The Wealth makers of the world. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1894-1896, December 26, 1895, Image 1

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VOL. VII.
LINCOLN, NEB., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1895.
NO. 29
SO MOVES THE WORLD.
Agricultural distress prevails to a very
Jreat extent in England.
A conspiracy of nihilists to assassinate
" the Czar has been discovered.
Philadelphia was under martial law
last week. Street car strike.
The Italian army met with a serious
Idefeat in Abyssinia, last week's dis-
rpatches say.
ThiirHt-nn tins introduced a bill
to raise the rates of all pensions twenty-
flve per cent.
Tnfai-nol mni'liinaa flflVA tlpfin Rent
m iiiivi u il . j
through the mails to George M. Pullman
and P. D. Armour.
The Senate Finance Committee con
tains eight men in favor of free coinage
and five against it.
Mobs have had their way in the street
car strike. Violence seems an unavoid
able attendant of strikes.
The Sultan still does as he pleases and
the Powers agree upon nothing to force
him to protect the Armenians.
Senator Call of Florida has introduced
a bill to reduce passenger rates on inter
state railroads to one cent a mile.
The steamfitters' strike which has been
on for several weeks is extending, 2,000
nore men have been called out in Isew
fiYork.
j V The Irish here are ready to fight Eng-
land and the National Alliance has issu
' ed a manifesto and offered Cleveland an
army of 100,000.
Colorado mining stocks were on the
kboora in Denver Friday morning, Dut on
iews of the Wall Street panic, prices
Iddenly collapsed.
rrh 8.000 members of the care-enters
'nd woodworkers union of New York
f will consolidate and join the United Order
f of Joiners of America, which has 60,000
members.
Itis reported that the tramp fraternity
. of the southwest will hold a Christmas
holiday convention at Hot Springs, Ark.
and their regular summer convention at
Cripple Creek, Colo.
Ten thousand members of the United
Brotherhood of Tailors have stopped
work in New York, The employes having
Adopted rules which practically re-introduce
the sweat shop.
The Socialists of Germany are placed,
bv the rVnresHive policy of the Emperor,
in the positiou of befriendiug free speech
, and the fundamental rights of the pej-
ple. They are an increasingly popular
party.,
The President says we must have more
gold, and be asks Congress to fasten
bonds upon the people to obtain it from
'the bankers. And then the bankers are
to be allowed to draw it awav from us
without giving bonds for it.
According to the Dec. 21st, dispatches
the Porte has ordered Mustapha Remzi
Pasha to attack with 10,000 troops and
two 'batteries the city of Zeitoun and
bombard and destroy it, and to massacre
the twelve thousand Armenians in the
city.
Big floods are reported in Missouri and
also in Chicago, where four days of al
most incessant rain fell, leaving a scene of
watery waste in the suburbs varying in
depth from a few inches to several feet,
onow succeeded as the weather prediction-there.
The trnmns nf the southwest. heM lnnh
week n. twn Hnvn nnnvAntinn on t.ha
Arkansas river between Wellington and
"Winfield. About 1,500 were present.
Kansas Citv.Tim nresidpri. T.pt. thn hia.
torian of the decline and fall of modern
civilization make note of this.
Senator Lodge of Massachusetts has
introduced a bill which not only re
affirms the Monroe doctrine, but gooa
farther and declares' that the Uniteii
States will regard any attempt on the
part of any Europeau power to take or
acquire new territory on the American
continent, whether under pretense of
boundary disputes or otherwise, as an
act of hostility to the United States.
Big strike of street car men on in Phila
delphia. The company they strike
against owns all the lines and is capital'
ized. at $20,000,000. The strikers will
be attacked in the rear by their own
pressing needs, and on either side by the
destitution of men out of work. Debs
and John McBridehave been telegraphed
for by the strikers to come and advise
them, and have wired that they will be
there.
Cotton declined a quarter and wheat
two cents Inst week. There were 377
fail ures the first two weeks iu December,
against 349 last year, and 32 in Canada
against 45 Inst year. Lower prices are
the rulesays Dun. Manufactured good
rontinue to decline. Boots, shoes and
leather prices are still fullme. "Iron and
l Steel have fallen 3 per cent for the week.
kemer pig and grey forge and most
M of finished products have dropped
f or less, rnnt cloths are weaker,
market for woolen goods has not
vea. tiouble the wheat has left the
as compared with last vear. vet
r lections there are slow and there is an
rfnl scarcity of money (wheat did not
ng anything). The stock market of
i country went all to nieces Fridnv.
that one day the four nromineut rail-
rd stocks fell on an average of $5.62
snare, much of the selling being of
amies neia abroad.
DIRECT
LEGISLATION
So-called Bepresentative Legislation Does
Not Represent
THE BETTER SWISS METHOD
Address Delivered by Eltweed Pomeroy,
Secretary of the Direct Legislation
League of New Jersey,
Dec. 4, 1895
Delivered Before the N. J. Grange
(continued fhom last week.)
Geographical representation is all our
present system provides. A century and
more ago this was a vital point. In one
small local community there were few and
unimportant class divisions. That local
ity was almost homogeneous. A man
from it could represent it carrying with
him to the central body its local flavor
and getting its local wants. Other com
munities differed from it, and they had
to have a representative of their own.
But with the growth of our great sys
tems of transportation and inter-communication
there has coineachurning up
of our people. The local lines have been
broken down, they have been made more
homogeneous as a people. But the
growth of great fortunes and the sociali
zation of industries in huge factories has
built up class divisions instead of the
locality divisions, and geographical rep
resentation is today almost useless.
Thirdly. Representation does not rep
resent, because no man can perfectly rep
resent another. No two human beings
are perfectly alike. Even if the best man
is always elected, there are some issues
on which he does not represent many of
those who voted for him. A thinking
voter casts his vote for either of three
reasons' or some combination of these
reasons. First He thinks the platform
of the party whose candidates he votes
for suits him on the whole better than
that of the other party, but there may
be in it one or more planks that he is op
posed to. Second He uses the opinions
or records of the candidates in the same
way as under the first he used the plat
form. Third He votes for the candidate
because he believes in his honesty of pur.
pose and ability. Yet that very honesty
of purpose may lead the elected candi
date to pass some measure to which the
voter is much opposed. Even under the
best conditions representation cannot
perfectly represent.
But under present conditions the voter
often has a choice of evils. The party
machines, representing only the political
wire-pullers,dominate; the ignorant voter
is deluded by the shouting of party shib
boleths; theenthusiastic voter is drawn in
by torchlight parades and violent haran
gues; the corrupt voter is brought to do
something that will be for his permanent
disadvantage, and the intelligent voter
is distracted by the multiplicity of issues
and claims. Is it a wonder that wrong
results? And after the election, an issue
not made in the campaign, though it
may have been foreseen by the' wire-pullers,
comes up for the representative to
vote on, and he decides it, though unable
to know how his constituency would
have him vote. From its very nature,
representation cannot accurately follow
the wishes of the people.
Fourthly. Representation does not
represent, because human nature is weak
and the law maker is bought either by
money or by promise of power or place.
Every thinking man can easily recall
where men have been definitely pledged
to certain measures before election, and
have either done nothing or just the
contrary. During theeighties the Repub
lican party was given the power to re
form and gradually lower the tariff on
direct pledges embodied in its platform
and in the speeches of such leaders as
Garfield, Blaine, Sherman and others. In
1890 it went buck on its pledges and
passed the McKin ley law, which raised
the rates. The issue was clearly made
between the two parties; it was the main
issue, and onit the people gave the power
to the Democratic party in the election
of 1890, and emphusized it by the elec
tion of 1892. No mandate from the
people could be clearer. Yet the Demo
cratic party passed a law which their
leader in the House, Mr. WilsoD, said was
a perfidy, and which Mr. Cleveland was
ashamed to sign. There is no question
here of the wisdom or otherwise of pro
tection. The will of the people, as clearly
expressed in the elections, was not car
ried out. The reason it was not carried
out in both cases was the corruption by
corporate interests of therepresentatives
of the people.
No one will claim that the Democratic
legislature of 1892 in New Jersey repre
rented one-tenth of the Democratic party
of the State when it passed the Coal Com
bine bill. Nor did the legislature of 1893
when it passed the Gambling laws. These
laws were bought through.
Representation does not represent for
four reasons.
1st. Whole classes composing the bulk
of the community are entirely unrepre
sented by men of their own class and
coudition, who are the ouly ones that
can fully understand their wants and
needs.
2d. Political parties are not properly
represented, and other parties not at all.
All we have is geographical representa
tion, and though that may have been
useful a century ago, it is useless now be
cause of changed conditions.
3d. From its very nature, representa
tion can only roughly approximate the
wishes of the community. Only a few
great interests can be thus determined;
where many issues are before the people
it breaks down completely.
4th. Representation fails because of
the weakness of human nature. The men
elected often leave undone the things
they were pledged to before election, and
do the things they were not pledged to
do, and, in many cases, they do it be
cause they have been bought.
The remedy for this has been pointed
out in the last clause of the quotation
from Alexander Contee Hanson, "Pre
serving the dependence of the greatest on
the people." It was foreshadowed by
Richard Henry Lee, when he said: A
free and enlightened people in forming
this compact will not resigu all their
rights to those who govern, and they will
fix limits to their legislators and rulers
which will soon be plainly seen by those
who are governed, as well as by those
who govern." It was somewhat clumsily
carried into effect in the early constitu
tion of Pennsylvania, of which Noah
Webster said: "I cannot help remarking
the singular jealousy of the constitution
of Pennsylvania, which requires that a
bill shall be published for the considera
tion of the people before it is enacted in
to a law, except in extraordinary cases.
This annihilates the legislature and re
duces it to an advisory body." It has
been the guiding principle of all legisla
tion in the country parts of New Eng
land from its settlement in the seven
teenth century, and it has there magnifi
cently proved its value and uses. No one
would be rash enough to even suggest in
New England the abolition of the town
meeting. It has been perfected in detail
and carried into effect on a large scale in
mountain-pierced, freedom-saturated
Switzerland.
Direct legislation consists of two things,
the Referendum and the Initiative. It is
thescientific method forgetting the voice
of the people on measures.
The word Referendum comes from two
Latin words, re (back) and fero (to bear)
it means to bear back or to refer. By it,
no law save a strictly defined class of ur
gent measures for the public peace,
health and safety which require a two
thirds or three-quarters majority to pass
can go into effect after passing the law
making body under a fixed time, say 90
days. If during this time, a small per
centage of the voters, say 5 per cent.,
sign a petition for the Referendum on
that law, it is held from operation till
after the next election, when the people
vote on it. If a majority vote for it, it
is a law; if a majority against it, it is not
a law though it may have unanimously
passed the faw-innking body.
The word Initiative comes from two
Latin words, in and itio (to begin) hence
it means to bring in or to initiate. If a
certain percentage, say 5 per cent., of the
voters sign a petition for a law for any
purpose and file it with the proper officer,
it goes to the legislature. The sending of
petitions is an old, highly valued and
often useless right. But this petition can
not be pigeon-holed or buried in com
mittee; it takes precedence of alt other
busiuess. The law-makers have got to
act on it. They can do just as they
please with it. They can amend it, re
ject it, lay it on the table or pass it. If
they pass it, it becomes a law the same
as other laws after the time specified for
filing petitions for the Referendum on it.
if it is not passed, it goes to the people
,t the next election for a Referendary
rote and all the people vote on it. If a
majority of the voters vote for it, it be
comes a laweven though every law-maker
may have voted against it. It is enacted
by the people. If it is amended and then
passed by the law-making body, both
the law as in the original petition and
the amended form are voted on by the
people.
The Referendum is negative: the Initia
tive positive. The Referendum is preven
tive; the Initiative is constructive. Both
together make direct legislation", which
finally and thoroughly remedies our
faulty system of misrepresentation.
This is the system used in all
deliberative bodies. A man rises and
says: "I move so and so," and alterdis
cussion, the body votes on it, the majo
rity deciding. Under the Initiative 5 jwr
cent, of the voters rise and say. "We
move so and so," and after discussion
led by their representatives, all vote on
it. Often a society refers a matter to the
committee to examine and report, and
after the committee has reported the
body takes action approving or rejecting
the report. This is the Referendum.
This is the principle by which all the
fundamental laws and principles of our
government are fixed. The people vote
on all Constitutions and amendments to
Constitutions. They are the final autho
rity on the fundamental law of the land.
If they are capable of fixing the great
principles of government they ought to
be capable of deciding on the by-laws if
they wish. The principle of Direct Leg
islation is entwined with the very foun
dation and framework of our whole sys
tem. Why should it not be extended to
the minor details? The people have tried
to do this by lengthening their Constitu
tions and enrtailing the powers of their
law-making bodies. The Constitution of
New Hampshire, in 1776 had GOO words;
the last Constitution of Missouri, passed
in 1885, has 26,000 words, or 43 times
as many as that of New Hampshire.
This is a clumsy and inefficient way of
getting at Direct Legislation for a few
things. It is holding the feet of a horse
to prevent his running away when it
would be better to use a pair of reins of
the Referendum and the Initiative. Often
when the people want something badly
they find they cannot get it because they
have tied the feet of their horse.
The advantages are too many to even
name fully here. It will remove corrup
tion because the legislator cannot be
sure of delivering the goods. It will
make the political discussion on measures
and not on men, as at present, thus re
moving much of the mud-slinging so pre
valent and raising our political discus
sions to a higher plane and make them
truly educational. It will allow wild
schemes an outlet, so that whatever is
good in them can be adopted and the bad
dissipated by free discussion. Jefferson
said. years ago, "There is no reason to
fear error which reason is free to com
bat." It willremove the bitter partisan
ship of which Washington in his farewell
address, warningly said: "The alternate
domination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge natu
ral to party dissension, which in different
ages and countries has perpetrated the
most horrid enormities, is itself a most
frightful despotism Let me
warn you in the most solemn manuer
against the baneful effects of the spirit of
party generally."
I want no better summary of its rea
sons, methods and advantages than the
century-old words of Eldridge Gerry of
Massachusetts, member of the Constitu
tional Convention and honored writer
and thinker: "All writers on govern
ment agree and the feelingsof the human
mind witness the truth of these political
axioms, that man is born free and pos
sessed of certain inalienable rights; that
government is instituted for the safety
and happiness of the people, and not for
the profit, honor or private interest of
any man, family or class of men; that
the origin ol all power is in the people,
and that they have an incontestible right
to check the creatures of their own crea
tion vested with certain powers to guard
the life, liberty and property of the com
munity. And if certain selected leaders
of men deputed on these principles deter
mine contrary to the wishes of their con
stituents, the people have an undoubted
right to reject their decisions, to call tor
revision of their conduct, to depute
others in their room if they think pro
per, to demand further time for delibera.
tion on mattersof the greatest moment.''
Toward Pauperism
The American of Philadelphia, recently
published some astounding statistics,
which are quite sufficient to prompt the
producer to inquire, what the end is to be
under the present policy of government.
During the five yeurs 1870-74 the plant
ers of the United States raised 8,630,
016,870 pounds of cotton, estimated by
the Agricultural Department to have
been worth $ 1,491,467,000. For the
five years 1880-94, 19,572,026,085
pounds of cotton were produced in the
United States, of an estimated value to
the planter of $1,503,281,201. The
planters during the last period raised
2 27-100 pounds of cotton where they
raised one in the first, but they only re
ceived 8-10 of one per cent more for the
2 27-100 pounds of cotton in the years
1890-94 than they did for theone pound
of cotton for the years 1870-74. Cotton
has fallen over 55 per cent. If the cot
ton growers had realized prices current
during the years 1870-74 for the crops
lliised in the vears 1890-94, they would
have received $3,385,900,512 instead of
$1,503,281,271.
During the five years 1870-74, the far
mers of the United States raised 1,305,
9G 1,600 bushels of wheat, valued at $1,
461,159,940, while the crops of wheat
harvested iu the five years 1890-94,
amounting to 2,383,300,141 bushels, the
farmers received $1,609,431,676. In
other words, 1 825-1,000 bushel of
wheat were raised in the second period
for every one in the first, but the farmers
only received 10 percent more in money
for acrop92 percent greater in quantity.
Wheat had fallen 39.7 per cent, so in
stead of realizing $2,607,031,567 for
their crops of wheat in the second period
which they would have done if they had
received prices current in the first period,
they received only $1,609,431,670.
The clip of wool in the United States
for the years 1870-74, amounting to
800,000,000 pounds, was valued at $450,
400,0(10. For the five years 1890-94,
the production of wool amounted to 1,
450,210,384 pounds, but its value was
only $458,706,270. For 654,000,000
more pounds of wool the sheep raiser
only realized $8,000,000 more. The pro
duction of wool has increased 82 per
cent, but the value of the clip less than
two per cent. This is a criminal waste
of the national wealth, and the cause of
it, the stupid government, we unhesitat
ingly say, is responsible for most of it.
Famers Voice.
Tr. Miles Nmtv Pr.ASTXRScnre RHETJMA.
T1SM. WEAK BACKS. At druxgliit. only 23c,
The Sociality of Jeaus'a Itellglon
Prof. George D. Htrron, In the Anno, for Novem
ber. Coudeuued tor Publlo Opinion.
The chief characteristic of Biblical reli
gion, from Moses to Jesus, is the revela
tion of God in the simplest facts of the
common life; in the terms of social effort.
Moses has revelations concerning sanit
ary laws, architecture, marriage relations
land ownership, good government, and
the commonwealth of society. Elijah and
Isaiab, with all the prophets, are social
and national reformers. David is a man
of affairs, and Ezekiel a teacher of politi
cat ethics. Christianity comes, not as a
theological or ecclesiastical system, but
as a revelation of life; not as a cult of
worship, but as a social ideal, based up
on the sacrifice of service as the natural
law of human life. In religion as a thing
in Itself Jesus was not interested; rather,
He looked with profound distrust upon
what was then.aud is now, both officially
and popularly understood by religion. A
religious cult was something He could
not tolerate; an official religion was to
Him a usurpation. Religious forms and
theological dogmas He regarded as mat
ters of little consequence, except as they
perverted and oppressed human life.
There is no indication that Jesus came
expecting to found a new religion, but
every indication that He came expecting
to disclose to men the divine or natural
order of human relations.
It was human life that interested Jesus
and that seemed to Him, even at its
worst, to be the one altogether sacred
matter of concern. The age that finally
changed the revelation of Jesus from a
social ideal to an official religion, from a
revelation of righteousness to a theologi
cal system, was the most licentious and
untruthful, the most morally apostate
and insanely wicked, in the history of the
church. The Nicene council, from which
the church received its theology, was so
shamelessly immoral, so without sense
of right and human honor, as to outrage
even Constantino's sense of ethical decency
and he, although styled the first Chris
tian emperor by church fables, was
avowedly atheistic in both morals and
intellect, acharacter that might stand as
the heroic incarnation of the political
genius of evil. It is a long and down
ward journeys from Jesus to Athanasius,
longer by far than from Athanasius to
either Hildebrand or Calvin. I do not
say that the church has not been receiv
ing moral discipline, yet to bear its best
fruit, during these centuries of wandering
in the wilderness of theology and ecclesi
astical politics. But we need to under
stand that this wilderness, in which we
still wander among the bonesof our fath
ers, is not the land of social promise
which Jesus viewed for His nation, and
His human race. The sociality of life
was Jesus's fundamental religious con
ception. The sociality of religion is the
revelation of Jesus's religious experience,
and is the realization of his kingdom.
His teaching did not come into the world
as something new, but as an interpreta
tion of that which is eternal in all reli
gion; itcameas a program for the simple
organization of all religious facts and
forces iu a redeemed and natural human
life. Christianity began, so far as it
issued from Jesus, not as a new religion,
but as a revelation -of human iife in a
social ideal. The whole law of man's re
lation to God, the knowledge of which
law had hitherto been fragmentary,
Jesus came declaring. To reveal the
sociality of religion, he taught by deed
and word.
The sociality of experience is, then, a
fundamental fact of Jesus's religion. We
cannot hold fellowship with God apart
from the particulars of our occupation
and career; apart from our daily rela
tions with men and things. Our relig
ious experience is without value except it
comprehend, change, and ethically glorify
the actual facts of life. It is easy to be
worsh ipfully or professionally religious;
to be just and righteous is quite another
matter. Religion is relation, and a right
relation with God is primarily a right re
lation with human life, where the God of
man is. The sociality of religious expe
rience is its value alike to God and man;
its sociality is the true measure of its
reality. The religious, because social,
test of life is in the quality of our rela
tions with our fellow men of all sorts and
conditions.
To be morally splendid in the heat of
public conflict, in the thick of controversy
or viewed battle, even in martyr-flre and
dungeon chain, is infinitely easier than
to fulfill the sacrifice of service in the
daily rounds of common life. While I do
not forget that ours is a world of stern
fact and toil, with the gulf between the
real and the Ideal greater than the purest
and strongest seem able to pass, while to
the truest and bravest, life often seems a
slow, wearisome, sadful school of disen
chantment, and that there is bread to be
earned with children to be reared, I yet
remember that amidst sternest condi
tions of life has the glory of the Lord
shone round about the sous of men. It
was in the midst of hardest experiences
that fieethical reality ol Jesus's life was
evolved,
We a.v nearing the social crisis In the
Jff9tltJUllHOJb e crimu)tCh liar's reli
gion. The forces of selfishness and sacri
fice are gathering for their supreme
struggle on the field of Christ's truth,
while the cross has become foolishness to
the church which bears His name. The
church has become of the world even as
as He was not of the world. Things
which are an abomination in the sight of
God are now no more highly esteemed in
the world than in the church, and the
church has been reconciling itself to the
will of the world rather than vicariously
reconciling the world to the will of God.
Human life is now so settled in discon
tent with individualistic principles and
competitive practices, so glowing with
Messianic forces, so near to breathing the
heavenly breath and watchful for the
holy city, that it often seems that ii the
many sons of God now committed to the
social redemption could find some way
to make one supreme associate sacrifice,
fully illustrative of the social law, they
might lift the whole organism into a
living social vision, so appealing and
commanding that it would renew the
strength of the common life to enter up
on the strifeless progress of the ransom
ed society.
NEWSY TRIPLES.
The last turnpike road In Connecti
cut, the old Derby road, Is soon to be
made free.
Strawberries In marketable quanti
ties were gathered In Greenville, Or.,
last week.
A Paris, Me., woman takes boarders.
does dressmaking, gives music lessons
and takes in washing.
A kite-shaped track on the Penob
scot river, near Bangor, is a hope en
tertained by Bangor horsemen.
Two deaths from the effect of poison
Ivy occurred In Connecticut within a
few days of each other recently.
A connoisseur In cats living In West
field, Mass., has twenty-three cats in
his house. One lie values at $1,000.
Fifteen cents apiece is all that the
plumpest partridges are worth, deliv
ered at the hotels, In many parts of
Maine, in this exceptional year for
game in that state.
School teachers under contract with
the school board of Chehalis, Wash.,
are prohibited by an order issued by
the board last week from dancing or
playing cards.
Fishermen in the vicinity of New
London, Conn., report that during the
past week several of them have seen
a huge whale about eighty feet long In
the waters there.
A 16-year-old Diana, Miss Lulu
Daniels of Big Elk, Ore., Bhot and killed
a big buck with five-point antlers" at 200
yards range while out hunting with a
party aey-fiiy agfl.- ( - ,
."Three girls and a boy were bornJIS
Mrs. Amanda Webster at Bethel, DeL,
one day last week. The mother is 20
and the husband 52 years old. All the
children are doing well at last accounts.
PERSONAL.
Mayor Davis of Kansas City, having
foiled to pay the tax on his house for
last year, discovered to his surprise
the other day that his property had
Just been sold to satisfy the claim.
Tennyson is said to have declared
that the late Mrs. Alexander's "The
Burial of Moses" was one of the few
poems by a living writer of which he
would have been proud to be the au
thor. Samuel Craft, living near McGee's,
Simpson county, Mississippi, Is Just 47
years old and has had twenty children,
fourteen of whom are living. This Is .
considered something of a record in
that section.
Marlon Butler of North Carolina, the
youngest member of the new senate,
82 years of age, Is tall and slender and
resembles a college professor. He has
prominent features, dark brown hair,
mustache and pointed beard.
Hall Calne said, in Philadelphia, that
it was not so many years ago since his
tea table service consisted of one china
cup and one silver spoon. He was able
afterward to add other cups, but his
single spoon had to suffice for several
guests.
The late Gustav Freytag, in his wilL
provides that all letters in his posses
sion be returned to the writers. In his
life he used to disclaim the practice of
publishing dead people's letters, and he
directs that nothing of his own be
printed of which he had not authorized
the publication.
Ex-Governor Shepherd, who is visit
ing Washington after a long absence in
Europe, says that 80 per cent of the
persons he saw at work in the fields of
the continental countries last summer
were women. The absence of men, he
adds, was due to their compulsory serv
ice in the armies.
Dr. Madden, Eye, Ear, Nose, and
Throat diseases, over Rock Island
ticket office, S. W. cor. 11 and O streets.
Glasses accurately adjusted.
City ticket office Elkhorn-Northweitera j
1!-. HT p. trrn
A