jority, of tbe votes of American freemen
will be found registered against this
damnable British curse, led by British
tories, and, on tbe other band, registered
for the platform and the candidate which
will be nominated by tbe united patriots
of America in St. Louis on July 22, next.
Loud applause.
'TWILL COHViRT THEM IT7M
Vsarly Bvery Man In tha Precinct Is a
Populist
ltunHViLLE, Neb., Feb. 6, 1890.
Editor Independent: I received your
letter and I will say that I wish every
farmer was able to take the Indefend
ent for six months. I think it would
convert every one of them. I wish we
had a few more such editors and Aliens
who are not afraid to opeu thier mouths
for the right. God speed our Holcomb
too. - '
I think the farmers of this country
have got medicine enough so that it will
operate by next fall, but don't stop give
ing it to them. " ' -
I am owing the editor of the Wealth
maker for his paper but as soon as our
hens get to laying, I will sell' eggs and
pay him. I have converted almost
every one in our precinct. I will do more
with the Independent. Don't stop the
paper. Last weeks issue is worth nearly
the six months pay to me. If I had part
of what old Cleveland made on tbe last
issue of bonds I could pay for my paper.
As I was going to Omaha last fall I
met a man on the train, a republican,
and railroad man. In his argument he
said the railroad was losing money every
day. I said to him, "what does this one
car cost the company to run from Rush
ville to Omoha?" I told him I knew
what it brought them.
I asked him to count the passengers in
the car and there were fifty-two. Now
figure that $12.85 a piece, which makes
$606.20. That was for one car and
there were three cars besides the mail
car. I said to him "that is the way the
railroad losses money." It is about the
same way that the bankers lose money.
You go to tbem to get a little money to
get flour for your family. He says "I
have on money, but I know of a man
who has a few dollars to lend, but he
wants 3 or 5 per cent a month."
Ground bog case. I must have the
money or my family will starve. Such a
system! God forbid that it last much
longer. If the dumb brutes were used
like tbe poor people of this country, the
bogs would squeal and the cattle bellow
worse than our people do. God speed
every poulist editor in the United States
until we can get such men at the head of
the government as Governor Holcomb,
Waite and Debs. Let us wait and pray
for victory this fall. May the Lord lead
on to victory is my praver.
T. G. Bastic.
Sown on the Parson
There are quite a number of republi
cans in Phelps county who, last fall were
ardent supporters of "Parson" Andrews
better known as the "little giant of the
big Fifth" who are not now so much
much inclined to throw up their hats aud
hurrah when the parson's name is men
tioned. His lining up and voting with
the gold bugs and coupon clippers is not
in harmony with the people whom he is
supposed to represent. Holdrege Prog
ress. Burnt tha Bridges Behind Them
The action of the free silver conference
at Washington in declaring against the
pet national banks of the two old par
ties pi ices the great armyof bimetallists
where there is no way to retreat. There
is but one organized political party with
freecoinageof silver a leading tenet, that
is the People's party and into that party
all bimetallists must surely go. Sledge
Hammer.
Mark the Difference
Nebraska's two senators are antipodes
of character and sentimeut. Allen is in
touch with the people, believes in popular
government and popular rights. Thurs
ton is a distinguished ex-corpora tion
attorney, believes that popular govern
ment is a back number and in the truth
of Vanderbilt's famous aphorism, "tbe
public be damned." One is a populist,
the other a republican. People's Record.
k
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