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THE WEALTH MAKERS.
February 14, 1895
4
WEALTH MAKERS.
Hw Bart at
TEE ALLIANCE-INDEPENDENT.
Coaaattdatloa W ta
Evuun AnUute tad Nb. Indtptndnt.
rClUIHIS BTXRY THURSDAY IT
& Wtaltk K&koi Ptbliahiif Otmpuj,
T'ft If t T hmr. Erttraska
9mm How abb Omioa,
. Editor
J. a. Htatt.
.Busiasas Maaaes
jv. z p. a
"II any bu mart Ml lor m to rls,
Tbb sssk I sot to climb. Anotbtr! pals
I boos aot for my good. A golden ehala,
A rob of nonor, la too good a prlat
To tempi my haaty hand to dn a mr"i-
Unto a follow maa. Tnl Ufa hath wo
Bo indent, wrought by mas' satanle tot;
tad who that hath a bart wonld dan prions;
Or add a Borrow to a atrlckm tool
That ( a naallaa; balm to make It wholsT
lty bosom owas to brotherhood ol man."
Pnbllahera' Announcement.
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STATEMENT
CIRCULATION
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ing October 11, 1MH, was
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Tbb United Stutes Bakers' Trust
stands between those who pray for daily
bread and ths Almighty, and says to
both, "We are running the bread busi
ness, and unless our price is paid for it.
it is no use to pray."
ON the question in the senate of voting
gold bonds, which Cleveland in his mes
sage urged, two-thirds of the affirmative
votes werefromllepublicans, three-quarters
of the negative votes were from Dem
ocrats. The Populists were of course
unanimously against the bonds.
A bill has passed the Kansas senate
to reduce stock yard charges about 50
pee cent. A committee of investigation
appointed by the house is soon to report
and no further action will be taken until
the committee which is visiting the stock
yards at Kansas City is heard from.
The People's party central committee
of Chicago held a meeting Feb. 5, which
was largely attended. Resolutions were
passed declaring for a middle of the
road policy and opposing fusion, and
a resolution was added requiring that
each delegate taking a seat in the ap
proaching convention must subscribe to
the middle of the road policy.
The Pops are a wild and woolly set ol
anarchists no doubt, but where is the
governor of any state who has displayed
more quiet, gentlemanly dignity, coupled
with calm, conservative decision, than
have been shown by Nebraska's Populist
governor during his first six weeks of
executive responsibility? Governor Hol-
como is a credit to ieDraska as wen as
to the Populists who elected him.
It is seldom that a meeting of the city
council of Lincoln occurs without giving
occasion for our Populist mayor to veto
seme scheme of our Republican council.
The recent attempt of the council to give
Messrs. Green & Van l)uyn 1 13,000 as a
commission for selling some refunding
bonds of the city is in keeping with other
schemes of the gang. It is fortunate
that a people's mayor stands guard over
the people's interests in Lincoln.
If we had an inheritance tax in the
United States such as they enforce in Eng.
land it would slice down the big fortunes.
The estate of John Walter, the late pro
prietor of the London Times, an estate
of $1,800,000, had to pay over $100,
000 inheritance tax. Jay Gould's heirs
at the same rate would have been com
pelled to pay about $8,000,000. Let as
keep up with Great Britain in reducing I
tit cower of commercial kinirs.
THE
WEALTH AQAI58T 00MM0H WEALTB
We have just finished reading Henry D.
Lloyd's new book, Wealth Against Coin
inon wealth, and found it more interest
ing than fiction, morestartliug than any
tragedy. It is the story of the rise oi
commercial kings among us, their early
conspiracies and conquests, their way to
Dower, the absorption of the natural
stores and control of transportation,
their enormons tribute drawn from all
the people, their successful attempts tc
ruin all rivals and obtain privileges which
put an end to competition, leaving them
power to decree prices of goods and
labor, a power which increases by what
it feeds on and bus no limitation of in
crease until all workers the world
around shall be reduced to complete
destitute dependence, and shall have re
ceived upon their backs the heaviest bur
dens of productive toil and self denial
they can stagger and live under.
Mr. Lloyd has devoted years of must
diligent, faithful, expensive research to
the gathering of the facts which he hat
put together in this great book. They
have been found in the reports of state
and congressional committees, in reports
of the Inter State Commerce Commission
jn the voluminous records of the courts;
and part of his evidence of the means
and workings of the monster monopolies
have been obtained direct from the lips
of living witnesses who have been ruined
by their power, or have, from inside
sources, had intimate knowledge of their
schemes and doings.
The concentration of wealth is absorb
ing and destroying the commonwealth.
The growth of monopolies has been the
cause of, and has kept exactly equal to,
the spread of poverty. The corpora
tions, syndicates and trusts raise prices
and curtail production becuuse there is
too much oil, coal, lumber, iron and
flour, to sustain the prices to provide
the profit they lust after. At the same
time the people who produce all wealth
suffer from cold and hunger, and never
have all their legitimate wants supplied.
Mr. Lloyd gives the full history of the
rise and growth of the Standard Oil
Trust, "the parent of the trust system,"
that seeing it we may have a cloar concep
tion of the whole family of trusts, whose
features and workings are the same.
The home of the Oil Trust is Cleveland.
Its conqnest of the oil business was made
possible by what Mr. Lloyd calls "the
smokeless rebate," a secret agreement
with the railroads by which the trust
secured not only very much lower rates
on its own shipments of oil, but also all
the excess in freight charges which its
rivals paid. It was a secret weapon that
struck down all rivals, a noiseless, invis
ible force of universal sweep and world
wide range which the private ownership
of public highways put into the control
of men of unlimited greed. The rail
roads in this favoritism, by their special
rutes and rebates, have also built up the
coal combines, the dressed beef and pork
trusts, and other great monopolies that
draw tribute from all the, people. Mr.
Lloyd vividly describes the effects of "the
smokeless rebate" in the oil regions, the
panics it caused in oil speculations and
among oil property holders, the bank
violence almost of civil war in Pennsyl
vania. Many, ruined, committed suicide.
Hundreds were forced into bankruptcy
and insane asylums. But while every
one else was failing half a dozen men
whom the railroads were favoring were
rising to thrones of wealth and power
unparallelled. It was wading through
slaughter to a throne. It was the
financial destruction of many to enrich
a few. The first of the six (John D.
Rockefeller) started a little oil refinery in
Cleveland in 1862. Prior to that he had
been a book-keeper and then a partner
in a very small country-produce store.
He conceived the scheme of getting
"the smokeless rebate" at work, and
first associated with him his brother
and an English mechanic who was
bought out by them later. In two or
three years another partner was added
who began life as a clerk in a country
store and had been in the salt and lum
ber business in the west. A young man
who had been in the oil regions only
eleven years (two of the years as an
errand boy), a lawyer, a railroad man, a
cotton broker, a farm laborer who had
become a refiner, were at different times
admitted into the circle of the ruling
coterie.
By their first contract with the rail
roads handling oil the managers agreed
to, (1) double freight rates, (2) not to
charge the Oil Trust the increase, (3) to
give them the increase from all competi
tors, (4) to make any other changes of
rates necessary to guarantee their success
in business, (5) to destroy- their competi
tors by high freight rates, (6) to spy out
the details of their competitors' business.
Understand, these rates, in some cases
more than doubled, were to be ostensibly
charged to all shippers, but the oil com
bination, then called the South Improve
ment Investment Company, was to have
it paid back as a rebate, and the extra
charge by increase of rates paid by others
was not kept by the railroads, but was
paid over to the ruling oil coterie. The
result was all that reason could have
forseen would result One refiner after
another was ruined and his plant was
bought in by the new oil kings at their
own terms (an eighth to half what it
was worth or wonld have been worth
could he have secured as good freight
rates as any other refiner), and with his
own money which "the smokeless rebate"
had secretly transferred from his own
account to the pockets of hie favored
The Oil Kings as they rose to power
were discovered and fought in the mark
ets and courts, with pipe lines, and by re
finers also who had water-way outlets
but not till their power by railway favor
itism had become so great they could and
did buy up courts and legislatures. Tbey
hired men to blow np rival refineries re
gardless of life that might be destroyed
Tbey suborned witnesses aud perjured
themselves. They spirited away wit
nesses and tried to lead them into de
bauchery and ruin. They got control of
the oil business by using the railroads,
as modern highwaymen, to rob and ruin
their rivals for them. They kept abso.
lute control of it by fighting pipe lines,
forcibly tearing up pipes and by obstruc
tion in the courts to use up the means
and wear out and so get power to finally
buy np pipe line stockholders. They
taxed the people by dismantling or limit
lug the output of absorbed refineries and
holding up prices enough to employ the
most brilliant legal talent (solicitors and
judges) to wear out their competitors
and to save themselves from criminal
convictions beyond such as allowed fines
to serve as penalties. The court records
against the Oil Trust mysteriously disap
peared out of thedocument-room taking
with them the story of a woman's busi
ness whom the Trust destroyed. They
succeeded in getting the investigation of
the Committee of Commerce of Congress
in 1872 suppressed, the testimony be
fore the House Committee of Commerce
in 1870 was stolen, and testimony on re
cord taken by Congress in the Buffalo
Explosion Casein 1883 was mutiluted.
In the year 1878 "the smokeless re
bate" robbed the other refiners and ship
pers of $3,093,750, which vast sum was
turned over to the Oil Kings, la the in
vestigations made by courts and com
missions tne rauroaas reiusea to oring
their contracts before the public, alleg
ing as a reason that "it might incrimi
nate us.
.The Oil Trust after obtaining control
ol tne business shut out a new process
which an oil refiner had patented which
greatly cheapened and improved the pro
duct violently, destroyed his works by its
hired agents, because it would necessitate
the destruction of the large capital in
vested in their machinery and their
plants in part if permitted to come into
use. They also systematically saved by
making a poorer, less perfectly refined
oil, using absolute power for selfish ends
as men always do.
Mr. Lloyd in this great work has given
us the history of the rise of commercial
despots among us, and the secret sources
of their growing power, the unguarded
quarter thrown open by granting to
private corporations the public high
ways, by which the wealth of the people
is being absorbed and our independence
gradually lost. He shows that "Liberty
aud monopoly cannot live together:"
that the power of monopoly to extenc
and multiply itself is subversive of tin
rights of all who come into commercial
relations with it. In his closing chaptei
the author sums up the situation in part
in two paragraphs which we quote be
low: We have a people like which none has
ever existed before. We have millions
capable of conscious c-ooperation. The
time must ome in social evolution when
the people can organize the free-will to
choose salvation which the individual
has been cultivating for 1900 years, and
can adopt a policy more dignified and
moreenective than leaving themselves to
be kicked along the path of reform by
the recoil of their own vices. We must
bring the size of our morality up to the
size of our cities, corporations and com
binations, or they will be brought down
to fit our half grown virtue.
Industry and monopoly cannot live to
gether. Our modern perfection of ex
change and division of labor cannot last
without equal perfection or morals and
sympathy. Fvery one is living at the
mercy of every one else in a way entirely
peculiar to our times. Nothing is any
oneer made by man; parts of things are
made by parts of men, and become whole
by the luck of good-humor which so far
keeps men from flying asunder. It takes
a whole company to make a match. A
hundred men will easily produce a hund
red million matches, but not one of
them could make one match. No farm
gets its plough from the cross-road black
smith, and no one in the chilled-steel
factory knows the whole plough. The
life of Boston hangs on a procession ol
reciprocities which must move, as steadily
and sweetly as the roll of the planets, be
tween its bakeries, the Falls of St. An
thony, and the valley of the Red River.
Never was there a social machinery so
delicate. Only on terms of love and
justice can men endure contact so close.
The style of the book is above praise,
and the author's grasp of conditions,
forces and individuals and social necessi
ties requiring change, make him per
haps the great social leader of this gene
ration. He has in Wealth Against Com
monwealth turned on a great light that
must awaken the slumbering love of
justice and independence in the American
people, and that will alarm the monopo
lists as well as the more intelligent of the
masses.
Wealth Avalnet Commonwealth, by Henry D-
Llovd. Published by Harper & Brothers. Frank
ly n Sqaare, New York. 1'ages 6tt8. Price 350
The Republican papers are beginning
their regular semi-annual shout for the
best men to rush forward and control
the nominations of their party. This
kind of talk always precedes thecity elec
tions in the spring and the general elec
tions is the fall. Then when the nomina
tiohs are made, in accordance with the
dictation of the corporations, these
papers swallow the whole ticket at one
gulp and shout "stand by the party;"
and, alasl how many voters are pulled
into line against their own better judg
ment. When shall we become men with
minds of onr own?
HOVE STRAIGHT AHEAD
There is a movement on foot, reported
in the Washington dispatches to the
Chicago Times. World-Herald and other
papers, to split the Democratic party on
the silver question. ' It is slated that the
silver men have formulated a program
or programs to consolidate the anti-ad
ministration 16 to 1 free coinage Demo
crats and capture the next national
Democratic convention, if possible. In
the event of capturing it they will name
a free silver candidate and make silver
the issue, but expect all the eastern
Democrats and what gold basis Demo
crats there are in the West and South to
bolt Such action. On the other hand it
is stated that if they fail to get control
of the convention, they, the silver men,
"will bolt the convention in a body, tall
a convention of their own, frame theie
platform and name their man for the
presidency." To this bolting action at
the convention, on the contingency
named, men are now being pledged, it is
reported. Bryan, Bland, Bailey, Whit
ing, Fithian, McLaurin, McGuire, Cox
and Boatner are named as the leaders
who have the movement most in hand,
but about sixty congressmen are report
ed to be in it.
It is stated that these sixty or more
Democratic silver leaders will organize
immediately, and before congress closes,
the 1th of March, issue an open letter to
the silver men of the Democratic party,
"Should Populists, like Simpson, Pence
and McKeighan, or Republicans like
Jones, and Dubois and Pettigrew, who
profess free silver as a cardinal point of
politics, join in this silver movement,
they must join as Democrats, under the
Hug of Democracy. There will be no fu
sion; nothing that will permit the claim
now or hereafter, that the people involv
ed and the party constructed are any
thing but the pure Democrats."
Bailey and Bryan have been asked by
Bland and others to prepare the letter.
It will, it is said, declare for free coinage
of gold and silver at 10 to 1 as the fixed
policy of the government, against na
tional banks, for a tariff for revenue only
and a return to strict construction of the
constitution to preserve states' rights.
It will be signed by every silver Demo
crat in the house and senate.
It is in short the same plan on a na
tional scale to capture the national con
vention that the Bryanites put through
here in Nebraska to capture the state
convention.
If the report is reliable aud the next
lew weeks will make it clear if it is there
will be two Democratic parties in 1890,
or there will be a Democratic party in
the West and South, and the eastern
Democrats will go over to the Republi
cans. Now how would this affect the
the Populist party?
It will undoubtedly draw away from
us such as consider free coinage the
"cardinal point" or principal plank in
our platform. Are there many such?
We think not. And we can spare with
out real injury the one-idea men who are
at present trying in vain to trim our
sails and throw overboard our ballast.
Some of our leaders and we might as
well call some of them by name Tau
beneck, Turner, Weaver and a small per
centage in the state organizations like
them think they are "practical politi
cians," and that all the rest, including
nine-tenths of the party leaders, should
be nosed about by them. These "practi
cal" fellows are for the most part honest
men, but lacking in breadth and depth of
mind or strength of moral convictions.
They really believe, perhaps, that a re
form party can be advanced by changing
its front, by dropping out its principal
demands, by scheming and fusing with
and being smarter than the politicians of
other parties.
Taubeneck and Weaver, perhaps, think
it will be fatal to us if another party for
free silver is organized, and that it is
policy for as to slip out of sight those
stumbling stones and rocks of offense in
our platform that are called socialistic,
viz., the demand for the government
ownership of the railroads, telegraphs,
telephones and banks, the last to pro
vide money for all at labor cost "not to
exceed two per cent per annum." There
is, however, an element causing dishar
mono who are not aud never were Popu
lists from intelligent comprehension
and moral conviction. Their minds are
filled with the dust of the past, or by
natural feebleness of understanding they
can not think out clearly something
better and juster than the old; or they
have come to us for what they could get
out of the movement by being brought
into public notice and being paid one
way or another for acting their part.
The Populist party press, state and
national organs, we happen to kuow, is
almost to the last paper unchanged in
its devotion to the Populist principles
embraced in the Omaha platform. Aud
not only do our party editors know
what the party principles are, but they
know the minds of the rank and file as
none others can, and they and their sup
porters will not be turned aside by
schemers inside and outside the party.
Let the Democrats split if they want to.
Let them organize a free silver fourth
party if they choose. Those who want
something more than the coinage of
both silver and gold and government
paper based on it, will stay with us and
come to us out of all parties. The one-
idea ("pure Democrats") party may
play quite a part in the next campaign,
but it cannot win on a reform that pro
mises nothing more than to restore the
financial laws of the past. The party of
the people is the party of progress, of
new ideas and measures, and none other
can be the party of the present and the
future.
ASHAMED OF OUR PRINCIPLES
In the Senate, January 15th, last, Ne
braska's Populist Senator essayed to
prove that the Populist party is not "full
of vagaries," and that its leadership is
not "composed of a class of vagarists
and idealists," as onr political enemies
maliciously declare. He assumed to
speak for the party, to be its voice to all
the world, and yet, strange to say, he
did not stand on or defend the platform
of the party, but substituted a platform
containing thirteen planks never before
seen or heard of, a platform presumably
of his own construction, and tried to
palm it off as "embracing the principles
of the Populist party."
The Populist party is not honored by
any such defense, by misrepresentation,
by declariug its principles and demands
to be what it has not in convention as
sembled declared them. No man, be he
great or small, high or low, member of
Congress or private in the ranks, has any
authority to declare any doctrines or de
mands not found in the Omaha platform
to be "the principles of the Populist
party."
Observe carefully what Mr. Allen, call
ing himself a Populist.-elected to his pres
ent position because of professed allegi
ance to our national platform of princi.
pies, declares "embrace the principles of
the Populist party," and what be has
really left out of and interpolated into
the original text. His first three planks
are on the financial question, and con
tain no demand for postal savings banks
and money in some way provided at "not
to exceed two per cent per annum." The
money question is the interest question.
He does not recognize it. Therefore he
is not half a Populist on the financial
issue.
On the transportation, telegraph and
telephone questions he is no Populist at
all, because he repudiates the party de
mands, that these shall be owned o,nd op
erated by the government in the interest
of all the people and falsely says that our
party asks (compare platform) for laws
to regulate corporations and correct
their abuses.
On the land question Mr. Allen is abso
lutely silent, yet says his thirteen previ
ously unseen planks embrace the Popu
list party principles.
Senator Allen seems to be ot opinion
that he carries the Populist party under
his hat, that when he speaks it speaks,
and that he can lead it off and away
from its national platform. His efforts
to fuse us with the Democrats in the last
campaign and this gross, unpardonable
misrepresentation of our plainly enun
ciated demands and principles, fill us
with the keenest disappointmect. He is
ashamed of those who honored and
trusted him. Ha has misrepresented and
brought dishonor upon the people who
lifted him to his present high position.
He has publicly kicked from under him
their platform, the platform on which he
was elected, and made another radically
different, which he knows to be such, yet
calls it by the old name. Does he wish to
divide the party?
The bankers belong to the genus San-
guisuga (bloodsucker), and have in Sher
idan county, this state, followed their in
stincts. The Populists four years ago
passed a law requiring county treasurers
to deposit county funds with banks and
receive interest therefor for the county,
instead of dividing it up between them
selves the bankers and the political ma
chine, as had been the practice. But the
Sheridan county bankers got up a com
bination this year to defeat the law and
refused to bid against each other for the
use of the county funds. Their mutually
agreed on bids being too low, were re
jected by the county commissioners,
whereupon the banks which contained
the county balances refused to carry the
money longer, and the commissioners de
manded that they turn over the funds on
hand. Then the banks played their last
card by getting 18,000 silver dollars, the
sum belonging to the county, and paid
them over. There were several times
more oi the cartwheels than the county
safe would hold, and they had to be
dumped into the courthouse in bags
and barrels, and guarded by armed men
until arrangements could be made with
banks elsewhere to take the deposit.
The greed of the banking fraternity is
only limited by their power.
Greece is bankrupt, and "Germany
and England are reported to have con
sidered a naval demonstration to secure
the interests of their subjects who hold
stock in the Hellenic debt." That is the
way to do it, collect usury at thecannon's
mouth, all that the workers can live un
der. Prove that governments are merely
the means which the real mlers, the
world's creditors, collect tribute with.
Let debtors be given a warning from the
two greatest powers of Europe, that they
must sell all they have to pay interest
obligations, or war will be declared and
their country devastated with all the
death-dealing instruments of modern in
vention. If something is not done such
as England did in Egypt when she made
war on the Khedive to force the pay
ment of interest that made hopeless
slaves of the fellaheen, debtors of one
country after auother may refuse the
pound of flesh to foreign creditors, and
it will no longer be possible for tribute
to be drawn from the citizens of our
country to enrich and add ever-increas
ing power to individual citizens of an
other country. Why, the disposition to
be free might even spread to the debtors
in the United States, and then it would
be a question whether all the armies and
navies of Europe could subdue that great
power and force her people back into the
bondage they now think honorable!
A Chat i
with Our Friends!
The publishers of The Wealth
Makers have reason to be grateful
for the financial support, and the
very many kind words of appreciation
and approval that have come to us
during the past year and especially
during the last six months. When it
was known that the crops in Nebras
ka were a failure we felt some uueasi
ness for fear that we should have to
cut the paper down to four pages;
but so many of our subscribers who
were owing us paid up that we have
been able to continue the paper its
usual size; and while it has not been
all that we would like to have it, it
has been the best we could make it
with the limited means at our com
mand. But our hardest struggle is yet to
come; we wish you friends to realize
this fact fully, in order that you may
feel keenly the weight of the responsi
bility that rests upon you. We are
necessarily in your hands, in your
power.
There are many Populists in the
state who cannot possibly get the
money to renew their subscription
this year, or even pay what they owe
us on back subscription.
They would be glad to do so if they
could, but the failure of crops makes
it impossible. It rests then with you
who can pay to see that your sub
scription to The Wealth Makers is
paid a year in advance in order that
the state paper may not be weakened
in its struggle against those who
would rob us of the product of our
labor. We are fighting your battles
you must hold up our hands.
Now friends, don't be negligent,' je
thoroughly in earnest. We need the
money that you owe us. You can
not show your love for the principles
of the Populist Party in any more
effective way than by supporting the
press that advocates those principki.
Every shoulder to the wheel!
. Pay your subscription a year in ad
vance, and if possible, send in at least
one new name, if only for a three
month's trial.
Faithfully yours,
Wealth Makers Pub. Co.,
' J. S. Hyatt, Bus. Mgr,
Wordbworth's Prelude, by A. J.
George, reviewed in The Wealth Makers
two weeks ago, was by mistake accredit
ed to the publishing firm of Ginn & Co.,
Boston, when it should have been D. C.
Heath & Co. Price $1.25.
BOOKS AUD MAGAZINES
The Manual Training School, by C. M.
Woodward, Ph. D.
Dr. Woodward, director of the Manual
Training School of Washington Univer
sity, St. Louis, is authority on the sub
ject of manual training. The book be
fore us is unusually valuable to those
seeking light and information as to the
real value of this training and what it
has done and can do for general educa
tion; for, it is difficult to find in one book
other than this a comprehensive account
of the history, utility and cost of manual
training.
If manual training were useful only, or
in great measure, as a technical educa
tion, to teach a trade, it would scarcely
have secured a hold upon the United
States that it has. Dr. Woodward, when
lecturing in Lincoln last winter before
the State leachers Association, laid
great stress upon the value of manual
training in general education. It is a
corrective, a true complement of our
present) somewnat onesiaea ana an
practical education. y
1 his book shows very strikingly from
the experience of the author and others
now vaiuaoie tnis training is to tne
ordinary student. The time given to it
is not by any means wasted, but there is
a gain in time absolutely and relatively.
For, the mind is trained through the
hand and more effectively than as if
there were no outside manual incentive.
Therefore, the main value in such train
ing it seems to us, will be the effect upon
pupils at large whether they ever enter a
trade or not.
Teachers, school officers, and others
desiring to look into this question may
here find in good form, comprehensively
set forth, what they need for guidance.
'I here is a valuable history of the
growth of manual training; a chapter
on lhe Complementary .Mature of Manu
al Training; The Fruits of Manual
Training 1 Larger claswes in the gram
mar and high schools. 2. A more whole
some moral education. 3. Sounder judg
ment, iVc.
It gives, moreover, plans of buildings.
courses of study, outfits of the shops,
tools used, bench exercises, shop drawt
ings, &c, and a detailed account of
expenses.
Published by D. C. Heath & Co., Bos
ton. Price $2.00.
Introduction to Browning, by Hiram
Corson, LL. D.
Rrownincr's noetrv is aiititilo nnrl rm.
found, deals with the soul quality and
not ine intellectual quality so much as
in manv noets. Wn thna nooA mmo
troductiou to this spiritual phase of his
worss, lor we are an more or less taken
np with the woefully materialistic trend
of everything in these latter days, and
it is difficult for us to lay aside grosser
things and be "in the spirit" enough to
read Browning. Prof. Corson has done
for the general reader a service bv this
book whereby he gradually interprets
the profound meaninir nf thu
and places ns in touch with the writer.
n ' a most sympathetic interpreter
and editor. and the mwmi vi-in k..
that might otherwise escape us.