The Plattsmouth Journal
DAILY AMD WEEKLY.
C. W. SHERMAN. Editor.
TERMS FOR DAILY.
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WEEKLY JOURNAL.
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Published every Thursday. Payable in advance
Entered at the postoffice at PUttsinouth, Ne
braska, as second-class matter.
Official County Paper.
It ia gratifyiDg to know that Sena
tor Brice of New York and Ohio is en
tirely satisfied with the tariff bill as
passed. It is even more gratifying to
reflect upon the liberal sum he will be
required to pay annually for the sup
port of the government under the in
come tax clause which be and his sena
torial associates could not eliminate.
"Tnn democrats have built a sugar
trough for the sugar trust which will
cost 560,000.000 per year and $6,000,000
far repairs." Chicago Inter-Ocean.
And yet President Havemeyer, of
the sitgar trust, states that the trust
preferred the McKinley law, for the
reason that it gave that octopus a
higher tariff. The new bill reduces
the sugar tariff about 20 per cent. On
the Inter-Oceans representation the
"trough" built by the republicans cost
upwards of $75,000,000. The Inter
Ocean seems to believe that a crime
grows more serious as it grows smaller.
Secretary of Agriculture J.
Stsklino Morton is making a grand
stand play for popularity in returning
to the national treasury some 1500,000
of the appropriation made by congress
to cover the expenses of his depart
ment during the fiscal year which
ended June 30. Mr. Morton, having
lost caste as a professional farmers'
friend, is now trying to pose as the
great economist of the administration
and thereby recover strength in Ne
braska. But it won't do. The farm
ers would rather be had expended his
whole appropriation in the prosecution
of agricultural experiments, and, be
sides, Bryan's too firmly seated in Ne
braska now to be displaced by bis an
cient enemy.
William J. Bryan has accepted the
call of the executive committee of the
democratic state silver league and will
make the race for United States sen
ator. Now let Mr. Martin call his
blessed old convention for next Christ
mas if he wants to, for he can't hurt
the Nebraska democrats any more.
We are going to have the liveliestcam
paign and the biggest mass meetings
ever seen west cf the Mississippi.
Bryan is in the race for kees and the
people are going to elect him. His let
ter announcing himself as a candidate
is hailed by the common people with
applause, and the enthusiasm will in
crease until the very last day of the
campaigu. The next legislature will
be elected on this issue and free silver
democrats. Populists and liberal re
publicans will all unite to see that that
legislature is almost unanimous for the
great tribune of the people. The
democrats can go into this fight now
with some hope and some soul. We
have a leader that we can trust and in
whom we have unbounded faith, and
as sure as God lives, Nebraska will be
redeemed this year. Central City
Democrat.
The free-Bugar bill sent to the sen
ate by the democrats of the house will
give the republicans an excellent
chance to demonstrate that their loud
clamor for free sugar was not raised
merely to put the democrats in a hole.
So narrow is the democratic majority
in the senate, and so hampered by local
duties, that democrats alone cannot
make the measure a law. But if the
republicans, who profess such devotion
to the cause of untaxed sugar, come to
the aid of the loyal democrats the
measure will be passed easily and the
sugar trust will be deprived of that un
earned profit of $40,000,000 which its
promoters are counting upon with such
avidity. A patriotic responsibility now
rests on the republican senators. They
have it in their power to secure for the
people untaxed sugar, a boon which the
republican press has loudly claimed as
the chief virtue of the McKinley law.
It for partisan reasons they accom
plish the defeat of the free-sugar bill
the responsibility will rest upon the re
publican party. Struggling against ad
verse conditions, the true democrats
have done their best to relieve the peo
ple of the burden of paying a tax upon
sugar. If their efforts are thwarted
because republicans will support bo
free-sugar bill which does not originate
la their own party, the people will
know where to lay the blame.
A BOOMERANG.
If one were to judge by the tone of
the editorials in the Lincoln Journal,
in its criticism ol Mr. Bryan's sena
torial announcement the whole subject
is one of the sheerest sort of levity,
and the effort ia made to cast ridicule
upon him and his principles. It occurs
to me that thia is a strong weapon if it
is used effectively, but it takes a man
of some brains and discretion to use
a weapon so that it does not come back
as a boomerang. And this is just
what the Journal's clumsy effort has
accomplished. If its ridicule had been
confined to the subject of its attack
Mr. Bryan its shafts might have been
effective; but unfortunately for the at
tacking party his shots were aimed not
at him, but at the piinciples enun
ciated. For instance, its first and
most severe blow whs made at his
adoption of the declarative principles
of the Declaration of Independence, as
follows:
'The first part of his pint form Is the Declara
tion of Independence, which the embryotic
(senator Informs us was the work of the great
and good Thomas Jefferson. This Is to teach ns
that if Mr. Bryan is elected to the senate he will
proclaim the independence of the united colon
ies of King George III, and all his measly sat
tellltes. The Journal would like see this a little
more definite. A declaration of detianceagalnst
the t'obden club and British free trade would
have been more appropriate to the occasion.
However, the Declaration of Independence Is
too old to be sneered at, and Mr. Bryan is
cheerfully conceeded the privilege and glory of
standing on It with both feet." Lincoln Jour
nal Aug-7.
In reading this one is lead to think
of that phrase from Shakespeare, "the
lady protests too much, me thinks,"
and the attempt to ridicule Mr. Bryan
is really a sneer at the declaration it
self. Wonder if that writer ever knew
that this same portion of the Declara
tion of Independence was made a part
of the first two national platforms of
the republican party V Yet, whether
be knew it or not, such is the fact, and
that is not all. My attention has
been called to the fact by an old gen
tleman who was a member of the
republican national convention of 1SG0,
at Chicago, which nominated Abraham
Lincoln for president, that it was over
the adoption of that clause in the plat
form that the most dramatic incident
of the convention occurred. This gen
tleman alsr furnished a copy of
Scribner's magazine for November,
1393, which contains a graphic sketch
of the chief events of the convention,
written by Isaac II. Bromley, who was
a reporter for an eastern newspaper at
the convention. The folio wing extract
is taken from Mr. Bromley's account,
which is entitled "Historic Mo
ments:" "The committee had done its wrk
well. It made it its chief pupose to de
fine, with absolute clearness, the atti
tude of the party on the issue of the
hour, so that by no ingenuity of sop
histry could it be held responsible for
John Brown or any invasion of states
rights, or desire to interfere with
slavery in its existing limits. This
was made clear. The party stood op
posed, not to slavery, but to slavery
extension. All other issues were
treated as subordinate or unimportant.
The reading was iuterruped with
cheering at some passages. As it
ceased there was a pause of a very few
seconds. The instinct of a convention
at such moments finds expression in
the call for the previous question to
shut off debate and all risks of wrang
ling. Carter, of Ohio, was on his leet
in an instant, and moved it with a
stutter. But it's a dangerous thing to
undertake if it has the appearance of
choking anybody off who ia of conse
quence. Mr. Giddings was not entire
ly satisfied with the report had an
amendment to offer, lie appealed
to his colleague with great solemnity
to withdraw the call, to which Carter
answered, somewhat curtly: "I did it
to cut you off and all other amend
ments and all discussion." The con
vention was not with him by an over
whelming majoiity the previous ques
tion was voted down. It was but a
short triumph for Giddings, however.
His amendment, which was simply a
reassertion of the"self-evidenttruths"
of the Declaration of Independence,
tucked in after the first resolution,was
voted down in spite of the old man's
almost tearful appeal. It was in the
first platform of the party, he said; the
party bad grown up on that idea, and
to leave it out would be cowardly
abandonment of first principles. But
the convention shied at it. It might
be construed as taking ground again
slavery per se, when the purpose was
only to oppose its extension. It would
lose votes. Down it went."
And then think of it this old man,
who had devoted almost his whole life
to the fight against slavery, with never,
up to the birth of this party, the slight
est hope of doing anything but talk in
a vague, scolding way against it, rose
up and started for the door, because
his whim had been disregarded. His
amendment, afterward adopted, made
no difference, and his going out would
have made none, but that, with what
followed, constituted the dramatic
episode of the day, and ia so remem
bered. I shall take leave to say that
the Giddings part of it was childish and
that the convention itself was truly
great when, a little later, it humored
his weakness, and, with a tender con
sideration for his years of faithful ser
vice and conscientious devotion to
principle, not often seen in such bodies,
retraced its steps. The report being
open for debate by the defeat
of the previous question, two or
three attempts to amend were made,
and more or less eloquence was ex
pended in discussing them. But with
a general notion that the work of the
committee could not be improved, all
were voted down, until George V. Cur
tis rose and offered anew the Giddiugs
amendment. The report had been
safely steered through all difficulties
and left intact, and there was Jess dis
position than ever to amend it, f r the
discussion had lasted all day and the
people were tired. There was n mur
mur of disapprobation, and the point
of order was raised that the amend
ment had been once voted down, which
the chair at first sustained. Upon the
explanation, which was only an eva
sion, that the amendment was now of
fered to the 6econd, instead of the first
clause of the resolutions, it was pro
nounced in order. Then Curtis made
a speech of about three minutes. Not
a word was wasted. There was such
earnestness in his manner, such pathos
of entreaty in his tone, that the audi
ence stretched out and listened to him
as it had listened to no one before.
When he said, "I have to ask this con
ventiou whether they are prepared to
go upon the record and before the
country as voting down the words of
the Declaration of Independence?"
cries of "no, no" came from all over
the house. "I nse,"he said in closing,
"simply to ask gentlemen to think well
before, upon the free prairies of the
west, in the summer of 1S60, they dare
to wince and quail before the assertions
of the men in Philadelphia in 177G be
fore they dare to shrink from repeat
ing the words that those great men
enunciated." The convention went
off its feet. Without another word the
amendment was adopted, with scarcely
a dissenting voice, amid applause that
shook the wigwam. The brief speech
of Curtis' was, next to the nominations
themselves, the feature of the proceed
ings around which most interest cen
tered; it was high-water mark.
Perhaps the Lincoln Journal writer,
had he lived at that time, would have
discovered something ridiculous in the
adoption of that plank by the repub
lican party; but whether he admits it
or not, there is a singular parallel be
tween the republican party at that
time and Mr. Bryan's attitude now.
The republican party was then in its
youth and purity of purpose, having the
welfare of the people at heart. Its chief
object was to protect the masses from
the oppressions of wealth aud power.
Like its chosen leader, it stood for the
good of the common people, and prided
itself that it was the champion of the
"greasy mechanic" and the "filthy
operative." Hence it3 adoption of the
declaration as a part of its fundamental
doctrine. Its leaders were not ashamed
of their homely truth?, as the Journal
editor is now. It is worthy of note
that thepe doctrines tit like cogs in a
wheel into Mr. Bryan's platform, and
are apparently its inspiration and
guide. The guns of the satirist of the
Journal should be aimed at the fathers
of the republican party, rather than at
Mr. Bryan, who has unwittingly (and
probably the same motive) followed in
the train of the republican party's first
example, in the adoption of the founda
tion of his political views. The Jour
nal writer should read history before
he opens his batteries of ridicule, as
otherwise the are apt to be turned
against him. C. W. S.
FIKST Itl.OOD KO It Hit VAN.
Chicago Times
The Hon. William Jennings Bryan
has been notably victorious in the first
skirmish preceding the fight for the
democratic nomination for senator
from Nebraska. The holding of the
primaries in the city of Lincoln for the
selection of the delegates to the Lan
caster county convention, which is in
its turn to choose delegates to the
state convention, was made the occa
sion of a hard fight on the part of the
party leaders opposed to Mr. Bryan,
who exerted every energy in an effort
to control the ptimaries and thus se
cure the election of anti-Bryan dele
gates from the young congressman's
own town. Mr. Bryan was not on the
grounds himself, and his opponents,
marshaled by National Committeeman
Castor, United States Attorney Saw
yer, Bauk Examiner Whitmore, and N.
S. Harwood, president of the national
bank all strong friends of the admin
istration, with a formidable array of
titles thought they had things all
their own way. They ran opposition
tickets in every ward and left nothing
undone to secure the defeat of the
Bryan delegates.
But Mr. Bryan's friends were as
active as his enemies, and the voters of
Lincoln administered astingingrebuke
to the cuckoo politicians who attempted
to force a miscarriage of democratic
sentiment. The Bryan delegates were
elected by large majorities in every
ward, and the result of the primaries
Clear
GOES THE
SUMMER
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The People's Popular
gives the Bryan people absolute con
trol of the Lancaster county conven
tion. The victory is the more signiii
cant when it is known that Lancaster
county is the hotbed and forcing-house
of the administration faction of the
part and the one county in the state
Mr. Bryan's opponents had confidently
depended upon carrying.
The Times congratulates Mr. Bryan
upon his triumph in this the first
skirmish of a campaign upon which the
eyes of the entiie couutry will be fixed.
And it congratulates the democrats of
Lincoln aud Lancaster county upon the
possession of such a leader as William
J. Bryan, next senator from Nebraska.
LlNDKit the significant headlines
"Abuses of Government," the Journal
of the Knights of Labor, of Philadel
phia, published in full Mr. Bryan's
senatorial "announcement." Editor
ially the paper says:
"In another column we publish in
full the manly letter of Congressman
William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, an
nouncing his platform as a candidate
for the United States senate. It is sel
dom men who are candidates for pub
lic ofiice in this county give such a
clear ami honest statement of their
principles and what they will vote for
in coi grog before election, and this
reniaikable act of the young giant of
the west will win for him many
frieri(!s. He will be a fitting companion
for Senator Allen in the United States
senate, aud will deal teuchaut blows
for the free coinage of silver, govern
ment control of telegraphs, and other
reforms, to say nothing of his imcoui
promisingopposition to national hanks.
His letter is one of the best public doc
ments we have read for many days, of
a purely Jeffersonian democracy, al
most obsolete in the effete east, and
gives new hope to the rising generation
of statesmen."
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