MM
Commoner
Extracts From W.
-5-
WATTERSON OX DESTINY".
In a recent issue of the Courier
Journal Mr. Watterson, that quaint
and always interesting journalist, ad
vises his party to raise the white flag
and surrender to the republican party
on the question of imperialism. He
does not announce that he is convinced
of the righteousness of the republican
position, but he excuses himself by as
suming that it is impossible to combat
the forces which seem to be behind the
republican party. He admits that im
perialism is an innovation upon Am
erican principles and antagonistic to
the teachings of the earlier statesmen.
Here are his words:
"Let us say at once that the scheme
of occupying a territory remote from
our borders, of subduing a people alien
to our character and institutions and
of undertaking a system of colonial
government over this territory and
these peoples without their consent
and apparently in opposition to their
will is not merely a serious innova
tion upon the original plan embodied
by the constitution cf the United Stat
es, and contemplated by the authors
cf that confutation, but tbat it is re
pugnant to the prudent counsels de
livered by the wisest of our older
statesmen, to say nothing about the
teaching of history."
After a brief review of the past one
tundred years, he accepts the republi
can doctrine of providence and says:
'"God moves in a mysterious way His
wonders to perform. He made the
Spanish war. He was not less behind
Dewey in Manila than He was behind
Shafter and Sampson and Schley at
Santiago. What wa3 His all-wise pur
pose? We know not. But there we
w-ere and there we are; and nothing
is surer in the future than that we
shall be there a century hence unless
some power turns up strong enough
to drive us out. Instead, therefore, of
discussing the abstraction of imper
ialism, illustrated by the rights and
wrongs of the Philippines. Mr. Bryan
were more profitably engaged in con
sidering how we may best administer
possessions, which, for good or for
evil, are with us to stay."
It will be noticed that he adopts the
republican theory that God is respon
sible for what we have done; that it
is a matter of destiny, and that we
are being swept along by influences
over which we have no control.
The d&ctrine enunciated by the re
publicans since the Spanish war. and
now indorsed by so great an editor as
Mr. Watterson. is not only dangerous,
but it is immoral. It is politically dan
gerous because it encourages the re
publican party to shirk responsibility
for its sins and shield itself behind the
pretense that it is working out the
will of the Almighty; and it is immoral
because it obliterates the distinction
between right and wrong. The repub
lican argument is built upon the theo
ry that wrong done upon a large scale
loses its evil character, and becomes
an integral part of God s plan. It is in
keeping with the tendency to call an
embezzler a Napoleon of finance, pro
Tided the amount embezzled is large.
Mr. Watterson has not in the past
been in the habit of defending his po
sition with the philosophy which he
now employs. In former years he wa3
known a3 the special champion of "the
star-eyed Goddess of Reform." When
the democratic party went down to de
feat, as it often did. he did not say:
"God moves in a mysterious way His
wonders to perform. He made protec
tion and the republican party, and,
therefore, we must bow to both." On
the contrary, he raised the democratic
banner aloft and appealed time and
again to the intelligence of the Ameri
can people. Neither has he been In the
habit of excusing the crimes of indi
viduals by attributing them to divine
inspiration. When Governor Goebel
was assassinated Mr. Watterson did
not say: "God moves in a mysterious
way Hi3 wonders to perform; He
prompted the assassin to kill! We
cannot understand Hi3 all-wise pur
pose, but there we were, and here we
are, and there Is nothing to be done
about it"
iLsteod, he insisted that a murder
had 1 een committed and that the guil
ty should l-e brought to justice.
When the Louisville and Nashville
railroad entered the arena oi '.olitics.
ar.d Logan its work of corruption and
intimidation, Mr. Watterson did Jiot
s j" "OJod "fcoves in a mys:.-o'i3 v.iy
His wondera to perform. This rail
road company has sprung into exist
ence and must be carrying out the pur
poses of an all-wise Ruler."
Far from it! He insisted that the
railroad should keep cut of politics:
and attend to the business for which it
wa3 organized.
There is no more reason for throw
ing upon the Almighty the responsi
bility for a war of conquest, and for an
Imperial policy which burdens our na
tion with a large army and suppresses
the aspirations of distant peoples for
self-govarnment than there is to blame
Him because one individual chooses to
kill another, or because a great cor
poration attempts to control a state
government.
Questions must be decided by the ap
plication of fixed and immutable prin
ciples. JefTerson said: "I know of but
one code of morality for men. whether
acting singly or collectively;" and
Franklin expressed the same idea,
only in different language, when he
said: "Justice is as strictly due be
tween neighbor nations as between
neighbor citizens. The highwayman is
as much a robber where he plunders in
a gang as when single, and the nation
that wages an unjust war is only a
great gang."
Perhaps the Suitan of Turkey will
agree to pay that flCO.000 on the day
the administration keeps its promise
to Cuba.
Attorney General Knox received his
appointment because he was just the
man to see that the trusts received ex
act justice according to the trust idea
of justice.
Those New York "Insurgents"
should not prematurely rejoice over
the Odelling of Uncle Tom Piatt.
Thomas is quite a hand at enjoying
the last laugh in matters of thi3 kind.
Comment
J. Bryan's Paper.
If Jefferson and Franklin were right,
how can we delude ourselves with the
doctrine of destiny which is being de
veloped now?
Yielding to a bad principle because
it seems triumphant is simply an easy
method of avoiding labor and sacrifice.
It is a complacent but unsound phil
osophy, which teaches compromise
with wrong merely because the enemy
is strongly entrenched.
No one has a right to assume that
error will be permanently victorious.
If some of our citizens condemn small
crimes, but seem inclined to condone
grand larceny and killing on a large
scale, Mr. Watterson should remem
ber hi3 lecture on morals and point
out to the deluded ones that a nation
can, no more than an individual, avoid
the consequences of transgression. If
he believed the authors of the consti
tution and "the wisest of our states
men" wiong he would be Justified in
repudiating their counsels, but believ
ing them right it is surprising that he
should be carried away by the brutal
and barbarous doctrine upon which
empires are built. His influence might
help to restore American ideals; he
cannot afford to aid in their overthrow.
The position of Mr. Watterson would
be untenable, even if the issue of im,
perialism had been the only issue pre
sented last fall and the people had de
liberately indorsed the republican pol
icy. Suppose the campaign of 1900 had
been fought with no otter question be
fore the people, even then it would
still be the duty of those who are con
scientiously opposed to imperialism to
continue the discussion, with the hope
of convincing a majority of the people.
But, as a matter of fact, there were a
number of issues in the campaign.
While imperialism was declared ty the
democratic convention to be para
mount, every one knows that other
questions entered Into the contest, and
it is also well known that the republi
can party constantly denied that it had
ary thought of attackirg fundamental
principles, or of converting a republic
into an empire. The indictment
brought against the republican party
was so severe that a great many re
fused to believe the party crpable of
such intentions as were charged.
Then. too. the republicans sought
covr behind the fact that a war was in
progress. They circulated misleading
reports from the Philippine islands.
and declared that the lives of Ameri
can soldiers were Imperiled by the fact
that the democrats were criticising the
administration.
What the democratic party needs i3
not advice to surrendei. but coiirag?
to resist the attacks which are being
made upon American doctrines and
democratic principles.
The campaign cf lSf6 vras the first
one in recent years when there was a
radical issue between the parties. The
republican party pretended to want in
ternational bimetallism, when it really
wanted the gold standard. It won its
victoiy under the cover of interna
tional bimetallism and as soon as the
election was over, threw o'J t?c ma;k
and came cut for the gold Etandard
Many of the democratic papers which
had supported the ticket, and all of the
democratic papers which had deserted
the party in that year, counseled the
party to accept a decision, won by
fraud, as conclusive of the question.
And for four years the leading demo
cratic dailies gave no assistance what
ever to the democratic party in its
fiht against the money power.
In the campaign of 1900 the repub
lican party practiced another fraud
upon the people on the subejet of im
perialism, and now Mr. Watterson and
a few other democratic editors advise
the acceptance of the republican posi
tion on that question.
On the trust question the republican
party also practiced deception, and
some of our democratic papers seem
willing to concede the triumph of the
trust principle.
Nothing is to be gained from a party
standpoint, and everything is to be lost
from the standpoint of principle by
Mr. Watterson's method of dealing
with the questions at issue. He ex
pects the democratic party to indorse
the colonial system, and then promise
to send better carpet-baggers to Ma
nila than the republicans have sent.
Such a course would make our party
a laughing stock.
No party i3 good enough to admin
ister a colonial system honestly and
for the benefit of the subjects. A na
tion that is selfish enough to want a
colony is too selfish to do justice by it.
and a party demobilized enough to in
dorse a colonial system would be im
potent to administer it satisfactorily.
The Commoner is pained to see "?o
able and brilliant an editor as Mr.
Watterson rnconsciously lend his in
fluence to the republican party. Far
better that hi3 voice should command
a charge upon the republican strong
holds than 'that it should call a retreat
in the midst of a battle which must de
termine, not only the fate of this re
public, but the fate of all republics
lor years to come.
The St. Louis Chronicle is charging
that Mayor Wells was elected by fraud.
This is adding insult to injury. To
run seventeen thousand votes behind
the national ticket and then owe his
election to republican votes is bad
enough, without having a suspicion
cast upon his title.
One of the most humorous remarks
of the decade is the one to the effect
that Philander Knox sacrifices a pri
vate income of $50,000 a year as attor
ney for the Carnegie interests to ac
cept an $S,000 position in the presi
dent's cabinet.
Caesar had bis Brutus. Charles his
Cromwell, and McKinley has Just given
a Rodenberg tc the civil service.
The discovery of a new island in the
Philippine group would tend to make
Mr. John A. T. Hull favor a special
session of congress for concession in
suring purposes.
If "La Discussion," the Havana
newspaper which was suppressed,
would change its name to "Division
and Silence" it might secure a new
lease of life. Discussion is not popular
in an empire.
THE RAILROAD TEUST
PREPARING THE WAY FOR
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP.
Tie Day Will Come When the People
Will See the Light Public Ownership
of Public Franchise The CapUilUatlon
of the Combines.
The story about the new company to
control all the railroads of the United
States may or may not be true. If it
Is not true today it will be tomorrow.
It i3 merely the last, inevitable step in
a process that has been going on stead
ily since our railroad system began
and that has been making more rapid
progress in the past few months than
ever before.
If Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. Mr. Will
iam K. Yaaderbilt, Mr. James J. Hill,
Mr. Edward D. Harriman, Mr. George
J. Gould, Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Mr.
Jacob H. Schiff and Mr. James Still
man, who have been named as the au
thors of this scheme, should under
take to control all the railroads of the
United Stales, they could do it with
out any trouole. The only question is
whether they think the time has yet
come to take the step.
The railroad system of the United
States was capitalized last year at
twelve billion one hundred and sixty
five million three hundred and twenty
seven thousand eight hundred and forty-nine
dollars.
That is over twelve times the bonded
national debt of the United States.
It is four times the debt of Great
Britain.
It is equal to the capital of a dozen
Billion Dollar Trusts.
It represents over a hundred and
twenty of the Hundred Million Dollar
Trusts that were considered the mons
ters of finance a few years ago.
But the railroads are not so unman
ageable when they are approached by
the right men in the right way. Of
their total capitalization the stock rep
resents only $5.742,1S1.1S1. of which a
majority, giving a controlling interest,
would amount to less than $2,875,000,
000. As many railroad stocks are sell
ing far below par it is probable that a
majority could be bought for $2,000,
000.000. But it is not necessary for Mr. Mor
gan, Mr. Rockefeller and their asso
ciates to own a majority of the stock.
When the late Cornelius Yanderbilt
died it was found that he owned less
than one per cent of the stock of the
New York Central, the typical "Yan
derbilt road." With $300,000,000 in cash,
their skill in manipulation and their
control tf banks, industrial enterprises
and financial agencies of all sorts, the
members of the proposed syndicate
would have no trouble in securing the
mastery of every railroad in the coun
try. When the Universal Railroad Trust
comes, whether today, tomorrow or
nest week, it will handle revenues
more than twice as great as those of
the national government and employ
ten times as many men as the United
States keeps in its army on a war foot
ing. And then the American'3 policy
"Public Ownership of Public Fran
chises" will be the central issue of
practical politics.
LET US BUY MOOSE BY ALL
MEANS.
The state of New York, at the public
expense, proposes to buy a hundred
head of moose and turn them loose in
the Adirondacks.
Moose used to be plentiful in the Ad
irondacks. When Thoma3 Jefferson
was in Paris, more than a hundred
years ago, he sent for a moose skele
ton to prove to French naturalists that
we had big animals on this continent.
The naturalists had asserted that it
was an inferior continent because it
bad no big animals.
Now our prosperous sportsmen have
killed off all the moose in the Adiron
dack region it is proposed to get more
and turn them out among the trees.
This seems to us a splendid and truly
republican idea. One rich man in the
Adirondacks owns seventy-five thou
sand acres and another owns one hun
dred thousand acres. They often in
vite their friends up there to shoot,
and it is absolutely humiliating to
have those friends walk around all
day and never get a single moose.
The moose that are to be bought at
public expense are to be brought from
Canada and the Rocky Mountains, and
it will probably not cost more than
a hundred thousand dollars to land
them in the Adirondacks.
It is impossible to estimate the pleas
ure, ozone and wholesome exercise
that a dozen or more prosperous men
will get by walking through the woods
and killing these moose after they are
turned adrift.
In a country like this, where we are
so liberal with our public schools,
where every child can find playgrounds
near its house, where every mother
receives care when ill, it seems only
reasonable tc purchase moose at the
public expense for the gentlemen who
own a hundred thousand acres of Ad
irondack land. Doubtless Governor
Odell cf New York will hasten to ap
prove this moose idea.
STORV OF THE ASPHALT WAR.
According to a Washington corre
spondent the trouble between the
United States and Venezuela grows out
of the dispute between two American
asphalt companies and out of nothing
else. Even the arrest and Imprison
ment of the American consular agent
in the asphalt state of Bermudez arises
out of that dispute.
The story is, In short, that what i3
known as the asphalt trust acquired
certain right? la the tephalt lake on
the island of Trinidad from one Ho
ratio R. Hamilton, who obtained a
concession from the Venezuelan gov
ernment near the end of 18SS. These
rights, as claimed by the trust, are so
sweeping as to amount to a monopoly
of all the asphalt deposits in the state
of Bermudez.
But in 1S97 some Venezuelans
claimed to have discovered new depos
its in Bermudez, and some two years
later sold out their claims to certain
persons in Syracuse, N. Y. These per
sons secured a concession from the
new president of Venezuela, who be
came president In the usual Spanish
American way, and proceeded to take
possession. The trust resisted, the
Venezuelan government sustained the
Syracuse concessionaires and the two
companies have been quarreling vio
lently ever since. The Venezuelan gov
ernment has resented the interference
of the American minister and consular
agents, who seem to have espoused the
cause of the trust unreservedly.
The trust relies upon a clause in the
concession to Hamilton which stipu
lates that it "shall remain in force for
twenty-five years, commencing from
this date, Dec. 7, 1SSS, and during that
time the government shall not grant
equal rights in the state of Bermudez
to any other person." The trust
claims that the present government
has assumed to grant "equal rights"
to the Syracuse company, and has
therefore violated the stipulation quot
ed.
According to thi3 story the conten
tion of the trust may be correct. That,
however, is a matter to be settled by
tne courts of enezuela and not by the
American minister to that country nor
by the state department in Washing
ton, much less by the parties to the
dispute.
It is interesting to note that accord
ing to the account given by Mr. Curtis
the trust is fighting for nothing but
the exclusive right until about 1914 to
take asphalt from a deposit which is
apparently inexhaustible.
The statement is made that the as
phalt comes up boiliiig in the Trini
dad lake and that what is taken out is
quickly replaced from the interior
source of supply. It cannot be con
tended, therefore, that the operations
of the Syracuse company would dimin
ish the supply from which the trust is
drawing. The latter is making its
fight not to prevent encroachment on
its supply, but to keep another com
pany from competing with it in sup
plying the markets with asphalt.
Our representatives in Venezuela
have evidently been taking sides with
monopoly in a matter which should be
settled in the courts.
THE MORGAN CANAL STORY.
State department officials are said to
-make a "sweeping denial" of the state
ment that J. Pierpont Morgan has been
in consultation with the powers that be
in Washington about the completion
of the Panama canal by private enter
prise. Nevertheless the statement is reiter
ated in Its essential features. It is said
that while it is unquestionably true
that M Morgan has made no overtures
to that department he has talked with
the president in his private office at
the white house and informed him that
if his assistance and that of congres3
can be assured the project will not cost
the United States a dollar.
Furthermore, we are assured that
even the state department has prac
tically admitted that it Is in possession
of information that Mr. Morgan and
Lis associates are in a position to take
immediate possession of the Panama
canal anc proceed with the work. Yet
it denies that he has made any over
tures for the purpose of securing the
aid of the government in carrying out
the enterprise.
If Mr. Morgan and his associates
have an "option," as the state depart
ment is said to admit, we may depend
on it he has some business to transact
with the government of the United
States. He has the option with a view
to taking possession until he knows
what th? government is going to do. He
will want to know, first, whether the
government is determined to construct
a canal at its own expense, for we are
not to suppose that he Intends to go
ahead anyhow and take the risk of
having a government canal to compete
against.
If, then, he has the option it is not
merely credible, but highly probable,
that though he may not have talked
matters ever with officials of the state
department he has talked with some
one who can speak with more authori
ty than even Secretary Hay.
AN APOSTLE OF "GET THERE."
Tom L. Johnson has always been
known as a hustler, but even his ene
mies did not expect him to put such
triple expansion energy into his hus
tling as he has this week. It was ex
pected that he would take office ten
days after the election, according to
the usual custom. That would have
given time for the retiring mayor to
sign an ordinance giving away most of
Cleveland's water front to a corpora
tion. An Injunction temporarily pre
vented this action, and by hurrying
the election board in the canvass of
the vote Mr. Johnson succeeded In get
ting his certificate, taking the oath of
office, filing his bond and taking pos
session of the mayor's desk just thirty
seven minutes before the injunction ex
pired. That explains come of Johnson's suc
cesses as a leader. He knows what
he wants and goes as straight to his
mark as a Krag-Jorgensen bullet. The
public interests will not be sacrificed
while he is on hand or anywhere in
the neighborhood. And he can be a
good way off and still get there in time.
TRADE FOLLOWS FLAG
FOR THE REASON THAT ARMIES
WILL CONSUME.
Why Oar Fx port to Asiatic
Hare Increased Daring the
Tear A Republican 1'aper
tentloo to the Matter.
Conntrle
Past Two
CaK At-
The Philadelphia North American,
an enterprising and outspoken Repub
lican paper, editorially says as fol
lows:
Soldier Blake Blarkets.
"The Treasury Department, thru the
Bureau of Statistics, deplores the great
falling off in exports from the United
States to China since the beginning of
hostilities. It puts the lo-s at 50 per
cent in the last seven months. In prac
tically all of the articles other than
those required by the troops in the
field there has been a marked decrease.
the reduction being greatest in these
articles which enter into the daily re
quirements of the life of the native
people.
Evidently what is reeded to stimu
late trade with China is to send a larger
force of American troop3 acros3 the
Pacific. Then the volume of export3
from this country will rise rapidly,
Consider how commerce with the Phil
ippines has grown. Only a few week3
ago the Bureau of Statistics gave out
a statement showing how our imports
into the Philippines, since 50,000 troops
had been stationed in the islands, had
Increased nearly tenfold. True, they
had risen last year to only $1,650,0C0.
of which about one-fifth was represent
ed by whisky and beer for the officers
and men. and as much more by fodder
for animals used In connection with
the army, but the per cent increase
was most flattering. Of course, if the
troops had remained at home the whis
ky and beer would not have been con
sumed in the Philippines, and our trade
with the islands would not have grown
so fast in other lines, so that the world
would have known nothing about the
extent of our business.
"The conclusion to be drawn from
the Treasury Department's reports on
Oriental trade is obviously this: If the
Chinese and Malays will not purchase as
much from us as we want to sell them
we must send armies abroad to compel
them to buy. If they still refuse to
help build up our foreign trade, our
soldiers and the camp followers will be
of the greatest assistance in making a
favorable report. The Bureau of Sta
tistics has proved what an excellent
plan it is to export American soldiers
to the Philippines to buy American ex
ports."
ould you call this an eye open
er?" If so. shall we open our eyes
and look? And what shall we see? We
shall see that the doctrine, "trade fol
lows the nag, is a delusion and a
snare. It is not right to get trade by
the sword, and such attempts usually
fail, as they should. When such at
tempts succeed, the cost is greater than
the gain. It does not pay, and it should
not pay.
On the contrary, our trade has en
tered many parts of the world where
we would not even think of sending our
bayonets, and there our "arts of peace"
are winning notable victories. From
a military point of view, we are at
peace with Great Britain; yet we have
gone in her own territory in Africa
and built bridges, winning over Brit
ish contractors on account of superior
skill, more prompt completion of con
tract, and lower prices. This is but one
illustration of our invasion of British
territory, heretofore considered secure
to the English Iron-masters. A3 a con
sequence, our iron and steel interests
are flourishing; but the cruel part of
it is that the working men in the Iron
districts of England are suffering. The
point I wish to show is this: These
trade victories have not been won by
bayonets, nor have they "followed the
flag." They have been won by the arts
of peace. Do you see it?
This Is only a small part of the story.
Our agricultural and other machinery
is very extensively used in Germany,
Russia and all over Europe all over
the world, in fact. Our locomotives,
sewing machines, typewriters, etc., are
known in every country and every
clime. No "following the flag" in this.
These trade "expansions" have been
going on for a very long time, and
are continually increasing, Dut If we
beat our tools of the peaceful arts into
bayonets and swords, we may expect
our extensive ana expanding trade
relations to rapidly contract.
It is strange that many people don't
see anything but the "band-wagon ef
fect." With them the band-wagon Is
the whole circus; a military dress pa
rade is the whole national existence!
Let us get over our "band-wagoa days"
and our "drum-major days, and in
the consciousness of full-fledged facul
ties, let us look at facts as they are,
and also consider right and justice, as
we would wish right and justice for
our selves. C. F. Taylor. Philadelphia.
OUR TAX BURDEN.
Probable appropriations of the Fifty-
sixth congress, $1,500,000,000; per cap
ita. $20. Money In circulation in the
United States Jan. 1. 1901, $2,173,231,-
879; per capita, $23.19.
"This simple statement gives a bet
ter idea of the wholesale raiding of the
treasury by the present congress than
a page of figures. It is not exagger
ated; indeed the amount of the appro
priations is more likely underestimat
ed.
Bewllderlnc Flffnrea.
"Not since the civil war has the per
capita of expenditures been so high,
and not since the year 1S6S. when the
effects of the great sectional struggle
had not yet Leen felt at the treasurv. i
Las It been half so high. This U re
markable, but it is also true. More
startling still is the fact that only la
three of the four years that that great
war lasted did the per capita of ex
penditures exceed the present amount,
and then, with the exception of 1864,
by only a few dollars.. The following
table shows the per capita of expendi
tures each year from 1837 to 1901, the
figures for the last named year beins
conservatively estimated:
Per Capita
Year. Net Expenses. Exp.
1837 $37,243,496.00 $2.33
183S 33,865,059.00 2.10
1839 26,899,123.00 1.62
1840 24,317.579.00 1.42
1841 26,565,873.00 1.51
1842 23,205,761.00 1.33
1843 (6 mo3.) 11,858,075.00 1.27
1844 22.337,571.00 ' 1.16
1845 22,937,408.00 1.15
1846 27.766,923.00 ' 1.35
1847 57,281,412.00 2.71
1843 45,377,225.00 ' 2.03
1849 43.051,657.00 2.01
1S30 39.543.492.00 1.71
1851 47,709,017.00 1.93
1552 44.194.919.00 1.73
1833 43,1S4.111.00 1.83
1854 58,044.82.00 , 1 2.20
1553 59,742,663.00 2.19
1856 C9.371.026.0O " 2.43
1857 67,795.708.00 2.34
1S5S 74,183,270.00 ' 2.43
1859 69,070,977.00 2.25
1860 63.130,598.00 2.01
1861 66.546,645.00 2.03
1862 474.761,819.00 14.52
1S63 714,740.725.00 21.42
1864 863.322.614.00 25.42
1S65 1.297,555.224.00 37.34
1866 520,809,417.00 14.63
1867 357,542,675.00 . 8.87
1868 377.340.2S3.OO 10.21
1S69 322,863,278.00 8.53
1870 309,653,561.00 8.03
1871 292.177,188.00 7.33
1872 277,517.963.00 6.84
1S73 290.345,243.00 C.97
1874 302,633,873.00 " 7.07
1875 274,623,393.00 " 6.25
1S75 265,101,085.00 5.87
1S77 241,334.475.00 " 5.21
1878 236.964.327.00 4.93
1S79 166,947,884.00 5.45
1850 287,642,958.00 ; 5.34
1551 260.712,8S3.00 ' 5.03
1552 257,981,440.00 " 4.91
1883 265,408,138.03 4.91
1884 244,126,244.00 4.44
18S3 260.226,933.00 4.63
1S86 242,483,133.00 4.22
1SS7 267.932.179.00 4.55
1883 267,924,801.0-3 4.45
1S89 299.2SS.978.00 4.S3
1890 318,040,710.00 5.07
1891 365,773.903.33 5.73
1S92 343,023,330.58 5.30
1S93 2S3.477.954.43 5.73
1894 367.325,279.83 " 5.13
1595 356.195,293.29 5.15
1596 332,179,445.03 5.01
1897 365,774.159.57 5.11
1S9S 443,368,582.80 6.07
1S99 603,072,179.83 8.14
1900 487,713,791.71 6.33
1901-1902 est.l, 500,000 ,000.00 20.03
"The appropriations for the fiscal
year made by the present congress at
its first session was $710,150,862. The
regular annual estimates of appropri
ations already made for 1902 amount
to $743,474,804. Accepting these fig
ures the total of appropriations for the
Fifty-sixth congress would be $1,453,-
625,666." Philadelphia North Ameri
can.
How Did Ton Like It ?
How does the above story impress
you? I do not believe that taxes are
necessarily a burden. Taxes usually
are, and always should be, the best
possible investment that we can make.
When we consider that, for the taxes
we pay, we get all the difference be
tween government and anarchy, we
must realize that we get more for the
amount we pay In taxes than for any
other expenditure. But while all this
Is true, we have a right to inquire into
the manner in which our money is
spent, and we have a right to require
a satisfactory accounting.
I favor a growing increase in taxa
tion if accompanied by a growth in
governmental functions that is, gov
ernmental service. Just cast your eve
down the above table again, and you
will see that the notable increases in
taxation have been for military pur
poses. Military operations are not al
ways worth their cosL However, if
our postal functions were expanded so
as to cover the service now done by
the express companies, that kind of
expansion" would be worth some
thing. Yet it need not cost anything,
for if prudently planned and managed
it would pay expenses at rates far be
low the present express charges. But
the express companies have their men
in both houses of congress, and they
will see that the people do not get
that kind of "expansion." They will
keep the people amused with the "ex
pansion" which is accompanied by
martial music, blue uniforms and brass
buttons, the waving of flags, etc., but
they will see that the people do not
get the expansion of governmental
functions, which will mean greater
daily service to us alL So the tele
graph companies will see that we do
not get a government telegraph, and
the banks will see that the people do
not get postal savings banks, and the
railroads will see that we do not get
government railroads. All this would
be fatal to speculation and lucrative
investments for the few. The people
will decide differently when they knovr
enough.
Were on the Wroiir Side.
Minneapolis Times: Senator Hanna
says tne unio elections were nothing
but local affairs. Very true, and it is
unfortunate Indeed that Mr. H anna's
party was so uniformlly on the side
that did not suit the people who dii
the voting.