The Wealth makers of the world. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1894-1896, October 25, 1894, Image 1

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VOL VI LINCOLN. NEB., THURSDAY. OCTOBER 25, 1894. , NO 20
HENRY D
LLOYD SPEAKS
la Greeted With Applause at Almost
Every 8entenoa
ALL PASTIES ABE REFORM PARTIES
The Great Orator, Author and Leader,
Populist Candidate for Congreai
from Chicago Speaks to a
Great Audience at
Centra Muaic
Hall
Chicago Leading the Van Today
Mr. Lloyd said: All our parties are re
form parties. The Democracy has been
lowering the tariff ever since the govern
ment was. established. They have done
so well that their rates are higher in 1894
than they were in 1842. The Republi
cans have beeu "saving the union" for
thirty yean, and the tramp, tramp,
tramp, of a million men on the march
etill sounds through the country the
tramp of the tramp. The appearance at
the polls of a new party which was not
known in 1888, and in 1892 in its first
presidential campaign cast over 1,000,
O00 votes is a hint that anew conception
of reform is shaping itself in the minds of
our fellow citizens. They want reform
that will reform, and they want it now.
Reform that is reform, and reform in our
time, not in our great grandchildren's
time; is what the people need and what
they mean to have.
Lafayette said in 1794 that it would
take twenty years to bring freedom to
France; in two years feudalism was dead.
Our great Emerson said in 1859 within
four years of tbeemancipation proclama
tion "We shall not live to see Blavery
abolished." Jefferson, the young dele
gate in the house o burgesses of Virginia,
in one year abolished entail, and prim
ogeniture, and the whole fabric of aris
tocracy in that colony. The patricians
pleaded for delay, for compromise. "Let
our oldest sons inherit by law at least a
double portion.' "Not unless they can
do twice as much work and eat twice as
much as their younger brothers," was
the reply of this first great social Demo
crat, and he finished his reform at the
same session at which he began it.
No great idea is ever lost. Under ab
solutisms the people mend their fortunes
by insurrection. Under popular govern
ment they start a new party. All over
the world, wherever popular government
exists with its provisions for peaceful rev
olution instead of violent revolution, the
people are forming new parties in Eng
land, France, Germany, Australia, as well
as this country. This is the great politi
cal fact of our times. Some of these, like
.the distinctively workingmen'a parties,
are class movements. Tbey are the nat
ural and inevitable reaction from class
movements against the workingmen.
These parties all have practically the
same object to demonetize the million
aire, and, as Jefferson did when he de
monetized the provincial patricians of
Virginia, to do it as nearly as possible at
one sitting.
"Far-seeing men," says James Russell
Lowell, "count the increasing power of
wealth and its combinations as one of
the chief dangers with which the institu
tions of the United States are threatened
in the not distant future." This concen
tration of wealth is but another name
for the concentration of currency, and
twin miseries of monopoly and pauper
ism, the tyranny of corporations, the
corruption of thegovernment, thedepop
ulation of the couutry, the congestion of
the cities, and the host of ills which now
form the staple theme of our novelists
and the speeches of the new party ora
tors. Those faithful watchers who are sound
ing these alarms are ridiculed as calamity
howlers. When strong, shrewd, grasp
ing, covetous men devote themselves to
creating calamities, fortunate are the
people who are awakened by faithful ca
lamity howlers. Noah was a calamity
howler, and the bones of the men who
laughed at him have helped to make the
phosphate beds out of which fertilizers
.are now dug for the market. There are
thirty-two paragraphs in the declaration
of independence; twenty-nine of the thirty
two are calamity howisaboutthe wrongs
and miseries of America under British
rule.
The contraction of the currency is a
terrible thing, but there is another as
terrible the contraction of commodities
and work by stoppage of prodnction,
lockouts, the dismantling of compeittive
works, the suppression of patents, and
other games of business. The institu
tions of America were founded to rest on
the love of the people for their country;
we have a new cement now to hold so
ciety together injunctionsandcontempt
of court.
And we see materializing out of the
shadows of our great counting-rooms a
new system of government government
by campaign contributions. The people
maintain their national, state, city, and
local governments at a cost of $1,000,-
000,000 a year, but the trusts, and
armor-plate contractors, and the whisky
ring, and the subsidized steamship com
panies, and the street railways and rail
roads buy the privilege of running these
governments to enrich themselves to
send troublesome leaders of the people to
jail, to keep themselves out of jail. ' By
campaign contributions of a few millions
is thus bought away from the people $1,
000,000,000 a year. There are many
marvels of cheapness in the market, but
the greatest counter bargains in modern
business are such as the sugar trust got
when, by contributing a few hundred
thousand dollars to both parties, it
bought the right to tax the people untold
millions a year.
We talk about the coming revolution
and hope it will be peaceful. The revolu
tion has come. This use of government
of all for the enrichment and aggrandize
ment of a few is a revolution. Itisa rev
olution which has created the railroad
millionaires of this country. To main
tain the highways is one of the sacredest
functions of a government. Railroads
are possible only by the exercise of the
still more sacred governmental power of
eminent domain, which when citizens will
not sell the right of way takes their
property through the forms of law by
force nonetheless by force because the
money value is paid. These sovereign
powers of the highway and of eminent
domain have been given by you and me,
all of ns, to our government to be used
only for the common and equal benefit
of all. Given by all to be used tor all, it
is a revolution to have made them the
perquisite of a few. Only a revolution
could have made possible in the speech ol
a free people such a phrase as a railroad
king.
It is a revolution which has given the
best parts of the streets that belong to
all the people to street-railway sy nd icates,
and gas companies, and telephone com
panies, and power companies. It is a
revolution which has created national
bank millionaires and bond millionaires,
and tariff millionaires, and land-grant
millionaires out of the powers you and J
delegated to the government of the
United States for the equal good of every
citizen. - The inter-state commerce act
was passed to put into prison the rail
road managers who used their highway
power to rob the people, to ruin the mer
chants and manufacturers whose business
they wanted to give to favored shippers.
The anti-trust law was passed to put into
prison the men who make commerce a
conspiracy, to compel the people every
day to pay a ransom for their lives. It
is a revolution which is using these inter
state commerce and anti-trust laws to
prosecute the employes of the railways
for exercising their inalienable rights as
free men to unite for defense against in
tolerable wrong. It Is a revolution which
lets the presidents, and managers, and
owners of the railroads and trusts go
free of all punish meut for the crimes they
are committing; which sends out no pro
cess against any of the corporations or
corporation men in the American Railway
association, while it uses all the powers
of the attorney general of the United
States to prosecute and, if possible, to
send to prison the members of the Amer
can Railway union. It is a revolution
which is putting the attorneys of corpo
rations into ermine on the bench to be
attorneys still.
It is a revolution by which great com
binations, using competition to destroy
competition, have monopolized entire
markets, and as the sole sellers of goods
make the people buy dear, and as the
sole purchasers of labor make the eople
sell themselves cheap. Last and deepest
and greatest revolution of all is that by
which the mines, machinery, factories,
currency, land, entrusted to private
hands as private property, only us a
stewardship, to warm, feed, clothe, serve
mankind, are used to make men cold,
hungry, naked, and destitute. - Coal
mines shut down to make coal scarce,
mills shut down to make goods scarce,
currency used to deprive people of the
means of exchange, and the railways used
to hinder transportation!
The counter revolution of the people
has come. With local variation it is
world wide, aud against it the people are
rising world wide in peaceful counter rev
olutions, in people's parties. It begins
now to be seen generally what afew have
been pointing out from the beginning,
that the .workingmen in organizing to
defend themselves have been only pion
eers. The power which denied them a fair
share of their production was the same
power which is now attacking the con
sumer, the farmer, and even the fellow
capitalist. In organizing against modern
capitalism the workingmen set the ex
ample which all the peoplearenowdriven
by self preservation to follow. The
trades union of the workingmen was the
precursor of the Farmers' Alliance, the
Grange, and the People's party.
Chicago today leads the van iu this
great forward movement. Here the
workingmen, capitalists, Bingle-taxers,
and socialists have come together to join
forces with each other and with the fann
ers, as has been done in no other city.
Its meetings are attended here by thous
ands, as you see tonight. It is the most
wonderful outburst of popular hope and
enthusiasm in the recent politics of this
country. Chicago thus leads in numbers
and in enthusiasm and promises of suc
cess, because it has led in boldness and
sincerity and thoroughness of reform
doctrine. The workingmen of Chicago
at the Springfield conference, which was
the fountain head of this tidal wave, stood
firm as a rock for the principle, without
which the industrial liberties of the peo
ple can never be established the principle
that they have the right at their option
to own and operate collectively any or
all of the means of production, distribu
tion, and exchange. They already own
some; they have the right to own as
many more as tbey want. This is the
mother principle of the government we
already have, and it covers the whole
brood of government railroads, tele
graphs, telephones, banks, lands, street
railways, all the municipalizations and
nationalizations in which every where the
people are giving utterance to, their be
lief that tbey are the only proper and
the only competent administrators of the
wealth which they create.
The co-operative commonwealth is the
legitimate offspring and lawful successor
of the republic. Our liberties and our
wealth are from the people and by the
people and both must be for the people.
Wealth, like government, is the product
of the co-operation of all, and like gov
ernment, must be the property of all its
creators; not of a privileged few alone.
The principles of liberty, equality, union
which rales in the industries we call gov
ernment, must rule in all industries.
Government exists only -by the consent
of the governed. Business, property,
capital are also governments and must
also rest on the consent of the governed.
This assertion of the inherent and inal
ienable right, and ability, of the people
to own and operate, at tneir option, any
or all of the wealth they create is the
fundamental, irrepressible, and uncom-
promisable keynote of theorists, and with
this trumpet note you can lead the peo
ple through any sacrifice to certain vic
tory. It is not to the parties that have pro
duced the pandemonium of intermittent
panic which is called trade and industry
that the people can look for relief. To
vote for them is to vote for more panics,
more pandemoniums. Both these parties
have done good work, but their good
work is done. The Republican party
took the black men off the auction block
of the slave power, but it has put the
white man on the auction block of the
money power to be sold to the lowest
bidder under the iron hammer of monop
oly. The democratic party forahundred
years has been the pull back against the
centralization in American noli tics.
standing for the individual against the
community, the town, against the state,
and the state against the nation. But
in one hour here last July it sacrificed
the honorable devotion of a century to
its great principle and surrendered both
the rights of states and the rights of man
to the centralized corporate despotism
to which the presidency of the United
States was then abdicated. ,
There ought to be two first-class polit
ical funerals in this country in 1896. and
if we do our duty the corpses will be
ready on time. "Are yon going to the
funeral of Benedict Arnold?" one of his
neighbors asked another. "No, but I ap
prove of it" We will not go to the Re
publican and Democratic funerals, but
we approve of them. There is a party
that the people can trust because in the
face of overwhelming odds, without dis
tinguished leaders, money, office, or pres
tige, it has raised the standard of a prin
ciple to save the people.
It is a fact of political history that no
new party was ever false to the cause for
which it was formed. If the People's
party as organized in Cook county is
supported by the country, and the peo
ple get the control of their industries as
of the government, the abolition of mo
nopoly will as surely follow as the aboli
tion of slavery followed the entrance of
Abraham Lincoln into the white house
in 1861. Then we will have the judges
and the injunctions, the president and
the house of representatives. There will
be no senate; we will have the referendum
and the senate will go out when the peo
ple come in. The same constitution that
could take the property of unwilling citi
zens for the railroads for rights of way
can take the railroads, willing, or un
willing, to be the nation's property when
the people come in. Then the national
debt, instead of representing the waste
of war, will represent the railroads and
other productive works owned by the
people and worth more, as in Australia,
than the bonds issued for them. The
same constitution that could demonetize
silver can remonetize it, or demonetize
gold for a better money than either.
The honest dollar will come in when the
people come in, for it will not be a dollar
that can be made scarce, to produce pan
ics, and throw millions of men out of
work, and compel the borrower to pay
two where he received only one.
Women will vote, and some day we
will have a woman president when the
people come in. The postofnce will carry
your telegrams and your parcels as well
as your letters, and will be the people's
bank for savings, and their life and acci
dent insurance company, as it is else
where already. Every dark place in our
cities will be brilliant with electricity,
made by the municipalities for them
selves. Workingmen and women will
ride for 3 cents and school children for
2 cents, as in Toronto, oft street car
lines owned by the municipalities, and
paying by their profits a large part of
the cost of government not falling on the
taxpayer. When the people come in,
political corruption, boss rule, and boo
dle will go out, because these spring
mainly from the intrigues and briberies
of syndicates to get hold of public func
tions for their private profit. We will
have a real civil service, the inevitable
and logical result of the demands of the
People's party, founded, as true civil ser
vice reform must be, on a system of pub
lic education which shall give every child
of the public an opportunity to fit him
self for the public service, the same con
stitution which granted empires of public
lands to create a Pacific railroad kings
will find land for workingineu's homes
and land for co-operative colonies of the
unemployed.
There will soon be no unemployed when
the people come in. They will have, no
shoemakers locked out or shoe factories
shutdown while there is a foot unshod
and all the mills and mines and factories
the needs of the people require the people
will keep going. Jfivery man who works
will get a living and every man who gets
a living shall work, when the people come
in. These are some of the things the
People's party of Cook county means. At
the coming election let every man and
woman vote for the women must vote
through the men until they vote them
selves let every man and woman vote
for those, and only for those, who accept
this grand principle of the liberation of
the people by themselves. Let their plat
form get a popular endorsement of the
polls next November that will advertise
it to the world that the people have at
last risen in their might, not to rest until
another great emancipation has been
added to the glorious record of the liber
ties achieved by mankind.
. Holoomb and Victory
Bostwick, Neb., Oct. 9, 1894.
Voters of Nebraska:
Hurrah for Governor Tillman of South
Carolina He has carried 32 of the 85
counties in his state. This is grand news
for the People's party, for he has had the
corporations, the whisky trusts, the sa
loon keepers and the fat old fraud, as he
truthfully describes thechief of the demo's,
arrayed against him. . . ,-
(Voters, let us do likewise in Nebraska;
let our battle cry be "Holcomb and Vic
tory." Close up the ranks and vote ber
straight, and we will send Tom Majors
and his brass-collared gang to the rear.
The people's eyes are open, they can
see the kind of patriotism ex-Speaker
Reed spoke of when he came to Cleveland's
assistance in saddling a gold standard
on. the American people, was the same
kind that " Benedict Arnold displayed
when he sold out to the British Clinton,
And suppose the people were foolish
enough to elect Majors and bis crew,
what would the drouth sufferers get? In
1890-91 the Populist legislature voted
them $200,000 and the Republicans voted
against it; they would do it again if
elected. . Voters, I was all through tht
war and wore the blue and voted the Re
publican ticket until four years ago,
when f found it was not the party of
Lincoln I was following, but a slick lot of
fellows led on by Wall Street money
sharks and London Jews. The hands
indeed were Esau's hands but the oice
was the voice of Jacob. t
; Yours for victory,
Stabs and Strifes.
Meeting at Arapahoe
ABAPAhoic, Neb., Oct 11, 1894.
Editor Wealth Makers:
A large and enthusiastic audience
gathered to hear Senator Allen and our
beloved McKeighan, congressman of the
Fifth district, Thursday, October 11.
Long before the time set for the speaking
the large commodious court room was
filled to overflowing. Meanwhile we
listened to the K. P. band of Arapahoe
which all decided was just splendid, word
was given that we should be obliged to
adjourn to the open air, as 250 people
remained beiow unable to enter the court
house the crowd being so great. We
cheerfully made our way down and out,
Beats were arranged in an incredible short
time, and still they came, seemingly only
the advance guard had got there and the
army was yet to come, when the adjourn
ment was made. County Attorney W.
B. Miller with a few appropriate words
presented our candidate for senator from
district 29, Lewis W. Young, and repre
sentative D. L. McBride, who addressed
a large and appreciative audience in the
court room at night. Senator Allen was
next presented an addressed us at length
on the issues of the day. He is an able
speaker and fully held the attention of
the audience, surmounting the difficulty
of speaking in open air. lie was repated
ly applauded as he unfolded the old
scheme for catching votes and opened up
to the public gaze a few of the numerous
frauds being perpetrated on the people
by them. Next our own McKeighan was
presented amid continued applause. If
any Republican there had a glimmering
hope that Professor Andrews would be
sent from the Fifth district in place of W.
A. McKeighan it died then and there.
As Andrews only has one speech and Mao
has heard it three times, it will not be
necessary for the Professor to come to
Elwood, for we got the outline of it and
comments given on it in that earnest
way of his that carries conviction with
it. Ringing cheers were given at the
close of his speech for the nominees pre
sent and for Senator Allen, who made
the famous fifteen hour speech in Wash
ington before the senate.
When the Independents held their con
vention the court room was packed.
When the Republicans held theirs you
might have put them in the jury box and
had room to spare. Those are straws
that show that Oosper county will go
solidly Independent.
A County Treasurers' Association.
Lincoln, Neb., Feb. 24, 1894.
To the several county treasurers of the
State of Nebraska.
At a meeting of the county treasurers
held in this city on February 5th, 1894,
there was a committee of five, viz: H. B.
Irey, of Douglas, M. M. Cobb, of Lan
caster, I. J. Fronts, of Gage, J. W. Lynch
of Platte, and Ed. O'Sliea, of Madison,
appointed to be known as a judicial and
financial committee, the duty of which
was to solicit a membership fee of $10.00
from each county treasurer in the state,
which amount was to be placed at the
disposal of the committee to assist any
treasurer who might have any legal ex
pense or trouble regarding the depository
law, which took effect in January, 1892,
or in delense of any other proceedings
that may arise, pertaining to the detri
ment of said treasurers of the state, pro
viding such treasurer was a member of
our association.
I trust that you will feel interested
enough iu' this matter to become a mem
ber of our association, by remitting the
above amount to the undersigned.
The depository law is to say the least,
impracticable and shonld any treasurer
become legally involved, I bavk no hesi
tancy in saying that he could not make
a better investment, thus insuring the
assistance ot nearly every county treas
urer in the state.
Our next meeting will be held in the
county treasurer's office in the city of
Omaha, at 8. p. m., on June 12th, 1894.
Your presence is requested. ; ,
Yours truly,
M. M. Cobb, ;
Secretary , and treasurer.
The above startling circular shows that
there is to be an organisation of county
treasurers for the purpose of fighting the
law providing that the people shall get
the interest on county moneys. Notice
their statement that the Horn law "is to
say the least impracticable." Notice
that their committee is appointed from
the counties containing the cities of Oma
ha, Lincoln, Beatrice, Columbus and
Norfolk. Notice that in each of these
counties the interest on county money
would amount to a fortune during each
term.' Notice that they begin by
ing their members $10 each to pay ex
penses of some possible litigation. Say
for yourselves what litigation will be
needful if treasurers obey the law and
turn over the interest as it provides.
Remember how the political gang in
Anrora threatened to hound old man
Farney to his grave if he redeemed his
pledge to the people. Remember how
they threatened to put him in the pene
tentiary if he started the fashion ot al
lowing us to have the interest on our
money. Remember bow tbey fought
Senator Horn's bill and with what poor
grace they submitted to the will of the
people. "The serpent is only scotched,
not killed." Republican state officials
only partially and tardily complied with
the Horn law, and now the county treas
urers are organizing to fight it. There
are no Populists on that committee.
Strike this conspiracy effectively and at
the ballot box. (We have the original of
the above circular letter and it may be
seen by inquirers of any political faith.)
"Hamilton County Register.
Then Farewell.
Judge Trumbull, in his maiden Populist
speech, last Saturday night, stated that
one-tenth of our population own nine
tenths of the wealth ot thecountry. The
Herald Democratic denies this with
cyclonic vehemence. The Tribune Re
publican admits its truth, but alleges
as a cause certain conditions that have
passed forever. The condition that fav
ors such a monstrous injustice in the di
vision of wealth is infernal greed and
class legislation that enables it to feed
upon the sweat and hearts of the millions.
And that condition still exists in robust
vigor. Judge Trumbull suggested sever
al measures to prevent the accumulation
of immense fortunes, among others laws
that shall provide for the equitable dis
tribution of the earnings of corporations
among the stockholders and employes,
limiting the amount which any man can
give to his heirs, and the free coinage of
silver. The plutocratic press pronounces
all his suggestions impracticable, as it
always pronounces every proposed reme
dy for the present deplorable condition
of things impracticable. It is admitted
that the concentration of wealth, as it
has beeu going on, means ruin, but ac
cording to the millionaire press there is
no remedy. Then farewell to our boast
ed system and liberties. But the people
mean to find a remedy. The sons of
1776, the descendants of the men and
women who braved the terrors of Ply
mouth Rock and its surroundings, and
the men who have come from all the
world to this "asylum of the oppressed,"
will not permit a gang of commercial
cormorants to devour popular rights and
popular liberties. Farmers Voice.
Ask your neighbor to read some spec
ial article in Thk Wealth Makers and
then tell him that he can get the truth
until election tor 10 cents.
n
HEADQUARTERS
General Van Deroort Spe&ki te tht Indus
trial Legion
AT WORE II THIRTY-EI&3T STATU
A Plan to Keep the Populist Column from
Breaking Ranks and to Support tht
Commissary Department
Organise, Agitato, Got Together.
Headquarters Industrial Lboiow, )
Omaha, Neb. Oct. to, 1894. J
The campaign of 1894 is nearly over.
The work has been hampered all the year '
by lack of organization and want of
money. Owing to the severe illness and
family affliction of our brother Geo. F.
Washburn, we were unable to put the
Legion rebate plan in operation. We
will be ready with the advent of the new
year and we hope the three hundred
Legions who want to try it will renew
their efforts at once. We can win the
battle in 1890 if we cau raise the money
tor a legitimate campoign. The old par
ties would be trodden in the dust if it
was not (or the untold sums contributed
by the millionaires ou both sides of the
wafer. We can raise all the money we
need, but wasted effort must cease and
the whole party mass in solid lines. One
way would be for all to join the Legion
and contribute ten cents a month to the
campaign fund. Another and the surest
way is the operation of the Washburn
rebate plan. Combine your trade, buy
only of the business men who will con
tribute to our fund by buying "Legion
credits" and giving them back to oar
members as a rebate on their purchases. ,
You object, that it involves cash trade,
thousands save greatly by only buying
for cash, thousands are obliged to, and
thousands only buy when they haveeash.
All such can combine trade. If yon can
mass the trade of twenty-five, fifty, one
hundred, two hundred or five hundred on
the firms only who deal with ns weeaa
raise with the Legions already organized
one million dollars for 1896. You object
that yon cannot raise the money to pay
cash for the Legion "credits." Cease to
throw money away on movements that .
retard rather than advance our work,
and if you have breath of life enough to .
live until spring comes you can hold en
tertainments and raise the money.
Send to George Howard Gibson, Lin
coin, Nebraska, and get his grand song
book aid hold a concert with the aid of
the young people and women and raise
the money. Hundreds of Legions hate
provided all the money needs to carry
on local campaign work. You can all do
it. Show te the merchants that yon can
combine a given trade and they will ad
vance the money to pay for the credits.
This is no new plan. Today an organi-
cation, almost like the Legion, produces
all the money needed to make the great
People's campaign in Germany. There
bate plan nets twenty per cent, to it
members in one ot our cities. It fe?
worked for several years under the direct
observation of Mr. Washburn, who drew
our plan on national lines.
The Legion plan has been approved by
our Executive Council, which is compos
ed of the same men as the National
Executive Committee of the People's
party. We have sent out thousands of
constitutions containing the idea in
Article VII. It is simple and all it needs is
intelligence, zeal and. integrity. No Le
gion is obliged to use it; that is deter
mined by your own action. No member
can be compelled to take it, but the more
you combine the more money for each
member and the Natianalaud State com
mittees of the People's party.
The complaint was made at first that
the Legion fees were too high. They were
made the same as the Farmer's Alliance,
but we reduced them to one dollar for
charter of original Legions and twenty
cents for changing Alliances, clubs, leag
ues and all other farm or labor orders.
Dues have not been exacted, but we must
receive some means in this way, for the
burden has become greater than we can
bear. Myself and family have performed
the labor without a cent of compensation
and are out hundreds of dollars besides '
our time for two years. We have not
complained, though we know that our
members have paid thousands of dollars
to join non-partisan orders that have
performed their missions and have not a
dollar for the authorized work of the
party. Every committee has been bank
rupt all the year, and if this is to con
tinue during 1895 and 1896 we might as
well fold our banners and let the enemy
overwhelm us.
The time for plain speaking has come,
and all the organizing energy of this
party must be combined in one partisan
organization if we win. Wasted, mis
directed effort must cease. The Farm
and Labor orders are mainly on paper
and I simply quote what their leaders
have said to me. Tney have periormed
a grand work and graduated their mem
bers into partisan politics. It is a great
mistake to suddoss the Lesion will dis
band their Labor Unions. They work
side by side in harmonious companion-
Continued on 8th page.