7
Commoner
Extracts Prom W.
;$ Extracts Prom W.
Mr. Watterson's Cartoon.
Editor Watterson of the Courier-
Journal has devoted so much space to
me that no apology ?s necessary for
another comment upon his views.
Beijing' upon his ape, experience and
more extended observation, he has on
several occasions outlined what he re
gards as the proper course for me to
pursue, 'Without questioning1 his good
intent or his wisdom on subjects in
general, I find it is impossible to follow
his advice without abandoning all that
I have been taught to hold sacred. In
the first editorial on this subject Mr.
Watterson's position was criticised as
an immoral one. The editorials with
which he .has attempted to support his
position has more and more clearly de
monstrated the weakness of his argu
ment. No advocate of imperialism has
placed his defense upon lower ground.
one who has attempted to defend
the administration has shown more
complete disregard for the principles
and motives that should actuate men,
parties and nations. lie says:
"In abandoning1 them (the Philip
pines) we yield our vantage ground in
the far East, which is already become
the center of the strife of the powers
for commercial supremacy. We make
"what the world and the ages will hold
- an ignominious and a short-sighted
surrender; for we are entering1 upon a
cycle of pure commercialism, whose end
will witness the survival of the fittest,
-and since when was any spirited people
in. sensible either to money or empire?
Wrong, morally wrong, says Mr.
Bryan? Why, on that line, all effort,
which has gain for its object is wrong.
Out of line with American traditions,
says Mr. liryan? Why, every import
ant movement from the Louisiana pur
chase to the abolition of slavery, might
be so described. But, right or wrong,
facts; and, as organized body, what
-shall the democratic party do about
them?"
This is Mr. Watterson's argument,
lie first assumes that we are entering
upon af.ycle of pure commercialism.'
Second, he assumes that it is impossible
to combat this spirit and, third, he
-argues that (assuming his two prophe
cies to be true) it is better for the
-democratic party to do wrong and
prosper than to do right and suffer,
lie attempts to disclose what is destiny
-and then criticises those who refuse to
accept him as an ordained prophet.
All through Mr. Watterson's argument
runs the theory that wrong is not
wrong if it is successful, and that
right is not right if it fails. His argu
ment ignores entirely the fixed moral
principles which should g-uide the
individual, the party and the nation,
and he also ig-nores the fact that re
tribution always follows wrongdoing.
lie tells me how I can be a Warwick,
if not a king. He does me scant honor
when he assumes that I am willing to
purchase either position at the ex
pense of moral or political principles.
It is not my present purpose, however,
to discuss his views, for when two men
-differ as to a moral question, argumen
tation is of little value. Morals are ,
matters of heart rather than head. If'
-argument would keep men from steal
ing or from taking human life there
"would le neither larceny nor murder,
but when a man really wants to steal
-or to kill, or, to apply the principles to
the present case, wants nothing but
immediate victory, and cares not for
the necessary but remote consequences,
the case is almost hopeless.
The object of this editorial is to call
attention to a picture which illustrates
Mr. Watterson's views better than his
pen or mine can do. Judge, the illus
trated paper, asked Mr. Watterson to
-suggest an idea for a cartoon. In re
ply he wrote: -Iraw a picture of
baby Jonathan in his cradle asleep.
About him are his plaything's a toy
kettle drum, marked 'Independence,'
a toy cannon marked 'Freedom,' and
dangling by a string from his clutched
hand a child's balloon, marked 'The
Future.' Alove him hover the spirits
of Washington and Franklin. Beyond,
in the clouds, a vision of domes and
spires, spanned by a rainbow of red.
w hite and blue. Beneath, the words
out of the old song. 'Asleep, I Dream
of Love.'
'Draw another picture of a richly
furnished apartment and a party at a
card table; England and Germany at
the right and left of Uncle Sam, who,
with calm self-confidence sits in a rock
er. Russia, France, China and Japan
ranged about. Some exposed cards
marked 'Peace, 'Order,' 'lieligion,'
'Humanity. Behind Uncle Sam on the
wail appear portraits of Washington,
Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln, and
on the floor a great mastiff, eager and
alert and ready to spring, marked 'Pop
ular Sovereignty. Beneath this por
trait Uncle Sam is made to say "Gentle
men, I bank this game.' Under the
first picture write 1301, under the oth
er 1H)1.
It would be difficult to illustrate
more forcibly the change that has tak
en place within the last two years. It
is hard to conceive of a more scathing
condemnation of the innovation
-wrought by the republican administra
tion. From the child dreaming of love
to the successful gambler is a transi
The London Speaker is guilty of
lese majestie when it attempts to
speak disparagingly of the right hon
orable Marcus A. II anna. The criti
cism shows a lack of gratitude as well
as a disregard for H anna's feelings
for did not Mr. Hanna speak in glow
ing terms of the English system of
government after his return from Eu
rope? The Speaker says:
"There is not much to awaken the
spirit of national vanity, alert as it is
in the states, about a political system
in w hich Senator Hanna is one of the
greatest and most powerful figures.
Not that Senator Hanna is a wicked
man. -He is simply a kind of man that
Comment.
J. Bryan's Paper.
J. Bryan's Paper.
tion, indeed! The remarkable thinjr
about it all is that men who, like Mr.
Watterson, recognize the change,
should attempt to defend it or should
counsel democrats to accept it as final.
The question that must occur to every
reader is: Is this change necessary?
And if not necessary, why should it be
submitted to as a matter of destiny?
Is freedom only a toy common, and in
dependence a noisy drum? Is there no
other future for baby Jonathan than
the career of a fortunate gambler? Is
it not possible to conceive of a repub
lic developing and expanding without
the abandonment of ideals or princi
ples? This doctrine, that virtue and mor
ality are good enough for a child but
out of place in a man is a monstrous
one, and one unworthy of the great
brain and big heart of the man who
seems to have fallen into the advocacy
of it. It is impossible to exp.ggerate
the demoralizing influence of such a
doctrine; it paralyzes all attempts to
instruct or restrain youth. When you
say to a young man that a nation when
full gTown must throw off restraint,
ignore well-settled principles, and
plunge into the exciting but uncertain
career of a gamester, you cannot blame
him if he tells you that the same doc
trine applied to him would lead him to
discard all the good advice given him in
his boyhood.
The imperialistic doctrine lays the
axe at the root of the tree and attacks
every vital tenet of our government and
of our religion, and we already begin
to see the evil effect of it. The em
bezzelment at Havana and the crooked
ness at Manila are only illustrations
of what may be expected under a colon
ial system. If this nation adopts the
principle that helpless races can be ex
ploited because we are strong, carpet
bag officials will not be slow to adopt
the same principle and appropriate
everything within their reach. Mr.
Watterson knows something of the
corruption that developed under the
carpet-bag reign which followed the
civil war, and ought to be able to make
iome estimate of the mal-feasance and
oais-feasance which can be expected
when this nation denies self-evident
truths and encourages infidelity to
moral precepts.
As an individual can better afford to
retain his character rather than grow
rich by dishonorable means, so the
democratic party can better afford to
appeal to the conscience of the people,
even though it remains out of power,
than to enjoy power at the expense of
its principles. "What shall it profit a
man if he gain the whole world and
lose his own soul?" What shall it pro
fit the democratic party if it gain power
and lose the spirit that has made it in
destructible? What shall it profit a
nation if its flag floats over every sea
and its garrisons terrify every land if,
in the language of Lincoln, it loses
'the spirit which prizes liberty as the
heritage of all people in all lands ev
erywhere?" TLinroln'a Gettysburg Speech.
As the survivors of the Mexican, civ
il and other wars prepare for the sol
emn services of Memorial day they will
find loth pleasure and profit in re
reading Lincoln's Gettysburg speech.
To the veteran it is an expression of
lofty patriotism, to the student of ora
tory it is a model of brevity, beauty,
simplicity and strength, and to all it is
an inspiration:
"Fourscore and seven years ago our
fathers brought forth upon this conti
nent a new nation, conceived in liberty
and dedicated to the proposition that
all men are created equal. Now we
are engaged in a great civil war, test
ing whether that nation, or any nation
so conceived and so dedicated, can long
endure. We are met on a great battle
field of that war. We have come to
dedicate a portion of that field as a
final resting-place for those who here
gave their lives that that nation might
live. It is altogether fitting and pro
per that we should do this. But in a
larger sense we cannot dedicate, we
cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow
this ground. The brave men, living1
and dead, who struggled here, have
consecrated it far above our power to
add or detract. The world will little
note, nor long remember, what we
say here, but it can never forget what
they did here. It is for us, the living,
rather to be dedicated here to the
unfinished work which they who
fought here have thus far so nobly ad
vanced. It is rather for us to be here
dedicated to the great task remaining
liefore us, that from these honored
dead we take increased devotion to
that cause for which they gave the last
full measure of devotion; that we here
highly resolve that these dead shall
not have died in vain; that this nation,
under God. shall have a new birth of
freedom, and that government of the
people, by the people, and for the peo
ple, shall not perish from the earth.
At no time within the past quarter
of a century has there been more neces
ity than there is now for the lovers of
liberty to exert themselves to preserve
"a government of the people, by the
people and for the people,"
It is noticeble that all of the repub
lican tariff reformers do their best
work while congress is not in session.
a respectable nei-rhlorhood would be
shy of putting on its district council in
this country that is to say, there is
nothing to distinguish him from an
uncultivated, slightly brutal, ignor
antly forcible and hard-head vulgarian.
Self-confidence and energy rule him, as
they should rule a politician; but,
knowing all the world of business, he
can think of nothing higher. No tra
dition makes him bow to men whose
institutions are of more practical value
than the whole of his experience or
teaches him to recognize that the gov
ernment of a nation is a field for qual
ities of sympathy and imagination and
aane idealism.'
STOP TINKERING."
IS THE MANDATE OF THE
REPUBLICAN DICTATOR.
go Perfect and Scientific it It Tender
What Budi Cava About It Tin
Tariff Moat Not Be "Monkeyed" with,
fceja Be.
The evident difference of opinion
amongst Republicans and Republican
newspapers on the necessity of tinker
ing the tariff to down the trusts or to
preserve it Intact In the Interest of
those combines, is rather remarkable
in view of the fact that the tariff pi
rates have hitherto all stood together,
only clamoring that their particular
trust or interest might be especially
favored. Some of the Republican
brethren have evidently since the ad
journment of congress discovered that
their constituents are "against the
trusts" and favor the repeal of the
schedules that give them special privi
leges. Congressman Babcock of Wis
consin, who is chairman of the Re
publican congressional committee,
seems to have heard the voice of the
people in his district and probably
elsewhere. President McKinley wants
to dodge the difficulty by reciprocity
treaties which, while favoring the
trusts, will allow the foreigners to
come in and compete with our pro
ducers of fruits, oils and wines, etc.,
and still protect the manufacturer.
This was the arrangement in the reci
procity treaty with France which was
rejected by the senate.
There is another advantage seen by
the President in tinkering the tariff by
means of reciprocity treaties. It pre
vents the matter coming before the
house of representatives, where all
matters of revenue constitutionally be
long, and relegates it to the executive
sessions of the senate, which are held
with closed doors. Thus the people
and their representatives know noth
ing about the matter until it is set
tled. The Czar of Russia and his
executive council arrange tariffs and
taxes in this way and its initiation by
President McKinley and the Republi
cans is one of the strong indications
of our near approach to imperialism.
Senator Hanna evidently agrees with
the reciprocity program, and it is sin
gular that on the same day that Presi
dent McKinley announced it, on his
tour of triumph through the South,
Senator Hanna makes a more extended
statemer-t of the intentions of the ad
ministration in another part of the
country. In an interview at Wash
ington, Pa., he said: "I am not cheeky
enough to endeavor to speak for the
Republican party, but I can speak for
myself, and as far as I am concerned
there will be no tinkering with the
tariff. Congressman Babcock's posi
tion doe3 not merit serious considera
tion. "Although, perhaps, it would make
but little difference to take off the
metal schedule, do you suppose we are
going to do that and allow the Nova
Scotia Steel company, for instance, to
dump her products into New England?
Not much. We may not need the
tariff so much any more as far as for
eign countries are concerned, but we
must protect ourselves against the big
institutions which are springing up on
our border.
"The Dingley tariff is a most perfect
work of human ingenuity, balanced on
scientific principles. It must not be
disturbed nor must there be any
changes in our tariff except on a basis
of reciprocity."
The pretended modesty of Hanna i3
evidently intended as another hit at
Babcock for having dared to Interfere
in a matter that only McKinley, Han
na and the Trusts have any business to
meddle with. The balance of the Re
publican party, including the Repub
lican members of Congress, are evi
dently expected to ratify any action
that they may desire, reciprocity or
otherwise.
Hanna tells one great truth in his in
terview when he intimates that the
tariff is so ingeniously balanced that
it is dangerous to disturb it in the
slightest manner or it may fall to
pieces. All this tempest may, how
ever, be allayed when the major re
turns from his free trip and take3
Babcock and his following in band
backed up by the persuasive eloquence
of the steel and other trusts. There
In plenty of time to arrange matters;
congress does not meet until Decem
ber. THE RICHEST TRUST.
Thejoriginal trust is so far ahead of
its imitators in interest-paying ca
pacity and is piling up millions for
its shrewd owners to invest in other
monopolies. The Standard Oil com
pany yesterday, says the New York
World of May 8, declared a dividend
of 12 per cent, which means a distri
bution of 112,000,000. This dividend is
payable on June 15 next. Last year at
this time the great Oil Trust declared
a 10 per cent dividend, or J2.000.000
less than the one decided upon yester
day. Since January the trust has de
clared a previous dividend of 20 per
cent, a distribution of 120,000,000. In
four months the Oil Trust has earned
$32,000,000 in profits for its stockhold
ers, an average of $3,000,000 a month,
or at the yearly rate of $96,000,000.
Yesterday it was stated in Wall street
that the trust would probably pay in
all 7ir per cent in dividends during
1901, or $75,000,000. Stock in the com
pany yesterday, on the curb, sold up
to $SS a share, the highest price on
record. The trust is capitalized at
$100,000,000 and yesterday's price
makes market value of its stock
$S42.000.00C. John D Rockefeller
jowns 31 cent of the capital stock
of the truit. Based on yesterday's
tprlce, his holdings are worth $261,020,
000. His share of yesterday's dividend
wid be $3,720,000. This vast sum pars
(
no tax towards the support of the
United States, for tfe tariff tax paid
by Rockefeller when he uses a pound
of tea or his cigars or Iub tobacco la
no more than the tax paid by our
poorest citizen that uses these or other
necessities or luxuries. The income
tax was intended to reach these enor
mous incomes, and it must before long
be imposed, or all the wealth of the
country will concentrate Into the cof
fers of these millionaires.
THE STEAMSHIP TRUST.
The International Navigation Com
pany is also to be absorbed by the Mor
gan ship trust, and adding the twenty
one steamers of this company to those
of the Leyland and Atlantic Transport
lines, already absorbed by the Morgan
syndicate, the combination will have
a fleet of ninety-seven ships. This to
tal does not include seven ships build
ing for the Leylands, four for the At
lantic Transport and four for the Red
Star line.
John D. Rocbeller, says the New
York World, who is heavily interested
in the International Navigation com
pany, 13 said to be behind Mr. Morgan
in the absorption of the latter. The
steamship combine will be utilized, it
is declared, for the joint benefit of
the Steel, Copper and Oil Trusts and
other industrial combinations con
trolled by the Morgan-Rockefeller syn
dicate. ' The combination is being perfected,
shipping men say, chiefly to allow the
Steel Trust to figure with certainty
on foreign contracts. Knowing what
future freights will cost, the trust can
consider them as known instead of an
unknown quantity in bidding on bridge
and railroad construction in any part
of the world.
It was stated that the Morgan
Rockefeller syndicate organized the
Steamship Trust on the understanding
that next winter a bill can be pushed
through Congress which will enable
the foreign-built vessels to come In un
der the American flag.
This will be the means of augment
ing the American merchant marine by
a wholesale and ready-made process,
beating the slow increase that comes
by building in domestic shipyards.
The ship-subsidy scheme may also en
ter into the syndicate calculations.
AMERICAN AND ENGLISH
SECURITIES.
Some of the 'daily newspapers seem
to take an especial delight in befud
dling or deceiving their readers on the
financial question. Speaking of the
sale of bonds in this country and Eng
land, one of them lately says:
"England offers to sell consols at
94Vi. They pay 2 per cent on par
now, which is 2.91 per cent on the sell
ing price; they will pay 2 per cent
after two years, and in twenty-one
years they will be redeemable at par.
A month's extra interest is to be paid
as a bonus. United States 2 per cent
bonds sell at IOC1,."
Now, that is a very misleading state
ment and was intended to show that
the finances of this country are in
much better shape than England's are.
There Is a vast difference between
an English consol and a United States
bond. If a man buys an English con
sol he gets Lis interest and that is all
and in addition the government de
ducts the income tax of 6 per cent.
If he buys a United States bond he
can use it for banking and the gov
ernment will give him the full face
value in national bank notes, which he
can loan to his neighbors at the gov
erning rate of interest and receive the
interest on his bonds at the same time.
Then, again, if he is one of the large
favored bankers he can deposit his
bonds at Washington for security and
get gold for IU full face value. The
national bank have over $90,000,000
loaned to them in that way without in
terest. Is it any wonder that our bonds are
worth more than English consols with
IMPERIALISM COMES HICH.
High salaries are paid the members
and officers of the Philippine commis
sion and the officers of the provisional
governments established in the Philip
pines, says the Washington Star. The
secretary of the commission has a sal
ary of $7,500 and the members ol
the commission are supposed to re
ceive a salary of at least $10,000 each
per annum and expenses. The treas
urer of the Philippines receives $6,000
a year; the auditor, $6,000; the deputy
auditor, $4,000; the collector of cus
toms at Manila, $G,000, and the deputy
collectors, $4,000 each. The director
general of posts has a salary of $5,003
and the postmaster at Manila gets $3,
500 and his assistant $2,250. The gen
eral superintendent of public Instruc
tion receives compensation at the rate
of $6,000 a year, and the other prin
cipal officers of the archipelago are
also liberally compensated. Each of
the principal officers is well supplied
with clerical assistance. There are
forty-eight clerks In the office of the
military governor, fourteen in (he of
fice of the Philippine commission,
thirty-two In the auditor's office and
a large force in the customs, internal
revenue and postal services.
Cease Frauds.
Indictments have been found by tt-
United States grand jury against five
men who carried out the census frauds
in Maryland, but the instigators of
thf scheme have not yet been arrested
and never will be. It is quite unlikely
that even these small fry will be con
victed. A new census is being tsken
by the state for the purpose of con eat
ing the frauds and allowing a fair
legislative apportionment.
Demand for Money.
What is this? Money 25 per cent in
Wall Btreet and 5 per cent in Chicago.
What's wrong? Help, Gage? Heir!
Buy more bonds; don't haggle for a
cent or two, but buy and buy quickly.
M'KINLEY FALLACY.
THAT TRADE FOLLOWS OUR
BELOVED FLAG
late Dark and Godforbldden Flacea
Lonsr on Patriotism and short on
KconomlM Disappointment Kotod on
Kverjr Band.
Long on patriotism and short on
economics, would be a fair criticism of
President McKinley's speeches, for
his idea that trade follows the flag will
not bear investigation. "We want to
6end the products of our farms, our
factories and our mines into every
market of the world, to make the for
eign peoples familiar with our products
and the way to do that is to make
them familiar with our flag." That is
what the president said at McComb,
Miss. It is possible that he wished to
convey the idea to his Southern hear
ers that men and guns were to accom
pany the flag and shoot American
goods down the throats of foreigners.
It is to be hoped he did not mean that,
for besides its barbarity and cruelty,
it has not been a success where tried
by other nations. But perhaps the
president was thinking of the ship sub
sidy bill and thus forcing the flag to
the front- Hanna thinks that way and
it is known that they agree on po
litical matters.
The fact is that trade does not fol
low the flag, our greatest trade is with
England and Europe and there outside
of our legations the flag is rarely
seen. We have had the flag raised
over Cuba for some time, two years
or more, and we are losing ground
Instead of gaining.
American manufacturers who looked
for a large Increase In their trade with
Cuba upon the expulsion of the Span
iards, says the Chicago Chronicle, are
disappointed and looking around for
explanations. The events of 1899 led
them to believe that their expecta
tions would be realized. The value of
cotton goods, for Instance, exported to
tie islands, increased considerably and
reached over $990,000. In 1900 there
was a sudden drop to $297,800, a de
crease of more than two-thirds. This
was not due to falling off in demand,
for importations from other countries
increased far more than those from
the United States diminished. The like
is true in a greater or less degree as
to various lines of goods.
An explanation which is offered is
that Spanish officials collected full du
ties on goods from all countries ex
cept Spain, but passed Spanish goods
practically free when they were suffi
ciently "seen." When American offi
cials took hold importers expected
American goods to be similarly fa
vored. Finding themselves mistaken
in that respect, they bought less in the
United States and more elsewhere, for
reasons which are not clearly stated.
Probably, however, the reasons were
various, such as more satisfactory
credit, lower prices and goods better
suited to the Cuban demand.
As a result we may expect certain
classes of manufacturers to appear in
Washington lobbying for either legis
lation or seme sort of reciprocity
treaty which will give them an arti
ficial advantage in Cuban markets, but
they are surely to be met by sugar and
tobacco protectees protesting against
any concessions in exchange for the
special favors desired by these Ameri
can manufacturers in Ctfba. Our Cu
ban relations are not settled jet by
any means.
From this it will be seen that the
fallacy of the dogma preached by the
president that trade will follow the
flag is equal to that other illusion, pro
tection, of which the president has
long been the high priest.
LOOTING IN CHINA,
That business missionary, Rev. W.
S. Ament, has arrived from China and
calls upon Mark Twain to recant his
charge of looting, for he says the mis
sionaries did not loot, but he explains
what they did, which, according to his
own showing, looks much like it.
"The abandoned palace of Prince Hsi
Ling," says Missionary Ament, "was
close to the part of the city where the
allied troops were quartered, and.
therefore, was comparatively safe
from the attack of the 'boxers.' For
that reason we took possession of the
abandoned property.
"The prince, who had fled, was a
gambler and a prominent boxer lead
er. He had left nearly all his personal
belongings and the - house was filled
with curios. On the advice of judicious
friends we took absolute possession of
the property, selling the curios and
clothing to raise money with which to
feed and clothe our charges. We re
alized $2,500 for our people.
"Another feature of the times that
Mr. Twain criticises Is our rade in
fuft. We considered the venture a
perfectly legitimate speculation. Some
of the native Christians went to rich
men of their acquaintance and bought
up furs, in order that they might not
fall into the hands of looting itoldiers.
These furs we bought in turn &nd sold
at an advance.
"In reply to Mr. Twain's statement
that the one-third added to the dama
ges was nothing short of extortion and
robbery, I want to say that Mr. Twain
was not conversant with the facts
when he wrote his article. The plan
"is first broached to Chang Yen Mao
the commissioner appointed by Li
Hung Chang to settle the claims of the
native Chirsltians. Our Idea was tc
give the Christians exactly what they
had lost and the extra third was col
lected for the benefit of the widows
and orphans.
"In all we collected about $.30,000 in
territory 125 miles long by from
fifteen to twenty miles wide, and the J
collections were made through the
Chinese magistrates. There was no
objection filed by anyone, official or
otherwise, and we could have collected
twice as much, but on my own initia
tive, the amount was cut in half. That
is all that Mr. Twain's charge amountj
to."
Selling the goods of a man, even 11
he is a gambler and a boxer would b
considered here a rather bold perform
ance. Dealing in stolen furs is certain
ly an unchristian act, but then Rev.
Mr. Ament was some thousands ol
miles away from home and perhaps hi
thought these trifles would never com
to light, The fear that the beautifu.
furs, for which the Chinese are fa
mous, should fall Into the hands of th
"looting soldiers" seemed to weigh
heavily on the mind of the missionarj
and as he saw a chance for larg
profit, possibly to be expended for th
widows and orphans, he embarked is
the unholy traffic, knowing the goodi
were stolen.
The looting of soldiers is bad enough
but the acts of Rev. Wr. S. Ament an
an outrage and the church who sen)
him to China should promptly dis
miss him and disavow his acts.
THE COMING REFORM.
Municipal ownership, where it has
been tried and honestly administered
has proved a success, the danger is
that the management would fall into
the hands of the professional politi
cians that Infest most cities, who
would demand that ward heelers be
given positions for which they are un
fit and thus make the service worse un
der the city than under the private
corporation. The vast amount of
money that would be handled in the
larger cities if they owned the street
cars and the great chances for stealing
the proceeds of such a large under
taking may be seen from the New
York state railroad commissioner's re
port for the year 1900. In it we find
that 567,144,099 persons were carried
on the surface street cars of the Bronx
and Manhattan, 323.229.C39 on the sur
face and "L" roads of Brooklyn, and
184.164,110 on the Manhattan "L"
roads. This makes the. inconceivably
huge total of 1.074.537,848 five-cent
fares collected from the people of
Greater New York last year. This
gives $53,726,892.40 as the total yearly
expenditure for car-fares within the
city limits, the great bulk of it by the
the working ptople. Three-cent fares
all over the city would reduce that ex
penditure to $:!2,236,13.'.44. And that
would leave in the pockets of the peo
ple, to be saved or spent for other pur
poses, the u.ag;nifieent yearly sum of
$21,490,75C.&6. And it must not ba
overlooked that the number of car
fares collected in Greater New York
grows much larger every year. There
was an increase of 113,000,000 fares ia
1900 over 1S93.
HAMMER AND ANVIL.
The attempt of President McKinley
to arouse the enthusiasm of hi3 audi
ences by alluding to "the flag," which
he did twenty-six time3 in three days,
would indicate that we are soon to
be entangled with trouble with som
foreign foe. We are tardly over one;
war yet, Mr. President; better give
us a bit of a rest and allow the war
taxes we are still paying to be re
pealed. The recall cf Archbishop Chapelle
from the Philippines and his journey
to Rome is now explained by a cable
from London which says: "The ap
proaching meeting here of Cardinal
Gibbons, Mgr. Chapelle and the arch
bishop of Manila is designed to re
move the confict that has arisen be
tween the Vatican and the United
States regarding the sequestration of
the property of the monasteries in the
Philippines." So there is a conflict be
tween church and state In the Philip
pines, in spite of the censored reports
that everything was lovely there.
If China cannot raise the money in- .
demnity some of the nations will de
mand territory as security. Then will
follow the partition of China and the
"open door" will be slammed in our
face,
HOT SHOT.
With Hanna and McKinley for re
ciprocity, Babcock for free trade in
steel, Dick for municipal and govern
ment ownership and Grosvner for an
income tax, the Republican brethren
are able to cater to any taste.
Minister Conger may be a poor
diplomat and not sharp enough to car
ry out the McKinley-Hay Chinese
policy, but he will do well enough for
governor of Iowa. It does not take
much of a statesman for that posi
tion, judging by the past,
When the ship subsidy bill was be
fore the late congress the Republican
senators asserted that without the sub
sidy it would be many long years be
fore the supremacy of the American
merchant marine would be restored.
Morgan's purchase of the Atlantic lines
completely refutes their statements
and the subsidy grabbers will have to
use some other argument in the next
Congress.
Some of the newspapers are claim
ing that the free trip given by the
railroads to President McKinley is part
of the rrogram to bull stocks. There
is no doubt the railroads are inter
ested in the scheme whatever it is.
It Is best not to conclude that there
's to be a factional fight in the Re
publican party because they do not
igree on the tariff reduction. This Is
n off vear and a certain amount of In
dependence of opinion aids to eatch
he granger vote.
Slow rivers flow at the rate of three
to seven miles an hour.
Vvjr .
lied
