The Wealth makers of the world. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1894-1896, July 11, 1895, Page 4, Image 4

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    THE WEALTH MAKERS.
July 11, 1895
.V
THE WEALTH MAKERS.
HSerlMof
THE ALLIAKCE-ISDEPESDEXT.
ConaolldtUoa of the
Farmers Affiance and Neb. Independent.
PUBLISHED EVEBT THURSDAY BT
The Wulth Makers Publishing Oempany,
1121 M St., Lincoln, Nabruks.
GtORei Rowam Oimok. Editor
J. 8. Htatt...... .......... BulnHM Uaounr
N. I. P. A.
. "It njr man mnit (all tor mt to rlM,
Then Mtk I not to climb. Anotber'i patn
I chooaa not for my good, A goldea chain,
A fob of honor, in too good a prlt
To tempt my hanty band to do a wrong
Unto a fellow man. Thl Ufa hath wot
Sufficient, wrought by man' aatanlo foe;
And who that hath a heart would dare prolong;
Or add a Borrow to a (trlcken aonl
That aeeke a healing balm to make It whole?
Mj bosom owne the brotherhood of man."
Publishers' Announoement
The enbeerlption price of Tag Wialtb Hig
gle le f 1.00 per year, In advance.
Atrenti In eollcltlng nbacrlptlone ehonld be
Terr careful that all namre are correctly epHlled
and proper poitofflce given. Hlanka for ret am
aabeciiptlone, return envelopee, eta., can be had
on application to thie office.
Alwati sign .roar name. No matter how often
yon write ns do not netrlect this Important mat
ter. Erery week we recelTe lettere with Incom
plete addrmaee or without signature and It la
sometimes difficult to locate them.
Camas or addrkm. Subscriber! wishing to
Changs thslr postofflce address must alwaye trlre
their former as well ae their present addreas when
hangs will be promptly mads.
Advertising Rates,
1-1! per Inch. cents per Agate line, 14 lines
to ths Inch. Liberal discount on largs spacs or
long time contracts- ,
Address all advertising communications to
WEALTH 1IAKER8 PUBLISHING CO.,
J. 8. Hyatt, Bus. Mgr.
NOTICE.
All delinquent subscribers to
THE WEALTH MAKERS are
asked to pay their subscription
Immediately. DON'T be .negli
gent about this matter, friends.
We know that times are hard
and it is not EASY to get
money; but you must make
SOME EFFORT to pay us. Re
member the responsibility that
rests upon you. It is the ONE
DOLLAR that we get from
each one of our subscribers
that makes it possible for us
to keep up and make valuable
this paper. We are wholly in
your power, and we want you
to realize it. Again we say,
DON'T be thoughtless-negligent.
If you care anything at
all for the success of the Pop
ulist party and this paper,
RIGHT NOW is the time to
"show your faith by your
works."
For the past two years we
have battled against fearful
odds. We have had to fight
enemies without and foes with
in. Designing men, selfish men,
unprincipled men, in and out of
the party, have done everything
they could to destroy us; but
we are here yet, and how well
we have "kept the faith" the
"middle of the road" you your
self know. Is the paper worthy
your support? Then let us have
it NOW WHEN WE NEED IT.
All through f he panic of '93
and the crop failure of '94 we
have fought a battle royal: but
our hardest time is yet to come
before this year's crop is har
vested. Friends, we depend on
you. Let every man who owes
us a dollar on back subscrip
tion pay up now and renew for
another year. Let every man
who is able, pay for a few
copies of THE WEALTH MAKERS
to be sent to doubtful voters
during the campaign. There
ought to be five hundred men
in Nebraska who would give
$5.00 each to pay for cam
paign subscriptions to this
paper. How many will do this
and do it NOW?
Address,
THE HEALTH MAKERS,
Jj. S. HYATT, Bus. Mgr.
v. iff rou. WFR.
THE B- & M JOURNAL
The B. i. M. Journal of Saturday last
had an editorial entitled "The Degenera
tea" which a "degenerate" alone could
hare written. It ia an attempt to reply
to a magazine article by a Mr. Fletcher,
who propose ' that the government
establish a bureau of transportation and
fix the rates of transportation and the
wages of laboron all the railroads of the
country. The Journal of course loudly
objects to such a plan.
The reasons it gives against it are not
valid, bnt as tliey are the only ones that
can be thought of to oppose govern
mental interference with transportation
monopoly it may be well to turn them
over.
The first reason given is that it would
give us too much government, and it
commends the gritof our forefathers who
got tired of too much government and
fought for less.
The Journal in this falls in with the
anarchistic teaching that government is
necessarily evil, of which the less the
better; or that our present government
is sufficient, and that it has no right to
meddle with the private (?) business of
monopolists.
Replying to the claim that government
conduct of the railroads would fix the
price of labor and prevent strikes the
Journal says:
"But that is an infringement of per
sonal liberty that must never be at
tempted. The right to strike must never
be interfered with. Otherwise the laborer
is a slave."
'An infringement of personal liberty,"
is it? Do we hear that the postal service
employes of the government have their
liberty Interfered with? And do the gov.
ernments of Germany, France, Austria,
Sweden, Norway and Australia have any
difficulty getting men to work on such
terms as they offer to carry on the gov
ernment railroads of their respective
countries?
Not only are there no strikes on gov
ernment railroads in the nations men
tioned, but there is also no compulsion
used, and no need, for there, as here,
there are always many more well-qualified
applicants seeking positions under
the government, at wages or salary
offered, than there are places to fill.
"The right to strike must not be inter
fered with. Otherwise the laborer is a
tlave."
Was the Journal ever before known to
he in favor of strikes and on the side of
the strikers? How was it a year ago
when the A. R. U. was striking? And
observe how it can jump toa conclusion.
The laborer who is justly dealt with will
aot strike, has no need to; and the gov
ernment is never oppressive in dealing
rith its employes, because its object it,
iot to heap up profits out of their labor.
If the government owned and operated
the railroads, the employes would pass
civil service examinations, and, when
employed, would hold their positions as
long as they could do well the work
assigned them. There would be no effort
to raise rates and reduce wages as now.
Wages would be fixed at a good living
basis and charges would be made to cor
respond. There would be no interest
charge on capital, and no dividends, for
the government does not wish to accumu
late. We should have transportation at
cost, and cost when under one, govern
ment system, would allow many econo
mies. Uncle Sam's railroads would not
need to subsidize such papers as the B.
& M. Journal; they would not waste ten
per cent of legitimate transportation in
come in passes, and would save a vast
amount now contributed to run conven
tions, lubricate legislatures and control
congress. There would also be a great
saving in number of employes and in
advertising.
The Journal is very zealous in its de
fense of. the liberty of the millionaires,
and very dishonest in its professions of
interest in the rights of the masses The
liberty of the class that is now monopo
lizing the means of production and ex
change must be reduced, in order that
the masses of the people may not be re
duced to complete dependence and hope
less slavery. Liberty iB not liberty which
is not liberty for all.
A WRONG IDEA OF JUSTICE
The idea prevails that capital is an
eternal substance or power to which we
must pay percent tributeforever. Bonds
were given by the British nation long ago
to draw interest in perpetuity as pay
ment for money loaned the government
to carry on the Napoleonic wars. The
bonds and stocks were issued for sale at
a discount, to draw interest, and sold at
fifty, sixty and seventy cents on the
dollar, and they became, through the
British system of finance, a perpetual
mortgage on the labor of the future,
The labor percents which money and
capital command in all countries, are
supposed to be the earnings of such
money or capital. But these legalized
and monopoly enforced demands of
money and capital constitute a power
which continuously, without labor, by
the enforced labor of others than its
owners, builds itself up, if its percent tri
butes are not squandered, and by buying
up the land and labor-Baving inventions
of the people will gradually concentrate
all property and natural resources into a
few hands.
There is plausibility in the argument
that he who saves a part of his product
and wisely uses it to make his succeeding
labor effect greater production, by means
of better tools and machinery which his
savings purchase, should have the in
crease which such economic adjustment
who saves his product and loans it to
others to increase their labor product
should be given a share of that increase.
But this payment of usury or increase
has created two classes which are a
menace to the peace and prosperity of
society, viz., a class who, generation after
generation, continue to live in luxury
upon the labor of others and to accumu
late wealth, capital and land by the tribute-commanding
power of what they
have; 'and an increasingly numerous
class who have no land or capital and
never can have, because their entire sur
plus product is and will continue to be
forced away from them to pay rent, in
terest and profits to the capitalist class.
The small savings of many are also be
ing absorbed and they being crowded
down into the proletariat ranks. -
There is a flaw in the argument which
supports percent tribute to capital, tri
bute which enthrones a capitalist class
and euslaves a proletariat class. He
who would use what he lias himself pro
duced to increase the productiveness of
bis labor has the undoubted right to do
so. But be who ceases to labor should
be forced to live by consuming what he
baa previously produced. He who loans
labor products to another should not
acquire perpetual power over the labor
of the borrower, or the borrowing class.
Men should have an equal inheritance in
the land, and be protected by the govern
ment from those who have and who
seek monopoly power which enables
possessors to draw per cent tribute from
the workers. The Populist party sees
the necessity of this, and therefore calls
for thenationalization of monopolies, the
public control of public utilities, the
breaking up of land monopoly and that
the government conduct the banking
business of the country at cost. This
latter demand would give us a sound,
safe currency of unfluctuating value and
benefit the people by the direct use of
their own credit with no charge for the
money they need to use beyond the labor
cost of doing the business safely and
economically.
A SAMPLE GOLD BUG ARGUMENT
Weclip the following from a long article
in a New York paper dated July 4, an
article introduced with heavy headlines
a part of which heading reads as follows:
"Arguments for Free Coinage Refuted.
The Gold Product of the World Sufficient
Silver Demonetized by Overproduction.
Free Coinage Means a Cumbrous Second
ClnHH Money; A Horizontal Reduciion of
the Tuiiff; The Payment of Obligations
by Debused Dollars; The Depletion of the
United JSiuiew Treasury; Widespread and
Heavy Lost".; Degraded Wages are the
Inevitable Itesuit of a Degraded Cur
rency." The paper which published this article
on "The Silver Question" is one of the
semi-political religious papers of reputa
tion, The Independent, and the writer of
the' article was United States Senator
Morrill of Vermont. We give verbatim,
below, two paragraphs of the article to
Bhow the manner and matter of goldbug
arguments.
After a season of rustication the Dem
ocratic party, in 1893, again elected its
president, known as a fixed adherent of a
sound money standard; but thesouthern
Democratic territory was suddenly in
vaded by Populist crusaders, who ob
tained so many squads of new recruits,
wearied by the longevity and martial
fame of the office-holding class, that the
old party was in danger of being sup
planted. The leaders, therefore, awfully
dizzy and desperate, resolved to storm
the Populist camp, and loot its entire
equipage of political quackery. Agree
ing with liosea Biglow, each one said to
the other:
"In short, I firmly du believe
In Humbug generally,
Fer it's a thing that I perceive
To hev a solid vally."
In short, they surprised the Populists,
who awoke one morning to find their
political humbugs had been stolen, and
the 16 to 1 fifty cent silver standard
hoisted by their democratic enemy.
Cheap money from wildcat banks and
the. cheaper semi-fiat money from the
government mint, was expected to be so
abounding as to be had by loin, Dick
and Harry without anything to sell and
without work, and all taxes to be paid
by millionaires.
The editors of The Independent de
voted a wide column and a half of their
department to thanking Senator Morrill
for doing "us a great honor and our
readers the eminent service in choosing"
to send his article to that paper. They
urged all their readers to "study Senator
Morrill's article," because he is a "states
man with a marvelously clear head; who
knows thoroughly not only the near but
the far past, understands fully the pres
ent and can accurately estimate future
results, and he always has an audience,
when he chooses to speak, of the most
intelligent men in the country."
It is such rank lying, that we have
above quoted from old top-lofty aristo
crat plutocrat Morrill which is served up
by almost the entire eastern press, reli
gious as well as political, and advertised
as truth and wisdom. If this sort of
misrepresentation is to continue we shall
get as ashamed of the place of our nati
vity (New England) as Gov. Morrill of
Kansas has been of his state.
The address of Mr. Thompson at the
recent Prohibition State convention was
a masterly exposition of the money ques
tion and the money plank in the plat
form the convention adopted July 4th is
an excellent expression of the most ad
vanced scientific teaching regarding
money and its right uses. Mr. Thomp
son is editor of the New Era of Spring
field, Ohio. The 1'rohibition party in
the west is likely to split away from the
Voice-led. Standard-Oil-trust directed
OF IB TERES T TO INDIVIDUALISTS
In 1890 a working force of 142,000
manufactured 188,000,000 pairs of boots
and shoes in this country. Under the old
system of hand work it would have re
quired 2,250,000 workers to produce
this quantity of foot wear. Now, if the
142,000 do afl the work, brain and hand,
to manufacture fifteen or sixteen times
as mnch footwear as formerly, ought
they not to have fifteen or sixteen times
as much pay as formerly?
The New York Mercury has been in
vestigating the shoe manufacturing in
dustry and finds that the employes are
being paid only about half as much as
men operating the same machines are
paid in Great Britain. The average
wages here are $7 per week, aud the work
is the most exhausting sort, keeping the
machines going to their fullest capacity.
The continuous improvement in machin
ery is not benefiting the operating class
in the least, the profit all falling to the
capitalists, and with each improvement
in machines workers are thrown out of
employment, and cheap, unskilled labor
can be employed in their places. Fifty
years ago the American shoemaker owned
the whole machinery of his craft and his
own workship. He was complete master
of himself, independent and respected.
Now he is entirely dependent on machin
ery owned by capitalists. His skill, if he
has learned his entire trade, is of no use
to him, because an illiterate Italian or
German can in a week learn how to run a
machine which does the work. The ma
chines, to make utmost profit for the
capitalists, are run at a rate of speed
which shortens the lives of the operators
and leaves them each day too exhausted
to take interest in anything.
In some of the factories it is stated
that young women can retain their posi
tions only by "becoming friendly" with
the buyers who come to make purchases,
and that the girls are expected to make
it so pleasant for these gentlemen that
the firm will make sure of their orders.
These charges are made by labor union
officials, and they have corroborative
testimony to sustain the charges.
While the workmen are thus being held
in the galling bonds of wage slavery and
bright beautiful girls are being robbed of
their virtue by the power of greed, the
employing, machine-owning class are
growing immensely wealthy. The big
shoe manufacturing companies, by tak
ing shares in the new patented machinery
constitute a wealthy and powerful com
bination of capital. The Goodyear Ma
chinery Company, which has revolution
ized the condition of the shoemaking in
dustry, is capitalized at $3,000,000.
By the greed of monopolists the entire
wurking class of this country has been
and is being reduced in wages and prices
of their products to a condition where
they must accept the terms of others,
work as hard as or harder than slaves
work, and receive therefor at best barely
enough to reproduce their kind. Their
lives are greatly shortened by overwork
and lack of time and strength for recre
ation. They are far less careless, uncon
cerned and comfortable than chattel
slaves. They live a treadmill, weary, joy
less life, and the divine individuality in
each has almost no opportunity to un
fold.. And yet "individualists" continue
to favor a system which crushes out the
individuality of the toiling masses, the
great majorityl
PROF. TAYLOR ON THE PEN
Prof. Graham Taylor of Chicago in his
July 8th, lecture at Crete Chautauqua
took occasion to express himself strongly
regarding our state penitentiary. He
declared it to be absolutely the most
scandalous place of the kind he had ever
visited. Three hundred and fifty con
victs are crowded into two hundred and
forty cells, narrow, dark stone enclosures
with no toilet accommodations and no
drainage. There are six women in the
prison and no woman officer. -
The state has been selling the lives, the
labor, of its criminals aud forcing them
to work without reward for a gang of
thieves outside, one only of whom has
for other offenses at least been put in
striped clothes himself. The state itself
takes away the liberty of its convicts,
which it must needs do, but it becomes it
self criminal when it forces them to work
unrewarded for the enrichment of a
speculating gang of contractors. It
invades their inalienable right to the
products of their labor, less the cost of
caring for and controlling them. A man
who breaks the law may not be treated
by the executors of law lawlessly, or as
if he had no rights. When convicts
work, if they are not working to replace
goods stolen or destroyed, the goods
they produce belong to them and should
be given to their families, or, in case they
have no families, should be deposited in
the criminals' names, so that when re
leased they may have something to
keep them while looking for work. As it
is we of necessity take away their liberty,
and then in barbarism we rob them, we
force them to labor as slaves to make
money for others, and cast them with
ruined character upon the tender mercies
of the world with not more than five or
ten dollars in their pockets. .
The state ought to keep her prisoners
at work and hld all surplus above cost
of keeping their families subject to call
from thein when they leave her control.
She ought to keep criminals in separate
cells and in clean wholesome sanitary
buildings. She ought to deal honestly
with them and guard their rights and in.
tereets. They ought to be set at work
on land as well as manufacturing. Thef
ought not to be robbed of the fruits of
their labor by the state and then be set
adrift with no money and no reputation.
SENATOR INGALLS ON GOLD
Ex-Senator Id gal Is of Kansas in 1891
made a speech in which was the follow
ing paragraph. He might have added
that government paper money has been
found the only dependence in time of
war and the best money in times of peace.
Following are Ingalls' words:
No people in a great emergency ever
found a faithful ally in gold. It is the
most cowardly and treacherous of all
metals. It makes no treaty it does not
break. It has no friend it does not
sooner or later betray. Armies and
navies are not maintained by gold. In
times of panic and calamity, shipwreck
and disaster, it becomes the agent and
minister of ruin. No nation ever fought
a great war by the aid of gold. On the
contrary, in the crisis of the greatest
peril, it becomes an enemy more potent
than the foe in the field; but when the
battle is won and peace has been secured,
gold reappears and claims the fruits of
victory. In our own civil war it is doubt
ful if the gold of New York and Loudon
did not work us greater injury than the
powder and lead and iron of the rebels.
It was the most invincible enemy of the
public credit. Gold paid no soldier or
sailor. It refused the national obliga
tions. It was worth most when onr for
tunes were lowest. Every defeat gave it
increased value. It was in open alliance
with our enemies the world over, and all
its energies were evoked for our destruc
tion. But, as usual, when danger has
been averted and the victory secured,
gold swaggers to the front and asserts
supremacy. J. J. Ingalls.
THE HAMILTON COUNTY PLAN
There came to this office while the editor
was away two or three weeks ago infor
mation of apian originated in Hamilton
county, this state, to secure the people's
choice in the nomination of candidates
for office, a plan which we should have
published and favorably commented on
before had it not unavoidably escaped
our attention.
It is a fact known to all that under our
present system of primaries a mere hand
ful of men, and often one or two out of
the dozen or less who usually attend
primaries, select the men whom the ma
jority afterwards must elect or reject.
Corruption creeps in at the primaries.
The smooth professionals, the selfish
spoils-hunters and trading wire-pullers
then get in their first and principal
work, and popular government in con
sequence becomes a costly farce, a tool
of plunderers. We all believe or profess
to believe in a government of the people,
and they.who name the candidates for
office should be the people. They should
not themselves be candidates or in the
pay or promised pay of candidates. If
the majority not directly or personally
interested, except for the best men to
serve all, had a voice in selecting candi
dates for office we would have a govern
ment of the people and not a govern
ment of rings, or accidents and incom
petents. The best men known would b
chosen for leaders, and the abuses of con
fldence and betrayal of the people's in
terest would cense.
Following is the comprehensive plan of
reform by which the people may select
the most popular men to represent and
serve them;
The foundation principles of the Peo
ple's Independent party are: "Trust in
the peoplel The people shall rule. A
government, of, for, and by the peopk
will not perish from this earth. Equal
rights to all, special privileges to none."
Therefore our party ought to oppose
the "filtering" process in the selection of
candidates for the respective county
offices.
In local matters the people should se
lect their candidates instead of delegat
ing that function to a limited number of
persons, "the good of all beiug the con
cern of each."
We therefore recommend for considera
tion a plan for the nomination of county
officers based upon the lines of the
Australian ballot law of this state. A
law which is distinctively a People's In
dependent party measure and has given
the best results.
FlIiST. METHOD OF NOMINATION.
Caudidates for the office of county
judge, sheriff, coroner, county treasurer,
county clerk, county Burveyor, county
superintendent of public instruction,
clerk of the district court , county com
missioner and such other county officers
as are now or may !e hereafter re
quired to be elected by all the electors of
this county, may be nominated to be
voted for at the primary elections of our
party as follows, v:'.z: Whenever fifty
(50) or more legal voters and members
of the People's Independent party of this
county shall cause to be filed with the
secretary of our county central commit
tee a petition on the following form, viz:
Stat of Nebraska, Hamilton coun ty.
We, the undersigned legal voters and
members of the People's Independent
party of said county, hereby nominate
for office of
(Name of offices)
(Name of candidate)
residing in
(Name of)
precinci, Hamilton county, Nebraska.
Ne.me. Residences.
I hereby accept the above nomination
su'jjec'; to the will of the people as ex
pressed at our primary election and if
nominated and elected will strictly ob
serve the declaration of principles ad
opted by our party in the manner as
hereinafter set forth.
(Signature of candidate)
(P. O. Address)
No petition will be considered by the
county central committee of our party,
unless it strictly follows the above form.
No person shall sign more than one peti
tion of nomination for any one office.
No person shall sign a petition for the
nomination of a county commissioner
unless he resides in the district for which
the commissioner ia to be elected at ths
next general election.
SECOND. DELEGATES TO COUNTY CONVEN
TION. Each precinct 9hall elect one delegate
to the county convention a space being
reserved on primary election ballot for
that purpose. No petition shall be re
quired for his nomination.
THIRD. TIME OP FILING PETITION.
A petition for the nomination of candi
dates before the primary election shall
be filed not less than twenty (20) days
before the day fixed for holding said pri
mary election.
FOURTH. BALLOTS FOE PRIMARY ELEC
TIONS. The county central committee shall
cause to be prepared and printed in
accordance with the 'Australian ballot
law of our state such number of ballots
as they may deem necessary and provide
for the" distribution of the same. The
elector shall express his choice in the
same manner as provided by said law.
The primary election shall be conducted
as nearly in accordance with said law as
circumstances will permit.
FIFTH. DELEGATES TO OUTSIDE CONVEN
TIONS. Whenever a convention of our party is
called for the purpose of nominating
State officers, congressmen, judges of the
district court, or state senators, the
county central committee of our party
shall district the county iu accordance
with the custom heretofore prevailing
and delegates to the several conventions
shall be elected at the primary meetings
of our party. Said "delegate districts"
shall elect delegates to ourside conven
tions in such manner as the members of
our party in therespectivedistricts deem
right and proper. The officers shall ad
vise in writing the secretary of our
county central committee speedily the
names of the persons elected. As soon as
possible thereafter, the chairman and
secretary of the county central com
mittee shall make proper credentials for
the respective conventions and forward
the same by a delegate that has been
fully chosen. .
SIXTH. PRIMARY MEETINGS.
There shall be regularly called in each
precinct on a day fixed by the county
central committee a primary meeting for
the purpose of nominating the precinct
officers and electing delegates to outside
conventions and the same shall be nomi
nated and elected in such manner as the
members of our party in the respective
precincts deem right and proper. It is
recommended that at this meeting rules
and regulations be adopted for the hold
ing of a primary election and that the
same be reduced to writing for the use of
the election officers on primary election
day, and that presiding officers and in
specters of election for the primary elec
tion be appointed.
SEVENTH. PRIMARY ELECTIONS.
The primary elections in the several
precincts in this county shall be held on
the same day, and that day shall be fixed
by the county central committee, and
shall open at o'clock, p. m., aud
close at - o'clock p. m., of said day
except that city precincts, being a city of
the second class the polls of such primary
elections shall be opened at twelve o'clock
noon and closed at seven o'clock in the
afternoon standard time.
Immediately after the polls close the
votes shall be counted, canvassed and
certified to by the officers of said election
sealed and delivered to the person elected
delegate to the county convention, a
certificate of his election shall be en
dorsed on the outside of the package con
taining said returns, and signed by the
election officers.
That said primary elections are hereby
ordered to be held under: "An act to pro
tect primary elections and conventions
of political parties and punish offenses
committed thereat." Carried into Cob
bevs statute of Nebraska as sections
1694 to 1702 inclusive.
EIGHTH. CONVENTION OF DELEGATES.
A convention of delegates shall be regu
larly called by the county central com
mittee and shall consist of one delegate
from each precinct of this county. The
manner of his election is herein before set
forth, said convention shall be held the
day following the primary elections. It
shall be the duty of the delegates to the
county convention elected as hereinbe
fore set forth, to attend said convention
and present the returns of the primary
election in his precinct. Said convention
shall proceed in theusual manner toelect
a presiding officer and secretary of the
convention. They shall then open and
canvasB the returns from the several pre- -cincts
of this county. The person receiv-
ing the highest number of votes for any J
office shall be declared the uominee forj
that office. In the event of a tie vote ths
convention of delegates shall proceed
forthwith to choose the nominee by cast
ing lots. The result of said canvass
shall be carefully tabulated, approved by
the convention and preserved by the sec
retary of the county central committee.
The returns from the several precincts
shall be disposed of in such a manner as
the convention sees right and proper.
The delegates to the county convention
from the several precincts shall consti
tute the county central committee for the
ensuing year. At said convention the
delegates shall elect a chairman, and
secretary of the county central com
mittee, who shall hold their offices until
the next county convention shall elect
their successors. Said convention shall
provide by appropriate resolution a
method to fill any and all vacancies
that may occur on said ticket, but said
vacancy must be filled by selecting the
person having the next highest number
of votes cast at said primary election for
the office in which the vacancy occurs.
The convention shall not have power to
adopt any declaration of principles for
any party except as hereinafter provided.
NINTH. DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.
Whenever or more legal voters
and members of the People's Independent
party of this county shall cause to be
filed with the secretary of our county
central committee not. less than 20 days
before the day fixed for holding said
primary election a petition in the follow
ing form, viz:
State of Nebraska, Hamilton county.
We, the undersigned legal voters and
members of tli People's Independent
party of said county, desire to refer to )
the electors of said party at the nexc -
ensuing primary election lor their adop
tion or rejection the following political
principle: (Here insert the principle
same to consist of not more thau forty
words.)
Names. Residences.
It shall be the duty of the county cen
tral committee to cause the same to be
4.t3JT'rfvjLt'e et.