4
May 23, 1895
THE WEALTH MAKERS.
THE K WEALTH MAKERS.
New Serie of
THE ALLlASi E-ISDEPESDEST.
Consolidate of th
Farmers Alliance nnd Neb. Independent.
PUBLISHED EVEKT THURSDAY BT
The Wealth Maker. Publishing Company,
11:0 M St.. Lincoln, NebrMka.
Otoaas flowaa Gibso Editor
1. B. Htatt .-. Bolne Manager
M I P. A.
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Or add a aorrow to a atrlckaa aoal
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Uj boaom own tha brotherhood of man, '
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The columns of this paper will con
tinue open to those who may wish to
condemn and criticise us, but we ask all
others to forbear writing anything for
publication that bears on the contro
versy over which good men will be sure
to differ with increasing bitterness if
words from both sides are allowed to
multiply.
"Think of the lofty foreheads ol the world,
That gleam like toll moon through the night
of time,
Holding their calm, big iplendor iteadlly.
Forever at the to of history, ,
Tblnky they rushed op with amddennesa
Of rocket sportively hot Into heaven,
And flared to their Immortal place there?"
Can God's wisdom fail? Never. Dut
God's wisdom will not save us from hu
man folly. - - -; '
Can. the faithful reformer please every
body? No. He must be "despised and
rejected of men, a man of sorrows and
acquainted with grief." And his enemies
will think tbey are doing God service in
smiting him. .
A word of apology is due our many
readers iu other states for the strong
local cast of this number of The Wealth
Makers. It is not in variety a sample
number, wedesire those toknowto whom
this issue is their first.
We greatly appreciate the compliment,
corning from the source it does, when the
Farmers Tribune, of Iowa, in its last issue
ivfers to us iu this way: "The reliable
Populist state paper, the Lincoln Wealth
Makers, which in also one of thebraiuiest
and most conscientious Populist papers
in the Uniou." The words are from an
article entitled, "Fusion in Nebraska."
. Please, may we say that Great Brit
ain, Frauoe, Germany and Austria have
for years had a government telegraph
and telephone service connected with
their government postal service, and
that the people get all this service at
cost, and that though it is "s-o-c-i-n-l-i-8-ui"
they are delighted with the cheap
service and nobody complains? It is all
In the Omaha platform, and Rosewater
advocates the transfer of these great
private monopolies to the govern
ment, and why can't The Wealth Mak
ers? mmmmmmmmmmm
The Independent of New York, with
whose financial and political ideas we
seldom agree, asks:
What is the difference in the moral
quality of the act by which a man of bus
iiiexH by shrewd devices secures, in a way
that is not coutrary to law, but contrary
to morals, the rightful property of an
other, aud the act of one who forcibly
seizes it, or steals it outright? There is
a difference in the eyes of the law, but not
in the eyes of a righteous censor "of con
duct. This is good doctrine enough for any
body. But the questions now remaining
turn on the unsettled point of what
"rightful property" in.
The Supreme Court by a vote of five to
four has decided the Income Tax to be
unconstitutional and void. The entire
act is annulled, the expressed will ol
seventy millions of people being set
aside by five men's interpretation of dead
men's idea. One man's vote turned tin
scale.. This is not a government of the
people, but a government of judges whom
rich men's candidates for president (no
others have had any chance to be elected
since Lincoln's time) appoint, to serve
the class who run the machinery and
dictate to the man who for life enthrones
them. Now let the people cut off the
stream of income by nationalizing and
municipalizing monopolies. The only
party that purposes to do that is the
People's party.
THE SCHOOL OF POLITICS
Wsooght to be taught much by reason.
We ought to learn more by history end
experience. The writer has a clearer
vision than he had in '94, and he expects
to know more in 't)6.
Do our readers care to compare views
with us in the matter of what we con
sider right, wise and practical in politics?
It can be briefly told.
We see very clearly that what is con
sidered wise and practical by the politi
cians of old parties, would be most fool
ish and impractical.in the political lead
ers of a new party. What is a party? A
political party has its origin in a dis
tinctly moral conception, a conception
of human rights. The moral truth which
drew us together to form the People's
party was the right of labor to its own,
leading us to join hands and forces to
overthrow the hydra-headed monopoly
power. How can we grow legitimately
as a party? By educating the people iu
justice, by showing them the forces of
oppression, by calling their attentiou to
the great streams and legally established
channels which drain labor of its pro
ducts and place them in the bauds of a
non-producing, and therefore non-return
ing, class. Those who by a degree of
monopoly power give less labor service
for more, belong also to the non-returning,
labor and liberty absorbing, class.)
The legitimate work of a reform party is
solely a work of education, and none
other, such as trading and fusing, can be
in any large and permanent way success
ful.
Old parties may deceive the people and
win success by so doing.
New parties must tell the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth-
Old parties may be run as machines.
New parties must be run by intelligent
majorities.
Old parties to succeed must select as
leaders the men of most shrewdness and
power to deceive.
New parties to most quickly wm should
choose as leaders the men who have
most wisdom and ability to enlighten.
They should also be men of untarnished
moral reputation.
It is an advantage sometimes to the
leaders of a broken-up or broken-down
old party to offer to endorse the reform
party's candidates, for a consideration.
But no consideration can be given for
votes by a reform party which would
not be a lasting injury and loss to it.
No party that believes iu its own dis
tinctive principles and sees a moral
justification for its being, can endorse
the candidates of another party; and
when such endorsement is given it is cer
tain that a commercially valued con
aidoration therefor is either promised or
expected. -The
leaders of a new party cannot
meet the loaders of an old party, openly
or secretly, and possibly gain anything
of value out of them, either in bargain
ing for political assistance, or in the
hope of getting something for nothing.
Such efforts on the part of reform party
leaders are always unauthorized and
wrong, and when they accomplish any
thing result in injury instead of benefit, j
A reform party is composed of indivi
duals who necessarily differ some in
opinion. But the bond of union between
them is the platform of principles the
adopt. That platform cannot be drop
ped or altered, abridged or extended, by
any conference or combination of lead
ers. It must stand as the will of the
people until another like delegate con
vention of the people revises it.
The action of conventions, municipal,
county, state and national, is supreme
and final in the matter of placing candi
dates in the field. When candidates
have accepted the nomination of conven
tions no committee, or self-constituted
body of politicians, has any authority or
right to override the people's expressed
will and judgment. The candidates them
selves, having once accepted nominations
have no right to withdraw from the race
either to please themselves or others.
Loyalty to the people requires commit"
teemen and unofficial members of the
party to do all in their power to elect
the men whom the people in convention
haveselected to represent them. (Known
lack of character in a nominee is of
course cause sufficient for scratching him
from the ticket.)
The members of a reform party should
one and all consider it a most important
duty, which must not be neglected, to
attend the primaries (where selfishness
and corruption always creep iu) and be
sure that they are not grasped and man
ipulated by office-seekers. Attendance
und vigilance at the primaries can alone
preserve purity in a party. Look out
for the men who are cunningly quick
with a motion aud the puppets who
second it, who thus bring office-seekers
into control.
A reform party always contains radi
cals and conservatives, with all shades
of opinion between. The conservatives
at the rear can scarcely be distinguished
from the men in other parties. There
fore never go to the tail end of the pro
cession tor standard-bearing leaders. II
nominated, expect them to talk in the
campaign half the time on the tariff (as
the Democrats talk), and the other hall
on silver (as both old parties talk), and
entirely ignore the more important
money, transportation and land de
mands of the Populist platform. .
Is the world coming to an end, that thi
State Journal should advocate, or seen:
to, government telephones? Somebodj
will pleasecry, SOCIALISM 1 1 1 With thi
Journal turning socialist the foundation)
will fall out.
BEPLY TO 8E5AT0E ALLE5
The Wealth Makers very cheerfully
accords Senator Allen three or four col
umns of space this week in which to de-
lend his fusion record and relievo bis long
pent-up feelings by telling our readers
what he thinks of us and several other
gentlemen.
Even at such cost of senatorial dignity,
lost sight of in his wrath, it is a good
thing just now to draw from him this de
fense of fusion, this free expression of
what be considers party policy, and sub
mit it to the people. The editor of this
paper entertains no feeling of ill-will
against Senator Allen, or any other man.
He has not at any timedone the Senator
a conscious injustice, and he would hasten
to repair a wrong if it were shown him.
Whether we shall be able to justify our
words in his sight or not, we can show
that all we have said has been called
forth by his own words, the uncontradic
ted words of bis friends, and the testi
mony of other reputable witnesses.
Mr. Allen's letter carries the impression
that the editor of this paper has given
him only unfavorable, unjust criticism.
Our paper has been regularly sent to bis
address, but be seems not to have read it
until after his efforts to "harmonize" us
with the Democrats at any rate be
never said thank you for our words of
of praise and appreciation.
'In looking back over the files Of our
paper we find under date of Feb. 15,
1894, this personal paragraph, written
by myself, in aa editorial referring to
"The Populist Wedge" in Congress.
The Populists of Nebraska are beyond
words proud of Allen. His splendid abili
ties and learning, which command the
respect of his enemies and make him the
equal of any in debate his unexpected
familiarity with the nnanciai question,
the records of Congress aud the schemes
of the bond-holders for thirty years bis
great knowledge of law and his bold
ness in defending the people almost single
handed against the old party leaders,
the intellectual giants, have given him iu
a few short months nation-wide reputa
tion, have brought honor to the Popu
list name, too, and made him the bright
est hope and strongest leader of the
people. He impresses all with his honesty,
his lair-miudedness, his regard for justice
and truth; and his deliberation in speak
ing adds to the strength and impressive
ness of his well weighed words. He seems
now to be our mightiest man to lead us
in the next presidential campaign.
In the June 14, 1804, Wealth Makers
is the following praise, by the same band:
Senator Allen is compelling the respect
of all parties. He stands easily in th
highest rank of statesmen and he is con
tinually surprising friends and foes who
marvel at his encyclopedic, constitution
al, legal and historic information. His
activity in the Senate also indicates that
he is doing an immense amount of work,
These are not the words of an enemy,
Senator Allen had no better or mori
appreciative friend than the writer up tc
the time that he began his efforts to fus
and oonfuse us with our political foes.
Until then we saw no reason to doubt
that be stood squarely on the Omaha
platform, and with that belief, justified
by his profession and sustained by evi
dence of Intellectual power, we attributed
to him statesmanship, and. hoped to find
him another Charles Sumner who should
command deliverance for the people.-
In the July 19, 1894, Wealth Makers
we said:
Some three weeks ago the National
Watchman, printed at Washington, de
clared in an editorial that Weaver, Allen,
Kem and McKeighan had entered into a tu
eion conspiracy with the Democrats, nnd
quoted from the Farmers Tribune Wea
ver's paper language concerning Bryan
which lent color to the charge so far as
Weaver was concerned. We did not print
it. We could not believe it. And we are
glad to see in Tuesday's Democratic
daily at Omaha a general denial on the
part of our Nebraska congressmen and
senators.
We published second hand their denial,
of July 10, and were glad to be able to.
Later, however, Chairman Taubeneck
writing to at least two men in our state,
Hon. W. F. Porter and Judge W. F.
Bryant, made statements concerning a
great fusion scheme originated by Sena
tor Gorman and other great politicians
the truth of which has never been called
in question by any one, to my knowledge.
In Taubeneck's letter to Porter, dated
Aug. 6, 1894, and printed in The
Wealth Makers of Aug. 16, are the
following paragraphs:
Senator Gorman, the shrewdest politi
cian in the Democratic party, set out two
years ago to turn the Populist uprising
in the west to account for the Demo
cratic party. Secretary Hoke Smith and
others are co-operating with him. Their
plan is to force fusion on the best terms
they can with Populists in the west, giv
ing local offices for congressmen and
United States senators. They will never
fuse on Populist congressmen and sena
tors, unless they are pledged to become
Democrats when it comes to a policical
show down. These western Democrats
are to go into the south at the proper
time and show that the Blands, Baileys,
and Livingstons would be called good
Populists in the west, and that there is
no occasion for the Democrats leaving
their party. In this way the south is to
be kept in the Democratic fold, and the
western Populists turned into Demo
crats. Our party has suffered much by having
men iu Congress and in the United States
Senate who came here by the aid of Pop
ulist votes, and are afraid to open their
mouths in criticism of the Democratic
party. There is no enemy so dangerous
to our cause as the one who professes
our principles and remains in the camp
of the enemy.
. The Democratic plotters of Washing
ton, I). C, are exceedingly anxious that
the Populists in your district the Third,
where Allen was later defeated inconven
tion in his efforts to "harmonize," fuse,
the Populists and Democrats of his own
district. Editor Wealth Makers.
nominate some one whom they can use
to organize the next House. You cannot
afford to nominate a man simply because
he can get the Democratic endorsement.
To nominate such a mas under sucb
circumstance would be suicide. The
party that can be so deceived, is the one
that will be betrayed.
Therefore I am much pleased with tbe
position taken by you in yonr letter in
The Wealth Makkks. Tbe word should
be given out that Populist will not vote
for any candidate unless be be a true and
tried Populist. Weaknessand cowardice
at such a time as this is treason.
In Mr. Taubeneck's' letter to Judge
Bryant, of Hartington, written in reply
to his request for ournational chairman's
views on fusion,tbe latter said, in part:
The moment you fuse with the Demo
crats you discourage Republicans from
coming to us, and at the eame time the
Democrats will say: "Why should we
join the People's party when they are
coming to us and electing our men?"
Tbis will cut off oursupply at both ends.
Tbe Democratic steering committee of
tbe Senate realize that after the 4th of
march they will lose control of that body
unless tbey can secure two or three Sena
tors from the west. They will move
heaven and earth to win in order to se
cure one from Nebraska, Wyoming and
Montana, and the only way to do tbis is
by utilizing the Populist vote. Senator
Morgan exposed their hand when he said
on the stump in Alabama, that "the
Populists of Nebraska will elect a senator
next January, but he will be a Democrat
when be comes to Congress."
In the same letter Mr. Taubeneck said:
The Nonconformist of Indianapolis
dated August 2nd, exposes a fusion
scheme in the west, which, I regret to say
contains much truth.
Now observe the connections. The
Nonconformist, the national organ, is in
evidence that a fusion scheme in part
affecting the Third district and the State
of Nebraska, was hatched in Washington,
and our national chairman has confirmed
tbe truth of it. It has never since been
publicly denied by any one. The subse
quent events showed Senator Allen and
Congressman Bryan using their utmost
influence and working together to carry
out the Nebraska part of the scheme we
were fore-warned against. As actions
talk, we were therefore justified in credit
ing him with being intelligently a part of
it.
The Senator savs he never at anv time
"urged our people to fuse with the Demo
crats. The word "fuse" seems to prick
him. Well, call it "harmonize," his word,
a better souuding word, but, as he used
it, meaning the same thing. He admits
that he advised Populists to help elect
Democrats in Douglas county and in the
Third district, and does not consider that
such advice reflects on either, his moral
character, political loyalty, or judgment.
Why then should he feel that we have
done him a great wrong in saying he
advised Populists to vote for candidates
for the legislature (which he acknow
ledges he did) ? or that he did his best to
carry out the fusion deal planned in
Washington and exposed by Chairman
Taubeneck (which he did, wittingly or
unwittingly)? or that he tried to get
Devine pulled off or to withdraw to a-
pease the Democrats (which bis words
published indicate and his friend Mackay
testifies)? As far as he could do so
Senator Allen tried to carry out a fusion
program of Nebraska or national orig n.
If he honestly did the work of shrewder
plotters behind him his simplicity must
excite pity. But considering his ability,
that is hard to believe, especially as he is
supposed to read the papers.
Take notice that so far it is not a
question of dollars-and-ceuts-integrity
that has been under discussion, but a
question of fidelity to party, to the pro
fessed principles of the Omaha platform;
a platform which separates our party
from all other parties, and makes fusion
on the part of the faithful impossible.
Now a word regarding the effort to get
Devine to withdraw or to pull him off.
Senator Allen conveys a false impression
when he says Mr. Devine was defeated by
over 2,000 more votes than Mr. Poynter.
The vote in 1892 shows Poynter third in
the race, his vote being 8,433, against
10,950 for the Democratic candidateand
12,589 for Meiklejohn. The vote in '94
was 11,739 for Devine, 8,078 for Hensley
(Democrat) and 16,626 for Meiklejohn.
Devine gained 3,306 votes over the
Poynter vote and brought our party, by
the unparallelled gain of 35 per cent, up
to second place. The Democrats dropped
to third. And this in the face of Senator
Allen's influence and an exceedingly bitter
fight by the fusionists. Mr, Devine was
defeated by 729 (quite a difference be
tweeu that figure and 2,000) more votes
than Poynter, but they would seem to
have been Democrat votes, for the 2,871
votes that the Democratic ticket lost,
Meiklejohn appears to have gained, in
the increase of his vote over what he had
in '92. It is a most remarkable showing
that Devine's vote reveals under all the
circumstances. In the Madison Reporter
(Democrat) supplement issued a few days
before election the editor, Dr. Mackay,
Senator Allen's special friend, says
Senator Allen, Chairman Edmisten,
and others "asked him Devine
to come to the convention at "Oma
ha to withdraw iu the interest, of the
state ticket." The Wealth Makers
bad never read or heard any denial of
the truth of this statement, and as Mac
kay has been rewarded instead of censur
ed for his political work last fall, his un
rebuked, slight inaccuracy (which seems
from what Senator Allen says to be only
technically inaccurate) it appears was
not considered iu any degree objection
able until The Wealth Makers repeated
the substance of Mackay's plain, empha
tic statement that Senator Allen was one
who asked Devine to withdraw.
Senator Alleu admits in his letter to
M i that he did say to a World-Herald, re
porter about Sept. 15: "In this district
if both Mr. Devine and Mr. Thomas re
main in tbe congressional race, Mr. Meik
lejohn will be re-elected. There should be
by all means a consolidation of the op
position vote to defeat him." And he
says further that he did "join in a tele
gram with others to J. A. Grimison with
a view of getting Mr. Devine to go to
Omaha to see what could be done in the
way of uniting the . anti-monopoly
strength of the Third district on one
man."
That, Senator, is a smooth way of say
ing you wanted a leader's job of fusion.
The conventions were past. The people
had spoken, and tbey had spoken
authoritatively and finally against
Robinson and against fusion, and for
Devine. Despite your disclaimer you (and
the others who were with you in your
effort to get Devine out of your way)
evidently believe in "bossisra." You con
spired with a few others to set aside tbe
people's will, regularly expressed In con
vention, and to force upon them your
judgment, your will. Now meet this like
a man and say if you are not ashamed
of it. The people's representatives made
you our Senator and Edmisten and
Edgerton our state chairman and secre
tary, but tbey did not confer on you or
any one convention powers, authority to
undo and reverse their work. Devine
himself, having once accepted a nomina
tion from the people's hands, had no right
to withdraw at the demand or request or
advice of individuals. He did not with
draw, and it was your dnty, the duty of
our state committee and all Populists
who knew him or believed him to be an
honest man, to support him. You, by
your own confession, were false to him,
false to the party you profess allegiance
to, and false to the people.
You charge me, Senator, with repeated
ly stating that you had ignored in Con
gress the Populist doctrine of govern
ment ownership of railroads. I cannot
recall that I ever made one statement of
the kind, and in the limited time at my
disposal I have not been able to find the
statement. I did find, however, in tbe
Feb. 14th, 1895, issue of our paper, tbe
expression which you probably have in
mind. It is an editorial sharply criticis
ing you for presuming to report to tbe
world on the floor of the U. S. Senate, as
"the substance of tbe doctrine of the
Populist party in this country," a care
fully written and numbered thirteen-
plank platform which bore almost no
resemblance to the Omaha platform. I
have a copy of the document before me,
and, taking you at your word as an in
terpreter, was forced to conclude that
you do not believe in the government
ownership of the railroads, as your plat
form left out this Populist demand and
only called for the regulation of abuses.
What a man says last, if said deliberate
ly, is what he has to be judged by
In the W'orld-Herald of Oct. 30, 1894,
is the report oi un interview with Sena
tor Allen which contains this question and
answer:
"Are the Populists and Democrats unit
ing generally throughout the state on
legislative candidates?"
"Populists and Democrats alike," re
plied Senator Allen, "realize the necessity
of united and concerted action, and there
is a general disposition to harmonize, and
where three candidates have been nomi
nated, the third man has been or will be
withdrawn and the Populist and Demo
cratic vote given to one candidate. The
reform element of this state realizes the
necessity of this action and of making
the legislative ticket throughout the
state absolutely sure."
This is further evidence from your own
mouth, Senator, that you were doing
your utmost to have Bryan elected, and
that you were using your influence as a
leader with local committees to have
them set aside the people's will expressed
regularly and authoritatively in delegate
conventions, that your will, Bryan's will,
the will of aringof self-constituted fusion
bosses' might be enthroned, i'ou were
taking a great interest in the election of a
fusion legislature, knowingof course that
no one but Bryan, a Democrat, could be
elected by such a body. And the effect of
your influence is revealed in the following
words of 'Chairman Edmisten, from an
interview with him printed in' the World
Herald of Nov. 4.
"We cannot hope for success of the
Populist legislative ticket in this LBoug
lan county, and 1 would advise all Popu
lists who desire to defeat corporation
domination in state Hffairs to give the
ticket nominated by the Democratic
County convention their unqualified sup
port. 1 say this after mature considera
tion and after consultation with Senator
Allen and other geutlemen prominent in
the councils of our purty."
You w ere, it appears, the head and front
or the leading adviser, of the Populist
half of the fusion bosses, who tried to
destroy the work of our conventions,
your published words showing that you
covered the state in the matter of know
ledge of the situation, influence and ope
rations; and you doubtless knew that
your Democratic "reform" partners were
trying to corrupt Populist legislative
candidates by secretly demanding that
they privately pledge themselves to the
Democratic State Central Committee to
vote for Bryan, first and last, lor U. S.
Senator, and offering them Democratic
influence and votes if they would so sell
themselves. The Wealth Makers just
recently published an exact copy of one
of the Democratic bribe letters sent ont
to PopuliBt legislative candidates before
election.
After tbla reprint from the Not. 4, 1894,
World-Herald and our comment were In type,
Mr. Kdmlster called at The Wkalth Makkbs
office and upon being read the word denied that
be ottered them, bat refused to Ray what be did
ay. We are anxious to do Jusly by all, and if
thi Interview, published Just before election to
Influence Douglas comity voters, was a fake,
even now, fur Mr. Edmisten' sake, It houldbe
shown to be smb. It genuineness ha never be
fore been denied, we believe, by either of tbe men
named In It. burros Wkalth Maeibs.
The' after-convention fusion leaders, the
long-headed "practical" politicians, who
despised The Wealth Makers' warning,
went ahead. And in the October 31st
World-Herald Senator Allen was report
ed as saying:
"I think tbe legislative ticket is safe
and that there will be a combined ma
jority of Populists and Democrats larger
than there was in 1892."
But the result showed that fusion be
tween an old and new party fails to con
nect, and that Populist fusionists are the
fools. The lesson of tbe last campaign is
plain. The question of fusion must be
brought up in our coming state and
local conventions, and if tbe people as a
whole want to dicker with tbe Democrats
on a give and take deal, let it be done,
open and above board. If it is a good
thing to do or to consider, let the pi ople
have a voice in it and decide what they
want to do. Then if, after they have
taken action in convention against fusion
the state or local committeemen dare to
override and set aside the people's will,
as some few did last year, let them be
bounced from office and branded as-would-be
bosses.
What The Wealth Makers has said
Senator, in criticism of your disloyal fu
sion efforts and after-convention "boss-
ism" as little as faithfulness to the peo
ple would permit has rankled in your
breast, but you could not deny the sub
stance of what we charged and so have
kept out of print, hitherto, though not
silent regarding tbe state paper. Tbe
Bpark which fired the magazine and ex
ploded everything was the word we
dropped two weeks ago regarding Sena
tor Murphy and his present to you, a
matter of published news to which our
attention had been called by the Crete
Democrat. In your opinion the present
of a very valuable Hambletonian colt
from one of the Democratic senators in
volved in the great sugar scandal of
1894, from Gorman's man Friday, did
not hurt you so much as our few pen
strokes which pictured the man, his re
cord, and his, to say the least, question
able motives. In oar opinion the folly of
accepting such a present from such a
man is where the great injury comes in,
is the hurt that will not heal. Our ene
mies had already associated your name
with the Sugar Trust senatorial scandal.
The Wealth Makers of June 28, 1894,
did the best it could to defend you from
tbe Chicago Tribune's editorial attack,
in which ridicule was heaped upon your
motives, or upon your affirmation that
you voted for the Sugar Trust Gorman
amendment (an alleged fifty million
dollar steal) as a choice of two evils,
Here are two Daraeraohs from that Trk
buue editorial:
What the Trust does not pocket for
eign producers will pocket. Between them
the government is bilked out ot nlty
millions of the revenue in order that
Nebraska farmers may have free foreign
barbed wirel Now what the people want
to learn from Senator Allen is the names
of the Senators who drove this infernal
bargain with him. Who told him that
he could not have free barbed wire unless)
he voted for the sugar steal schedule?
Who went to him while the metal
schedule was under consideration and
ha. i: "ilii' amendment you are gomg
i o offer, to free list barbed wire will be
beaten unless you vote for the Sugar
TruBt steal when the sugar schedule is
reduced? Who are they r
It is most desirable to know the names
nf these bulldozing senators for they are
the names of the boodliug senators.
The men who "held up" Allen ot Nebras
ka are the ones responsible lor tnis
villainous scheme of "holding up" the
United States treasury for the beuefit of
the robber trust. Who are those sena
torial highwaymen who forced Allen in
exchange for his free barbed wire to g ve
up to a trust which is odious to .xetiras
kans fil'tv millions of revenue which
ought to go into the United States Trea
ury? Uutil those names are made public
Senator Allen's explanation will not be
accepted.
Nor was it political enemies alone who
charged the Populist senators who voted
for the Sugar Trust steal with unjustifi
able action. From that time to this
- f it.. A 1 ...... 4 ! 1 irttintmlo at"
uniiouui irpuiHiii""! . - t, ..
politics, have been referring'to the traded
ed to pass the amended tariff bill. It is
notorious that a verv large amount of
Sugar Trust boodle was dropped among
the senators who, under the leadership of
Gorman, voted for the steal. (Seuator
Allen was made chairman of acommittee
to investigate it.) All who voted for the
Gorman amendment are under a cloud,
subject to thesuspicion of being 'boodled,'
and cannot, because of their votes, clear
ly and completely separate themselves
from the scandal, from their corrupt
associates. This being the case made it
bad enough, but now for Senator Allen
to accept a valuable present from one of
the Gorman-led gantf provides personal
cause, an apparently reasonable ground.
to question his integrity. The Constitu
tion of the United States forbids any
person holding any office .of profit or
trust in the nation, without consent of
Congress, accepting nny present, emolu
ment, office or title, of any kind what
ever, from any king, prince, or foreign
state. And is not the Sugar Trust as
alien and oppressive a power as was in
theiiiiudsof the founders of the nation
when they framed the above feature of
our nation's organic law?
It may be said by Senator Allen that
Senator Murphy did not handle the j
Sugar Trust boodle funds. That is
matter which cannot be proved, per
haps, one way or the other. But all
indications are in support of the belief.
He standscloso to Gorman, and is a Hill-
Tammany man, haviug the worst kind
of a political record. Elsewhere in