Plattsmouth weekly journal. (Plattsmouth, Neb.) 1881-1901, April 26, 1901, Image 3
MM Commoner Extracts From W. -5- WATTERSON OX DESTINY". In a recent issue of the Courier Journal Mr. Watterson, that quaint and always interesting journalist, ad vises his party to raise the white flag and surrender to the republican party on the question of imperialism. He does not announce that he is convinced of the righteousness of the republican position, but he excuses himself by as suming that it is impossible to combat the forces which seem to be behind the republican party. He admits that im perialism is an innovation upon Am erican principles and antagonistic to the teachings of the earlier statesmen. Here are his words: "Let us say at once that the scheme of occupying a territory remote from our borders, of subduing a people alien to our character and institutions and of undertaking a system of colonial government over this territory and these peoples without their consent and apparently in opposition to their will is not merely a serious innova tion upon the original plan embodied by the constitution cf the United Stat es, and contemplated by the authors cf that confutation, but tbat it is re pugnant to the prudent counsels de livered by the wisest of our older statesmen, to say nothing about the teaching of history." After a brief review of the past one tundred years, he accepts the republi can doctrine of providence and says: '"God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform. He made the Spanish war. He was not less behind Dewey in Manila than He was behind Shafter and Sampson and Schley at Santiago. What wa3 His all-wise pur pose? We know not. But there we w-ere and there we are; and nothing is surer in the future than that we shall be there a century hence unless some power turns up strong enough to drive us out. Instead, therefore, of discussing the abstraction of imper ialism, illustrated by the rights and wrongs of the Philippines. Mr. Bryan were more profitably engaged in con sidering how we may best administer possessions, which, for good or for evil, are with us to stay." It will be noticed that he adopts the republican theory that God is respon sible for what we have done; that it is a matter of destiny, and that we are being swept along by influences over which we have no control. The d&ctrine enunciated by the re publicans since the Spanish war. and now indorsed by so great an editor as Mr. Watterson. is not only dangerous, but it is immoral. It is politically dan gerous because it encourages the re publican party to shirk responsibility for its sins and shield itself behind the pretense that it is working out the will of the Almighty; and it is immoral because it obliterates the distinction between right and wrong. The repub lican argument is built upon the theo ry that wrong done upon a large scale loses its evil character, and becomes an integral part of God s plan. It is in keeping with the tendency to call an embezzler a Napoleon of finance, pro Tided the amount embezzled is large. Mr. Watterson has not in the past been in the habit of defending his po sition with the philosophy which he now employs. In former years he wa3 known a3 the special champion of "the star-eyed Goddess of Reform." When the democratic party went down to de feat, as it often did. he did not say: "God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform. He made protec tion and the republican party, and, therefore, we must bow to both." On the contrary, he raised the democratic banner aloft and appealed time and again to the intelligence of the Ameri can people. Neither has he been In the habit of excusing the crimes of indi viduals by attributing them to divine inspiration. When Governor Goebel was assassinated Mr. Watterson did not say: "God moves in a mysterious way Hi3 wonders to perform; He prompted the assassin to kill! We cannot understand Hi3 all-wise pur pose, but there we were, and here we are, and there Is nothing to be done about it" iLsteod, he insisted that a murder had 1 een committed and that the guil ty should l-e brought to justice. When the Louisville and Nashville railroad entered the arena oi '.olitics. ar.d Logan its work of corruption and intimidation, Mr. Watterson did Jiot s j" "OJod "fcoves in a mys:.-o'i3 v.iy His wondera to perform. This rail road company has sprung into exist ence and must be carrying out the pur poses of an all-wise Ruler." Far from it! He insisted that the railroad should keep cut of politics: and attend to the business for which it wa3 organized. There is no more reason for throw ing upon the Almighty the responsi bility for a war of conquest, and for an Imperial policy which burdens our na tion with a large army and suppresses the aspirations of distant peoples for self-govarnment than there is to blame Him because one individual chooses to kill another, or because a great cor poration attempts to control a state government. Questions must be decided by the ap plication of fixed and immutable prin ciples. JefTerson said: "I know of but one code of morality for men. whether acting singly or collectively;" and Franklin expressed the same idea, only in different language, when he said: "Justice is as strictly due be tween neighbor nations as between neighbor citizens. The highwayman is as much a robber where he plunders in a gang as when single, and the nation that wages an unjust war is only a great gang." Perhaps the Suitan of Turkey will agree to pay that flCO.000 on the day the administration keeps its promise to Cuba. Attorney General Knox received his appointment because he was just the man to see that the trusts received ex act justice according to the trust idea of justice. Those New York "Insurgents" should not prematurely rejoice over the Odelling of Uncle Tom Piatt. Thomas is quite a hand at enjoying the last laugh in matters of thi3 kind. Comment J. Bryan's Paper. If Jefferson and Franklin were right, how can we delude ourselves with the doctrine of destiny which is being de veloped now? Yielding to a bad principle because it seems triumphant is simply an easy method of avoiding labor and sacrifice. It is a complacent but unsound phil osophy, which teaches compromise with wrong merely because the enemy is strongly entrenched. No one has a right to assume that error will be permanently victorious. If some of our citizens condemn small crimes, but seem inclined to condone grand larceny and killing on a large scale, Mr. Watterson should remem ber hi3 lecture on morals and point out to the deluded ones that a nation can, no more than an individual, avoid the consequences of transgression. If he believed the authors of the consti tution and "the wisest of our states men" wiong he would be Justified in repudiating their counsels, but believ ing them right it is surprising that he should be carried away by the brutal and barbarous doctrine upon which empires are built. His influence might help to restore American ideals; he cannot afford to aid in their overthrow. The position of Mr. Watterson would be untenable, even if the issue of im, perialism had been the only issue pre sented last fall and the people had de liberately indorsed the republican pol icy. Suppose the campaign of 1900 had been fought with no otter question be fore the people, even then it would still be the duty of those who are con scientiously opposed to imperialism to continue the discussion, with the hope of convincing a majority of the people. But, as a matter of fact, there were a number of issues in the campaign. While imperialism was declared ty the democratic convention to be para mount, every one knows that other questions entered Into the contest, and it is also well known that the republi can party constantly denied that it had ary thought of attackirg fundamental principles, or of converting a republic into an empire. The indictment brought against the republican party was so severe that a great many re fused to believe the party crpable of such intentions as were charged. Then. too. the republicans sought covr behind the fact that a war was in progress. They circulated misleading reports from the Philippine islands. and declared that the lives of Ameri can soldiers were Imperiled by the fact that the democrats were criticising the administration. What the democratic party needs i3 not advice to surrendei. but coiirag? to resist the attacks which are being made upon American doctrines and democratic principles. The campaign cf lSf6 vras the first one in recent years when there was a radical issue between the parties. The republican party pretended to want in ternational bimetallism, when it really wanted the gold standard. It won its victoiy under the cover of interna tional bimetallism and as soon as the election was over, threw o'J t?c ma;k and came cut for the gold Etandard Many of the democratic papers which had supported the ticket, and all of the democratic papers which had deserted the party in that year, counseled the party to accept a decision, won by fraud, as conclusive of the question. And for four years the leading demo cratic dailies gave no assistance what ever to the democratic party in its fiht against the money power. In the campaign of 1900 the repub lican party practiced another fraud upon the people on the subejet of im perialism, and now Mr. Watterson and a few other democratic editors advise the acceptance of the republican posi tion on that question. On the trust question the republican party also practiced deception, and some of our democratic papers seem willing to concede the triumph of the trust principle. Nothing is to be gained from a party standpoint, and everything is to be lost from the standpoint of principle by Mr. Watterson's method of dealing with the questions at issue. He ex pects the democratic party to indorse the colonial system, and then promise to send better carpet-baggers to Ma nila than the republicans have sent. Such a course would make our party a laughing stock. No party i3 good enough to admin ister a colonial system honestly and for the benefit of the subjects. A na tion that is selfish enough to want a colony is too selfish to do justice by it. and a party demobilized enough to in dorse a colonial system would be im potent to administer it satisfactorily. The Commoner is pained to see "?o able and brilliant an editor as Mr. Watterson rnconsciously lend his in fluence to the republican party. Far better that hi3 voice should command a charge upon the republican strong holds than 'that it should call a retreat in the midst of a battle which must de termine, not only the fate of this re public, but the fate of all republics lor years to come. The St. Louis Chronicle is charging that Mayor Wells was elected by fraud. This is adding insult to injury. To run seventeen thousand votes behind the national ticket and then owe his election to republican votes is bad enough, without having a suspicion cast upon his title. One of the most humorous remarks of the decade is the one to the effect that Philander Knox sacrifices a pri vate income of $50,000 a year as attor ney for the Carnegie interests to ac cept an $S,000 position in the presi dent's cabinet. Caesar had bis Brutus. Charles his Cromwell, and McKinley has Just given a Rodenberg tc the civil service. The discovery of a new island in the Philippine group would tend to make Mr. John A. T. Hull favor a special session of congress for concession in suring purposes. If "La Discussion," the Havana newspaper which was suppressed, would change its name to "Division and Silence" it might secure a new lease of life. Discussion is not popular in an empire. THE RAILROAD TEUST PREPARING THE WAY FOR GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP. Tie Day Will Come When the People Will See the Light Public Ownership of Public Franchise The CapUilUatlon of the Combines. The story about the new company to control all the railroads of the United States may or may not be true. If it Is not true today it will be tomorrow. It i3 merely the last, inevitable step in a process that has been going on stead ily since our railroad system began and that has been making more rapid progress in the past few months than ever before. If Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. Mr. Will iam K. Yaaderbilt, Mr. James J. Hill, Mr. Edward D. Harriman, Mr. George J. Gould, Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Mr. Jacob H. Schiff and Mr. James Still man, who have been named as the au thors of this scheme, should under take to control all the railroads of the United Stales, they could do it with out any trouole. The only question is whether they think the time has yet come to take the step. The railroad system of the United States was capitalized last year at twelve billion one hundred and sixty five million three hundred and twenty seven thousand eight hundred and forty-nine dollars. That is over twelve times the bonded national debt of the United States. It is four times the debt of Great Britain. It is equal to the capital of a dozen Billion Dollar Trusts. It represents over a hundred and twenty of the Hundred Million Dollar Trusts that were considered the mons ters of finance a few years ago. But the railroads are not so unman ageable when they are approached by the right men in the right way. Of their total capitalization the stock rep resents only $5.742,1S1.1S1. of which a majority, giving a controlling interest, would amount to less than $2,875,000, 000. As many railroad stocks are sell ing far below par it is probable that a majority could be bought for $2,000, 000.000. But it is not necessary for Mr. Mor gan, Mr. Rockefeller and their asso ciates to own a majority of the stock. When the late Cornelius Yanderbilt died it was found that he owned less than one per cent of the stock of the New York Central, the typical "Yan derbilt road." With $300,000,000 in cash, their skill in manipulation and their control tf banks, industrial enterprises and financial agencies of all sorts, the members of the proposed syndicate would have no trouble in securing the mastery of every railroad in the coun try. When the Universal Railroad Trust comes, whether today, tomorrow or nest week, it will handle revenues more than twice as great as those of the national government and employ ten times as many men as the United States keeps in its army on a war foot ing. And then the American'3 policy "Public Ownership of Public Fran chises" will be the central issue of practical politics. LET US BUY MOOSE BY ALL MEANS. The state of New York, at the public expense, proposes to buy a hundred head of moose and turn them loose in the Adirondacks. Moose used to be plentiful in the Ad irondacks. When Thoma3 Jefferson was in Paris, more than a hundred years ago, he sent for a moose skele ton to prove to French naturalists that we had big animals on this continent. The naturalists had asserted that it was an inferior continent because it bad no big animals. Now our prosperous sportsmen have killed off all the moose in the Adiron dack region it is proposed to get more and turn them out among the trees. This seems to us a splendid and truly republican idea. One rich man in the Adirondacks owns seventy-five thou sand acres and another owns one hun dred thousand acres. They often in vite their friends up there to shoot, and it is absolutely humiliating to have those friends walk around all day and never get a single moose. The moose that are to be bought at public expense are to be brought from Canada and the Rocky Mountains, and it will probably not cost more than a hundred thousand dollars to land them in the Adirondacks. It is impossible to estimate the pleas ure, ozone and wholesome exercise that a dozen or more prosperous men will get by walking through the woods and killing these moose after they are turned adrift. In a country like this, where we are so liberal with our public schools, where every child can find playgrounds near its house, where every mother receives care when ill, it seems only reasonable tc purchase moose at the public expense for the gentlemen who own a hundred thousand acres of Ad irondack land. Doubtless Governor Odell cf New York will hasten to ap prove this moose idea. STORV OF THE ASPHALT WAR. According to a Washington corre spondent the trouble between the United States and Venezuela grows out of the dispute between two American asphalt companies and out of nothing else. Even the arrest and Imprison ment of the American consular agent in the asphalt state of Bermudez arises out of that dispute. The story is, In short, that what i3 known as the asphalt trust acquired certain right? la the tephalt lake on the island of Trinidad from one Ho ratio R. Hamilton, who obtained a concession from the Venezuelan gov ernment near the end of 18SS. These rights, as claimed by the trust, are so sweeping as to amount to a monopoly of all the asphalt deposits in the state of Bermudez. But in 1S97 some Venezuelans claimed to have discovered new depos its in Bermudez, and some two years later sold out their claims to certain persons in Syracuse, N. Y. These per sons secured a concession from the new president of Venezuela, who be came president In the usual Spanish American way, and proceeded to take possession. The trust resisted, the Venezuelan government sustained the Syracuse concessionaires and the two companies have been quarreling vio lently ever since. The Venezuelan gov ernment has resented the interference of the American minister and consular agents, who seem to have espoused the cause of the trust unreservedly. The trust relies upon a clause in the concession to Hamilton which stipu lates that it "shall remain in force for twenty-five years, commencing from this date, Dec. 7, 1SSS, and during that time the government shall not grant equal rights in the state of Bermudez to any other person." The trust claims that the present government has assumed to grant "equal rights" to the Syracuse company, and has therefore violated the stipulation quot ed. According to thi3 story the conten tion of the trust may be correct. That, however, is a matter to be settled by tne courts of enezuela and not by the American minister to that country nor by the state department in Washing ton, much less by the parties to the dispute. It is interesting to note that accord ing to the account given by Mr. Curtis the trust is fighting for nothing but the exclusive right until about 1914 to take asphalt from a deposit which is apparently inexhaustible. The statement is made that the as phalt comes up boiliiig in the Trini dad lake and that what is taken out is quickly replaced from the interior source of supply. It cannot be con tended, therefore, that the operations of the Syracuse company would dimin ish the supply from which the trust is drawing. The latter is making its fight not to prevent encroachment on its supply, but to keep another com pany from competing with it in sup plying the markets with asphalt. Our representatives in Venezuela have evidently been taking sides with monopoly in a matter which should be settled in the courts. THE MORGAN CANAL STORY. State department officials are said to -make a "sweeping denial" of the state ment that J. Pierpont Morgan has been in consultation with the powers that be in Washington about the completion of the Panama canal by private enter prise. Nevertheless the statement is reiter ated in Its essential features. It is said that while it is unquestionably true that M Morgan has made no overtures to that department he has talked with the president in his private office at the white house and informed him that if his assistance and that of congres3 can be assured the project will not cost the United States a dollar. Furthermore, we are assured that even the state department has prac tically admitted that it Is in possession of information that Mr. Morgan and Lis associates are in a position to take immediate possession of the Panama canal anc proceed with the work. Yet it denies that he has made any over tures for the purpose of securing the aid of the government in carrying out the enterprise. If Mr. Morgan and his associates have an "option," as the state depart ment is said to admit, we may depend on it he has some business to transact with the government of the United States. He has the option with a view to taking possession until he knows what th? government is going to do. He will want to know, first, whether the government is determined to construct a canal at its own expense, for we are not to suppose that he Intends to go ahead anyhow and take the risk of having a government canal to compete against. If, then, he has the option it is not merely credible, but highly probable, that though he may not have talked matters ever with officials of the state department he has talked with some one who can speak with more authori ty than even Secretary Hay. AN APOSTLE OF "GET THERE." Tom L. Johnson has always been known as a hustler, but even his ene mies did not expect him to put such triple expansion energy into his hus tling as he has this week. It was ex pected that he would take office ten days after the election, according to the usual custom. That would have given time for the retiring mayor to sign an ordinance giving away most of Cleveland's water front to a corpora tion. An Injunction temporarily pre vented this action, and by hurrying the election board in the canvass of the vote Mr. Johnson succeeded In get ting his certificate, taking the oath of office, filing his bond and taking pos session of the mayor's desk just thirty seven minutes before the injunction ex pired. That explains come of Johnson's suc cesses as a leader. He knows what he wants and goes as straight to his mark as a Krag-Jorgensen bullet. The public interests will not be sacrificed while he is on hand or anywhere in the neighborhood. And he can be a good way off and still get there in time. TRADE FOLLOWS FLAG FOR THE REASON THAT ARMIES WILL CONSUME. Why Oar Fx port to Asiatic Hare Increased Daring the Tear A Republican 1'aper tentloo to the Matter. Conntrle Past Two CaK At- The Philadelphia North American, an enterprising and outspoken Repub lican paper, editorially says as fol lows: Soldier Blake Blarkets. "The Treasury Department, thru the Bureau of Statistics, deplores the great falling off in exports from the United States to China since the beginning of hostilities. It puts the lo-s at 50 per cent in the last seven months. In prac tically all of the articles other than those required by the troops in the field there has been a marked decrease. the reduction being greatest in these articles which enter into the daily re quirements of the life of the native people. Evidently what is reeded to stimu late trade with China is to send a larger force of American troop3 acros3 the Pacific. Then the volume of export3 from this country will rise rapidly, Consider how commerce with the Phil ippines has grown. Only a few week3 ago the Bureau of Statistics gave out a statement showing how our imports into the Philippines, since 50,000 troops had been stationed in the islands, had Increased nearly tenfold. True, they had risen last year to only $1,650,0C0. of which about one-fifth was represent ed by whisky and beer for the officers and men. and as much more by fodder for animals used In connection with the army, but the per cent increase was most flattering. Of course, if the troops had remained at home the whis ky and beer would not have been con sumed in the Philippines, and our trade with the islands would not have grown so fast in other lines, so that the world would have known nothing about the extent of our business. "The conclusion to be drawn from the Treasury Department's reports on Oriental trade is obviously this: If the Chinese and Malays will not purchase as much from us as we want to sell them we must send armies abroad to compel them to buy. If they still refuse to help build up our foreign trade, our soldiers and the camp followers will be of the greatest assistance in making a favorable report. The Bureau of Sta tistics has proved what an excellent plan it is to export American soldiers to the Philippines to buy American ex ports." ould you call this an eye open er?" If so. shall we open our eyes and look? And what shall we see? We shall see that the doctrine, "trade fol lows the nag, is a delusion and a snare. It is not right to get trade by the sword, and such attempts usually fail, as they should. When such at tempts succeed, the cost is greater than the gain. It does not pay, and it should not pay. On the contrary, our trade has en tered many parts of the world where we would not even think of sending our bayonets, and there our "arts of peace" are winning notable victories. From a military point of view, we are at peace with Great Britain; yet we have gone in her own territory in Africa and built bridges, winning over Brit ish contractors on account of superior skill, more prompt completion of con tract, and lower prices. This is but one illustration of our invasion of British territory, heretofore considered secure to the English Iron-masters. A3 a con sequence, our iron and steel interests are flourishing; but the cruel part of it is that the working men in the Iron districts of England are suffering. The point I wish to show is this: These trade victories have not been won by bayonets, nor have they "followed the flag." They have been won by the arts of peace. Do you see it? This Is only a small part of the story. Our agricultural and other machinery is very extensively used in Germany, Russia and all over Europe all over the world, in fact. Our locomotives, sewing machines, typewriters, etc., are known in every country and every clime. No "following the flag" in this. These trade "expansions" have been going on for a very long time, and are continually increasing, Dut If we beat our tools of the peaceful arts into bayonets and swords, we may expect our extensive ana expanding trade relations to rapidly contract. It is strange that many people don't see anything but the "band-wagon ef fect." With them the band-wagon Is the whole circus; a military dress pa rade is the whole national existence! Let us get over our "band-wagoa days" and our "drum-major days, and in the consciousness of full-fledged facul ties, let us look at facts as they are, and also consider right and justice, as we would wish right and justice for our selves. C. F. Taylor. Philadelphia. OUR TAX BURDEN. Probable appropriations of the Fifty- sixth congress, $1,500,000,000; per cap ita. $20. Money In circulation in the United States Jan. 1. 1901, $2,173,231,- 879; per capita, $23.19. "This simple statement gives a bet ter idea of the wholesale raiding of the treasury by the present congress than a page of figures. It is not exagger ated; indeed the amount of the appro priations is more likely underestimat ed. Bewllderlnc Flffnrea. "Not since the civil war has the per capita of expenditures been so high, and not since the year 1S6S. when the effects of the great sectional struggle had not yet Leen felt at the treasurv. i Las It been half so high. This U re markable, but it is also true. More startling still is the fact that only la three of the four years that that great war lasted did the per capita of ex penditures exceed the present amount, and then, with the exception of 1864, by only a few dollars.. The following table shows the per capita of expendi tures each year from 1837 to 1901, the figures for the last named year beins conservatively estimated: Per Capita Year. Net Expenses. Exp. 1837 $37,243,496.00 $2.33 183S 33,865,059.00 2.10 1839 26,899,123.00 1.62 1840 24,317.579.00 1.42 1841 26,565,873.00 1.51 1842 23,205,761.00 1.33 1843 (6 mo3.) 11,858,075.00 1.27 1844 22.337,571.00 ' 1.16 1845 22,937,408.00 1.15 1846 27.766,923.00 ' 1.35 1847 57,281,412.00 2.71 1843 45,377,225.00 ' 2.03 1849 43.051,657.00 2.01 1S30 39.543.492.00 1.71 1851 47,709,017.00 1.93 1552 44.194.919.00 1.73 1833 43,1S4.111.00 1.83 1854 58,044.82.00 , 1 2.20 1553 59,742,663.00 2.19 1856 C9.371.026.0O " 2.43 1857 67,795.708.00 2.34 1S5S 74,183,270.00 ' 2.43 1859 69,070,977.00 2.25 1860 63.130,598.00 2.01 1861 66.546,645.00 2.03 1862 474.761,819.00 14.52 1S63 714,740.725.00 21.42 1864 863.322.614.00 25.42 1S65 1.297,555.224.00 37.34 1866 520,809,417.00 14.63 1867 357,542,675.00 . 8.87 1868 377.340.2S3.OO 10.21 1S69 322,863,278.00 8.53 1870 309,653,561.00 8.03 1871 292.177,188.00 7.33 1872 277,517.963.00 6.84 1S73 290.345,243.00 C.97 1874 302,633,873.00 " 7.07 1875 274,623,393.00 " 6.25 1S75 265,101,085.00 5.87 1S77 241,334.475.00 " 5.21 1878 236.964.327.00 4.93 1S79 166,947,884.00 5.45 1850 287,642,958.00 ; 5.34 1551 260.712,8S3.00 ' 5.03 1552 257,981,440.00 " 4.91 1883 265,408,138.03 4.91 1884 244,126,244.00 4.44 18S3 260.226,933.00 4.63 1S86 242,483,133.00 4.22 1SS7 267.932.179.00 4.55 1883 267,924,801.0-3 4.45 1S89 299.2SS.978.00 4.S3 1890 318,040,710.00 5.07 1891 365,773.903.33 5.73 1S92 343,023,330.58 5.30 1S93 2S3.477.954.43 5.73 1894 367.325,279.83 " 5.13 1595 356.195,293.29 5.15 1596 332,179,445.03 5.01 1897 365,774.159.57 5.11 1S9S 443,368,582.80 6.07 1S99 603,072,179.83 8.14 1900 487,713,791.71 6.33 1901-1902 est.l, 500,000 ,000.00 20.03 "The appropriations for the fiscal year made by the present congress at its first session was $710,150,862. The regular annual estimates of appropri ations already made for 1902 amount to $743,474,804. Accepting these fig ures the total of appropriations for the Fifty-sixth congress would be $1,453,- 625,666." Philadelphia North Ameri can. How Did Ton Like It ? How does the above story impress you? I do not believe that taxes are necessarily a burden. Taxes usually are, and always should be, the best possible investment that we can make. When we consider that, for the taxes we pay, we get all the difference be tween government and anarchy, we must realize that we get more for the amount we pay In taxes than for any other expenditure. But while all this Is true, we have a right to inquire into the manner in which our money is spent, and we have a right to require a satisfactory accounting. I favor a growing increase in taxa tion if accompanied by a growth in governmental functions that is, gov ernmental service. Just cast your eve down the above table again, and you will see that the notable increases in taxation have been for military pur poses. Military operations are not al ways worth their cosL However, if our postal functions were expanded so as to cover the service now done by the express companies, that kind of expansion" would be worth some thing. Yet it need not cost anything, for if prudently planned and managed it would pay expenses at rates far be low the present express charges. But the express companies have their men in both houses of congress, and they will see that the people do not get that kind of "expansion." They will keep the people amused with the "ex pansion" which is accompanied by martial music, blue uniforms and brass buttons, the waving of flags, etc., but they will see that the people do not get the expansion of governmental functions, which will mean greater daily service to us alL So the tele graph companies will see that we do not get a government telegraph, and the banks will see that the people do not get postal savings banks, and the railroads will see that we do not get government railroads. All this would be fatal to speculation and lucrative investments for the few. The people will decide differently when they knovr enough. Were on the Wroiir Side. Minneapolis Times: Senator Hanna says tne unio elections were nothing but local affairs. Very true, and it is unfortunate Indeed that Mr. H anna's party was so uniformlly on the side that did not suit the people who dii the voting.