4
(J
vol. vn.
SO MOVES THE WORLD.
The Berlin Cabinet is reported shaky.
Business ia reported not holding its
own.
"Alexander Dumas, the French author,
is dead.
Count Von Taffe, the Austrian states
man, is dead.
Reed wants the Republican convention
to meet in Chicago.
Senator Palmer of Blinois is opposed
to Cleveland for a third term.
Fire in St. Louis destroyed $500,000
worth of property last week.
The Cuban insurgents have begun to
use dynamite, with terrible effect.
Chicago was cut off from the outside
world by a big snow storm last week.
Another terrible massacre is reported
at Marasli, in Turkey. Hundreds were
killed.
Spain has sent another army of 30,000
soldiers to subdue the Cuban fighters for
liberty.
The rag sorters of Great Britain are
paid 2 pence (4 cents) per hour, or $2.40
per week.
The Chicago Gas Trust has bean at
tacked in court and a perpetual injunc
tion asked.
A five and a half foot vein of coal has
been bored through at Friend, Neb., it
8 reported. Depth, 200 feet.
The Chicago Grand Jury is after Pin
kerton, head of the private detective
agency. He will be indicted for sweat
box methods of extorting confessions.
Nov. 29, gold to the amount of $1,-
240,000 went out from under us. When
it all goes nothing cansaveus from sink
ins; into perdition, so the 'gold power
teaches.
Mining stocks are going up at a sky'
rocket rate in Denver. Nov. 29. the min
ingexchangein Denver, Pueblo, Colorado
Springs and Cripple Creek became
veritable lunatic asylums, with all the
guards missing.
Mayor Pingree has won the case in the
Supreme Court against the Mutual Gas
company of Detroit, for exceeding con
tracts charging for gas from 1887 to
1892. Hundreds of other like cases
hinge on this decision.
The Illinois Central Railway is about
to adopt electricity as the motive power
on suburban trains. The chief engineer
of the road says electric motors have
been so cheapened that they can now be
bought for one-fourtn their cost two
years ago.
Child labor is the confessed foundation
of the prosperity of the city of Alton,
Illinois. It is a city of 20,000 inhabi
tants. Ihe Illinois Glass company fur
nishes the principal industry. The com
pany evades and resists the state law
prohibiting child labor, and the cry of
the poor little ones goes up unheeded.
What John Raskin Said
Of all the wastes, says Rusk in, the
greatest waste that you can commit is
the waste of labor. You, perhaps,
think to waste the labor of men is not to
kill them. Is it not? I should like to
know how you could kill them more
utterly kill them with second death? It
is the lightest way of killing to stop a
man's breath. At the worst you
do but shorten his life. But if you put him
to base labor, if you bind his thoughts,
if you blind his eyes, if you blunt
bis hopes, if you steal his joys, if you
stunt his body and blast his soul, and
at last leave him not so much as to reap
the poor fruit of his degradation, but
gather that for yourself, and dismiss him
to the grave when you have done with
him, having, so far as in you lay, made
the walls of that grave everlasting
(though, indeed, 1 fancy, the goodly
bricks of some of our family vaults will
hold closer in the resurrection day than
the sod over the laborer's head), this you
think is no waste and no sin.
Another Coming Nation Special
Following up its splendid success with
a Liberty edition, commemorating the
release of Eugene Debs from Woodstock,
the Coming Nation now promises a
special Direct Legislation edition of the
paper, Saturday, January 4, 1895. The
C. N. reported last week that 140,000
copies of the Libeity edition had already,
been sold, with orders still coming in.
Dr. Madden, Eye, Ear, Nose, and
Throat diseases, over Rock Island
ticket office, S. W. cor. 11 and O street.
Glasses accurately adjusted.
New Lincoln-Sioux City Train Service
The Elkhorn Line Northwestern now
provides additional to the regular after
noon trains to Sioux City a morning
train by which passengers reach that
place at 1:35 p. m., thus enabling them
to reach many points beyond the same
day. In the St. Pnul service a dining car
has been added which servessupper north
bound and breakfast south bound.
S. A. Mosher, Genl. Agt. S. A. Fielding
.City ticket agent, 117 So. 10th St.
For California and Puget Sound points
quick get tickets 117 So. 10.
Official Vote of Nebraska
For Supreme Judge. Norval 79,156;
Maxwell, 70,566; Mahouey (goldbug
Democrat) 18.63G; Phelps (silver Demo
crat 10,214; Wolfeubarger (Prohibition
ist) 4,344.
For Regents. Morrill (Rep.), 80,962;
Goold (Rep.), 81,847, Mrs.Peattie (Ind),
53,351; Prof. Bayston (Ind.), 53,268,
One of the Best Situated
Stoddard, Neb., Nov. 20, 1895
Editor Wealth Makehs:
We would have been glad to renew our
subscription to The Wealth Makehs in
June, but we did not have the money.
We have a good farm, as fine as "any in
Thayer county, but we are not paying
expenses, let alone paying any debts. We
owe a little, not much, if crops were good
and worth anything after they were
raised. We are not worse off than our
neighbors. The crops in this vicinity
have been almost a failure for three
years, and yet corn is only 15 and 12
cents ger bushel. There is positively no
sale at all lor horses. Hogs are low and
cattle are scarce, and yet so low in price
that no one wants them. Many have
died from eating stalks. There are no
cobs, and coal is just as high as when
crops were good and money plentiful
There is nothing hopeful in the outlook.
1 armers have lost faith.
We are not discouraged by the election.
We endorse The Wealth Makers and
find comfort in it every week. The only
hope for us is in the principles of the
Umalia platlorm.
We rejoice to note that Francis Willard
has not only endorsed the Omaha plat
form, but goes even farther and says the
land should belong to those who till it.
She is a great teacher and will spread the
new gospel.
We enclose $1.40 which renews our
subscription for one year. May This
Health makers prosper.
Very truly yours,
E- B-
LEGAL TENDER LAWS.
Some Points of General Information Given
an Inquirer.
Will you kindly inform me through
your columns as follows:
Are silver dollars a legal tender for
any amount?
Is fractional silver a legal tender,
and to what amount each, of halves,
quarters and dimes?
Are nickels a legal tender? "
Can a creditor be made to take bank
notes or treasury notes in payment of
a debt? T. R. H.
Reply: Standard silver dollars are
legal tender to unlimited amount.
Half-dollars to the extent of ten dol
lars; quarter-dollars to the same ex
tent, and likewise dimes. The five
cent nickel piece is legal tender for
twenty-five cents. Treasury notes are
legal tender, but not bank notes.
American Banker.
That ItlK Corn Crop.
A republican informed the writer a
few days aga that populism was dying
Dut in Kansas, and this year would
Qnish the party in that state, "be
;ause," said he "they have an immense
jorn crop out there." This caused us
to let go a very audible smile, which
seemed to perplex our republican
friend, who inquired the cause of our
hilarity. We then reminded him of
the political tidal wave that swept
Kansas in 1890 knocked the 85,000 re
publican majority into smithereens
ind turned Kansas over to the popu
lists. He remembered that very well,
but when we told him that the im
mense corn crop of 1889, more than
one-half of which went into the mar
ket at 12 cents or less millions of
bushels being sold for 10 cents and go
ing as low as 8 cents a bushel, and this
was the cause of the revolution of
1890, his face assumed a peculiar ex
pression that indicated clearly that
big corn crops in Kansas with low
prices for the same are not particular
ly conducive to republican success if
the crop of 1889 and results following
are to be taken as a sample. Sound
Money.
The Public Buuinenn.
Have you ever thought how smooth
ly the business of public management
of the people's business works in the
postal department Just give it a lit
tle attention; it won't hurt you. No
tice how seldom the people have to
complain about its operation. How
little friction there is in its working.
How free from fluctuation the price of
postage stamps. How sure the service;
whether in the next block or the next
state. Then don't fail to see how gen
uinely democratic, in a good sense, a
department of government is that
serves a child or a corporation on the
same terms of equality. Why not
make all other departments like it?
That is what the populists want in the
business of trausportation and telegra
phy and banking. Coming Nation.
Dr. Madden. Eye. Ear. Nose, and
Throat diseases, over Rock Island
ticket office, a. w. cor. 11 and 0 street.
Glasses accurately adjusted.
LINCOLN, NEB., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1895.
REJECTING CHRIST
A Paper Read by Dr. O. Wtrlh at the
Y. P. S. C. K. B-!llevu, Iowa
November 17. 1805
1. We may reject Christ personally.
We may do so by denying his existence,
by not believing in him. But there is
another form of rejection of which, alas,
too many of us are unwittingly guilty,
viz: (2) We may nominally believe in
him, grant his existence, accept him as
our Savior but reject his doctrines and
refuse to follow his teachings. The first
to reject Christ were the Jews and the
Romans. The Jews rejected thediviuity
of his person and his divine mission. But
the Jews did not crucify him. He was
personally rejected aud crucified under
the Roman Law and by Roman soldiers
This was clearly a civil question with the
Romans as it is known that in the Ro
man Empire no man was persecuted be
cause of his religious beliefs, for we see in
the city of Jerusalem believers of all
kinds dwellirig together without molesta
tion. But Jesus was accused of being a dis
turber of the public peace, of seeking to
succeed Roman government by proclaim
ing himself the King of the Jews. This
apparent usurpation of political power
and the social eruption in which his
teachings and practice resulted were the
immediate provocation that led the rul
ers to take counsel and conspire against
him. His denunciation of the rich, his
sympathy with the humble, the lowly,
the downtrodden, his being a friend of
publicans and sinners, all incurred the
enmity of the Scribes and Pharisees and
they sought for an excuse to bring him
before a civil tribunal and have him exe
cuted. This they succeeded in doing.
But remember that Christ was not cruci
fied because of his religious teachings
directly, but because it was apparent
that his doctrines if carried out and ap
plied to thesocial aud political life would
upset existing conditions. This the
Scribes and Pharisees well knew, hence
they stirred up the enmity of the people
against him. The Romans likewise saw
in him a dangerous character and feared
the loss of political power over the Jews
at the hands of this usurper, as they re
garded him. How antagonistic his teach
ings were to the practices of that age as
well as the present one is readily seen.
He taught "peace on earth good will to
ward men" in contradiction to the prac
tice of Roman rule, which was war, con
quest and brute force. His teaching was
"love your enemies," not to hate and
persecute! He taught kindness and peace,
and hence was called the 'Prince of 1'euce.'
Christ taught the equality and brother
hood of man in the sight of a common
Father. He tauirht that we are alike'
sinners,for there is none thntdoeth good,
for all have sinned and some short of the
glory of God. He taught the principle
of human equality in creation, condition
and right. He taught the doctrine of
non-resistance to evil, by rewarding or
overcoming evil with good, lie said if a
man smite thee on thy right cheek turn
to him also theleft. lletaught.in essence,
that brotherhood was impossible under
extreme social conditions, and under a
system of society in which the many are
held in industrial and physical servitude
to the lew. lie pronounced strongly
against the rich, the amassing
of riches, and the selfishness, the covet-
uosness of man which prompts him to
overreach his brothers us well with a
ong head as with a long arm. to devour
widows' houses, and accumulate things,
the lack of which keeps mil lions of fellow-
beings in poverty and hunger, filling the
world with want and crime and human
wrecks. Hence, the early disciples and
followers of Christ gave up the selfish,
competitive mode of life and ndopted the
mutual, co-operative method, helping
one another, by selling what they had
and holding all things in common. These
are some of the teachings and results of
the practice of Christ which aroused the
enmity, hatred and persecution of, not
the poor, tor we read they heard him
gladly, but of the rich, the Scribes and
Pharisees, the rulers of the people who
saw their dominion was on the wane.
For Christ did come to earth as a King
to reign and he means to reign yet. Not
in a personal way but as a Divine princi
ple in the hearts of men which will lead
them to give up their barbaric, cannibal-
like, dog eat dog system of living and
live like brothers, sons of a common
Father. Remembering that life, liberty.
and happiness, and the opportunity to
get them, which means air, land and
water, should be within the reach of all
equally, we rend in scripture: "The
earth is the Lord's and the fulness there
of." His by creation. For whom did he
create it? See Genesis. Does it say for a
few, a class of men? Or for all mankind,
the beast, of the field, the fowl of the air.
and the fish qf the sea. And if ho made
it for these are they not all equally entit
led to it by divine right, which is higher
than any humuu di-cree, lawof conquest,
or law of property? This is the social
ism of the Bible and such were the anar
chical (?) teachings of Christ for which he
was "despised and rejected of men. And
these teachings are fought and rejected
toduy just as vehemently and by the
same clas that rejected our Savior 1900
years ago. And is our social system in
deed a preparation lor Heaven? A
heaven in which all shall be alike free and
happy, "shall neither hunger any more
nor thirst any more?" Such conditions
cannot exist as long as the many lack
and the few have in excess. Thesamemnn
that wants the earth here will want all
of Heaven when he gets there, if lie does?
And do you for a moment believe he will
get as big a share of it as he may have
succeeded in accumulating of earth? If
the same 10 per cent of earth's inhabi
tants who practically own it were given
all of Heaven likewise, where would you,
I, and Lazarusand the poor whom Christ
blessed and of whom he said, "they shall
inherit the Kingdom," where would we
find a place? This system which converts
earth into a hell and man into a beast
would do the same in Heaven, aud we
revolt at the very idea of such an arrange
ment yonder. Yet wepractice.eucourage
live in it, and perpetuate it here, while
professing to accept Christ's teachings
and the Bible for our guide in faith and
practice. As a tree falleth so it fieth.
Rev. 22, 11 and 12 says, "He thut is un
just let him be unjust still; he thut is
filthy let him be filthy still and he that ia
righteous let him be righteous still and
he that is holy let him be holy still. And
behold I come quickly aud my reward is
with me, to give every man according as
bis work shall be." Are we preparing for
a life of holiness beyond? If so, some of
the characteristics of this life should
shine out here on earth. It was so in the
case of Christ. And he commanded:
"Let your light shine." Unselfishness,
kinduess, love of ueighbor, good will to
ward men, mutual, helpful co-operation
instead of hateful, wasteful competition
in social aud business affairs should
manifest the Christ spirit which is in us,
and evidence the fact that we have fully
accepted Christ. "For not every one
that saith unto me Lord, Lord, but he
that doetb the will of the Father, shall
enter in." Yes, friends, there is a great
and terrible reality in the religion of
Jesus Christ. It means peace on earth in
stead of violence aud war. Arbitration
in the settlement of affairs between na
tions. Peaceful co-operation as between
individuals in business affairs, instead of
competition, which is war. It means
justice (not charity) to the poor and
in place of injustice and usury. It means
that if, as is the caso, one-tenth of the
people of the United States own nine
tenths of the wealth theyshould pay nine
tenths of the taxes, instead of as now
that nine-tenths of the population who
only own one-tenth and pay three-fourths
of the taxes. It means industrial as well
as political democracy. It means that a
nation whose God is the Lord should
protect the weak against the rapacity of
the strong and rich, and see that every
creature of God has the necessities of life,
and opportunity to maintain life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. It means,
in short, national, social and individual
righteousness which would exist if
Christ's precepts and example were fol
lowed. The consequences of the rejection
of Christs' teuchings are everywhere ap
parent. The national and social rejec
tion results in millions of unemployed,
starving, povertystricken in a land of
plenty, criminals and suicides. Menduily
attest by their actions that thy prefer
to commit suicide and go straight to hell
rather t han live on an earth covered with
church-spires and filled with believers who
coolly stand by and see them driven to
thfs resort. Individual rejection of
Christ and his teachings results in shut
ting the bowels of compassion agaiust
our fellowmen, in upholding, perpetuat
ing the present vicious social system by
our votes nud voices; in each going mad
in the scramble for wealth, forgetting
that we are our "brother's keeper." 1
tell you frankly I believe no oneenn sanc
tion the present arrangement of society
and lay claim to accepting Christ and his
teachings.
Let us work and pray that "thy king
dom come, thy will be done on earth as
it is in Heaven," and act in accordance
with our prayer. Our influence if we ac
cept Christ, should ever be in the direc
tion of having his teachings accepted
and enacted by society, to the end that
poverty and crime may finally disappear
from the earth, and the sun of righteous
ness may rise. Individual, social and
national righteousness is the demand of
the hour, aud will be the final result if we
truly accept and apply Christ to our
every day life.
Dr. Madden, Eye, Ear, Nose, and
Throat diseases, over Rock Island
ticket office, S. W. cor. 11 and O streets.
Glasses accurately adjusted.
Free Silver Resolutions
The Trans-Mississippi Congress, presid
ed over by Mr. Bryan, passed the follow
ing resolutions at Omaha last week:
"Whereas, An appreciating money
tandard impairs all contracts, bank
rupts enterprises, makes idle money pro
fitable by increasing its purchasing power
and suspends productive powers of our
people, and
liereus, 1 he spoliation, consequent
upon the outlawry of silver in the inter
est of the creditor cluss by constantly
increasing the value of gold is under
mining all industrial society, therefore
"Resolved, 1 hat we demand the im
mediate restoration of the free und un
limited coinage of gold and silver at the
present rntio of 16 to 1, without waiting
fortheaidorconsentof any other nation.
such gold and silvercoin to be alike a full
legal tender for all debts, public and pri
vate." L. P. Davis. Dentist over Rock In
land ticket office, cor. 11 and 0 street.
Bridge and crown work a specialty
Ihe Editor of "The Arena" Discusses Mr.
Call's Book
INEQUALITY OF 0PP0BTTJNITIEB
Plutocracy the Product of Bpaolal Privi
lege The Fallacy of the Survival of
the Fittest Things when Applied to
Soolal Conditione-The Well-springe
of Colossal Fortunes round in Privi
lege Obtained through (1) Inheritance;
(3) Monopoly In Land) (3) Monopoly in
Money; (4) Monopoly in Transporta
tion! (5) Monopoly In Commodities, or
Corporate Control of Industry The
Plea of Prlvilege-The Fruit ot Privi
legeThe Law of Freedom-A Critical
Examination of the Main Factors in the
Froduotlon of Plutocrat and Proleta
riatThe Sew Republic
(continued fhom last wkek.)
privilege the creator of capital.
In a chapter on "The Fruits of Privi
lege," the legitimate working of the in
justice due to privilege is forced home in
a manner at once startling and un
answerable. The farmer, the wage-laborer,
and those actively engaged in produc
tlve work become the victims of the few
who hold the earth, the tools of produc
tion, the medium of exchange, a 1 the
facilities of transportation. .
"Not on!y do these privileges thus;,
press labor in all forms, but in auoi f
sense, and as deeply, they affect every
member of society as a consumer. The
wages or profits of all productive labor
are determined by two conditions; First,
the actual money wages or returns re
ceived; aud secondly, the cost of living.
The object of the whole struggle of the
masses is for subsistence for existence';
when the farmer receives so many cents
per bushel or per pound for his products,
when the manufacturer so much for his
goods, the business man so many cents
or dollars profits upon his sales, or when
the laborer receives his day's wage, the
paramount consideration with each is,
how much of the necessaries or comforts
of life this money will procure. Now
these privileges, while they reduce the
actual money reward of productive lubor
also, in turn, increase the price of all
articles of use to the consumers; produc
tion ulone is not able to bear their bur
den. "Sometimes the burden is greater
upon production, sometimes upon con
sumption; but the candle of living is
burnt at both ends. The debt-burden
entailed upon production by inheritance,
its increase by land monopoly, and the
interest upon it due to the bunking sys
tem, compels production of all kinds to
raise the price of its products to support
these, and itmust shiftsomeof these bur
dens upon the consumer, else it cannot
even struggle under their weight. So, too
while exorbitant transportation charges
nd the plunder of markets reduce the
price received by the purchaser, they also
enhance the price charged the consumer
"In order to understand how greatly
and vexatiously prices are affected by
these privileges, we must follow the his
tory of each article of consumption and
see at how many points and from how
many directions even the simplest of
these is made to contribute to their ex
tortions". Take the coat on the farmer's
or the laborer's back; the price of the
wool is made higher by the load of debt
the grower must incur for the use of
wealth in the raising of sheep, the price
or rent of land, the interest charge upon
his debt, taxation levied to build rail
roads, the exorbitant rates demanded
by these for carrying the wool to the
manufacturer, and the plunder by specu
lators or trusts on its way. The manu
facturer, too, must add to the price of
the cloth in order to support the debt he
must incur in its manufacture, together
with the interest upon that debt, the
rent or price of land upon which his fac
tory is situated, exorbitant transporta
tion charges for the bringing of the wool
to his factory, and the plunder, of specu
lators and trusts. The same process of
addition must be continued by the cloth
ing manufacturer, the jobber, the whole
sale merchant aud the retail dealer, as
the cloth or the finished product pusses
in turn into the hands of each on its way
to the consumer; and the greater the
plunder or privilege, the nioreexorbitant
must be the price charged at each step.
The final price paid by the consumer -is
thus out of all proportion to what it
should or would be, were industry not in
this manner, at every step, the prey of
privilege. Trace aoy article of food, or
clothing, or other use, through its pass
age from the raw to the final consumable
shape, the result will be the same; and it
tun at once be seen how wide is the field
operation, how fruitful is the field of
plunder for privilege.
NO. 26
"Can we, then, wonder why labor fails
to procure subsistence, or why vast for
tunes are mysteriously accumulated in
the midst of growing poverty? Privi
lege stands over all production and roba
labor of its money reward; it stanls,
too, over consumption, and by increas
ing the cost of living, lessens the value of
labor's earnings in procuring subsistence.
Thus, and by this means it amasses its
fortunes, while labor, with all its grind,
is a beggar in the marts of life. ' The
millionaire does not create, but appro
priates his millions of wealth. It is, in
deed, utterly impossible that any man's
services to society, except he be a genius
of the rarest order, should procure him a
million dollars in a lifetime; much less,
then, should the service of those whose
sole object is private gain, entitle them to
their hundreds of millions. But when
these privileges mean to society the ruin
of industry and business, the loss of
farms and homes under mortgage, and
the pauperism of labor, surely the
struggling and despoiled masses may be
excused for inquiring whether these con
ditions be necessary and just.
"These conditions constitute the
tyranny of capital, so much complained
of, and before which labor stands shiver
ing and Sullen, in dread and in revolt.
Privilege is the creator of capital; it
takes the wealth of the world from the
body of society where it properly belongs
and concentrates this wealth in the bands
of the few, depriving labor of its use,
thus setting capital and labor in oppo
site camps, at war with each other, at
war in a contest necessarily, inevitably
unequal. Capital owns the world, its
machinery, and its material; labor, too,
it owns, for it owns the means of labor
and of lile. And the cry of labor every
where is that this mastery is too abso
lute, too oppressive, in that itis a power
over life and death, dealing more and
more, as capital, selfish and secure, has
found a new and more profitable servant
in machinery, and can therefore dispense
with the commodity, labor, now every
where tramping and begging for charity,
for life."
Our author next considers ''The Plea of
Privilege." This chapter challenges the
attention of all thoughtful people who
set truth and justice above prejudice. It
very effectively destroys the cardhouseof
the apologists for plutocracy, and will
probably call down upon the author a
torrent of violent invectives and insult
ing epithets, as this method is usually
employed by the sophists of capitalism
when the fallacy of their more or less in
genious theories is mercilessly exposed.
Equally important is the scholarly
chapter on "The Law of Freedom," in
which Mr. Call proves the inconsistency
of our social theories and conditions.
Indeed we are absolutely without any
consistent political doctrines. Theory is
opposed to practice, and theory to
theory. Confusion aud antagonism exist ,
upon every political question so much
so, that it is no exaggeration to say that
politics as well as society is in a pro
found anarchical condition. -
Th chapters dealing with the "Signs ol
theTimes," "The Struggle for Existence"
"The Fruits of Privilege," "The Plea of
Privilege," and "The Law of Freedom,"
form the groundwork of this work, after
which the author devotes a chapter to a
culm, clear, aud able discussion of each
of the great feeders of plutocracy, viz.,
"The Institution of Inheritance." "The
Monopoly of Land," "The Banking Sys
tem," "The Transportation System."
"The Plunder of Trade," and "The Cor
porate Abuse." I will not attempt to
summarize or outline these chapters.
They are so strong, clear, and convincing
that, could they be read by the industrial
millions of America, 1 believe the doom
of industrial slavery would be assured,
and that at an early day.
THE NEW REPUBLIC.
Following these thoughtful discussions
appears a chapter entitled "The New Re
public," in which are discussed the condi
tions which would prevail if an equality
of opportunity was present.
" When tlw world shall be the property
of man, and man no longer the subject
and servant of property, then will men
beat last free, and a new republic will
have been ushered in.
"This new republic, great and sweeping
as must be its benefits, will yet be found
ed on no other ordifferent principle than
that upon which our liberties even now
rest. It does not, like nihilism, demand
the destruction of all institutions, for it
holds that government is necessary to
establish aud determine the relations of
men in society, protect their respective
rights, and as a servant to , perform ser
vices public in their nature. It does not,
like military socialism, demand tbeentire
revolution of existing conditions, be
causeit holds these to bea growth as the
race itself is, aud suited to the ideas and
needs of men. Nor does it on the other
hand, like so-called individualism, reduce
government to a mere police power, for
it recognizes government as the whole
people acting through their laws, and
that the people themselves must first de
termine their lights before these can be
protected. It holds, too, that these
rights must be redetermined with every
change of conditions that affect them,
aud with every advance of society to
newer and more just standards of con
duct. It holds, furthermore, that where
(as in present industrial society) the
rights of men so require government
should be a servant, and the people as a
whole perform functions affecting the
whole people.
"This New Republic, based upon the
principle c! self-government, builds upon
(Continued on 3rd paS)