Cv I FAIRY TALES OF CHILDHOOD. Bow dear to my heart fere the scene at mj childhood, With fairies and giants and wonderment fraught; How often I wept for the Babes In the Wild wood Covered over with leaves which the little birds brought. And tweet Cinderella, whosejlsters would whip her Till the fairy god-mother sent her to the ball! "What Joy when she fitted the little glass slip per And married the good, handsome prince after all. My hair. It would stand right up straight from my forehead When Bluebeard found blood on the key which hia wife Had used to peek into that chamber bo horrid But wasn't I glad when they took Blue beard's life. Dear little Bed Riding Hood: Who could be sweeter When she thro' the woods to her grandmoth er sped: Bow frightened 1 felt lest the big wolf would eat her When showing his teeth while she lay on the bed. And Hop-o'-my-thumb! What a smart littlo , fellow He was to strew pebbles to find his way homo; X jrnessed his bad uncle felt awfully mellow When Hop and his brothers would buck strain come. Bold Jack and Beanstalk.' I shivered when ever The giant said: "Fe-fl-fo-fum ! I smell blood," And held in my breath till Jack's hatchet could sever The stalk so the giant fell down with a thud. And Jack. Giant Killer, so brave and defiant! He wasn't afraid of old ogres a bit; He shook his wee fist at that two-heaCed plant Who, running to catch him, fell into Jack's pit Puss in Boots: How I listened In awe to that story Arid wondered If cats long ago were so wise; And dear Sleeping Beauty who slept in her glory Cntii the nice prince came to open her eyes. And tir.y Tom Thumb, on his mouse-horse a rider. With his HtlH sword needle! O, wasn't he cute; Bow bravely he vanquished that terrible spider A hero he was of most noble repute. Beauty and th' beast also gave me a pleasure. And Sin bad, the Sailor, and I'crty Thieves, too. And Aladdin, whose wonderful lamp was a treasure. And the Wooden Horse Eying aloft In the blue. Enchantment and fairies and magio and witches, HobgobllnB and dwarfs, genii, giants and elves. Kings, princesses, princes and queens and such riches Those story books mustn't be closed on the shelves. EL C. Dodge, in GoodaU's Sum. A SMART CPtDIIXAL. "Why Ho Secured an Easy Job In tho Warden1 s 6Mce. The train stopped for a few moments at a small town and a young girl got in. She was tall, slender and pretty, a true village lass, dressed in a neat gown, but one which, nevertheless, bore evi dence of home manufacture. The coach was rather crowded and she looked this way and that for a seat, 'lhen her bright glance rested upon two men seated in the rear of the coach, and she gave an exclamation as she came toward them. "Why, George Coomer," she said, as she stopped near the yonnger of the two men and extended her hand cor dially. lie was a good-looking young fellow, dressed with great taste, and was evi dently a friend of auid lang syne with the young girL By his side was seated an older man with coarse features, a hard expression resting upon his face, lie wore a slonch hat. lie was power fully built and would evidently be a hard man to handle where physical force was called for. , "Why, little Grace Shaw." exclaimed the young man. But he did not rise, nor did he extend his hand. lie reached over with his left hand and turned over a seat. "Won't you sit down here? he asked. "With pleasure. It is so long since I have seen you. George." "Yes, about ten years." Then allud ing to his companion, he raid: "This is this is my friend, Mr. Charles Grove." The young woman bowed stifHy, but she made up her mind that she would not like the companion of her old friend. There was something forbidding about Mm to her. "What have you been doing, George, since you left town?" "Oh, a little of everything and a good deal of nothing." " It was unkind not to have let any of your old friends hear from you all this time." "Well, a man is eo busy, or rather so occupied in town with doing.what little he has to do, that he " "Forgets old friends, she added, re proachfully. "Well, not exactly. But tell me about yourself." "There is nothing to telL I am teaching school But you, we haTe al ways wondered, all of us, how you were getting on. Some of us said that you were always so smart that you would do very well in New York. Have you done well?" The young man laughed. "Ask my friend here," he said. "He has done very well," said the gruff man. "Very well, indeed. He is going to retire from business for a few weeks just now and rest up a bit" "How lovelyl Have you made yovx fortune then, George?" "Well, 1 am on the road. "lie is going to live in on of tbebig gest houses in the state," said the gruff man. "How finer ' "Sin art boy is George," chuckled the other man. Suddenly there was a jolt as the train stopped, and a newspaper which had been carelessly spread over the knees of the two men fell to the floor. The young girl gave an exclamation of ter ror, for there sat the men handcuffed Vo ether. The young man recovered his suave manner. "Don't be alarmed. Grade," he said. 'You can now understand what he meant when he said he was going to a big house. I am going to take him there. I am a United States marshal and he is a criminal. That is all, so cheer up, my girL" The other man gave a grunt and a snort. "Well, I am blowed," he said. "What has he done?" she asked, eye ing him with terror. "Oh, not very much. He is a gener ally bad man. lie would as soon bur glarize as sandbag a person; he would as noon pick your pocket as run a faro bank; he would just as soon enter a front door and help himself as he would to climb a porch. lie is simply a good all-round crook, and 1 am tak ing him to jaiL" "Whew! whew!" whistled th other man, regarding the young fellow with amazement. "But don't be alarmed, my dear. lie won't be ugly to-day. He knows that I've got him and he'll keep quiet. Just hand me that newspaper, will you? It is as well that people should not know what bad company I'm in." "Well, I've a good notion to punch " began the other man. "Ilow long is he sent up for?" asked the young lady. "Only five years, but he deserves ten, and I wish they had given it to him." "Is it possible?" "Yes. In 1S33 he robbed a house of six hundred and fifty-three dollars; in ISSo he escaped from jail; in lSStl he sa nd bagged a man and took his watch; two years after he was running a crooked gambling house, and now he is sent up for forgery. lie is capable of all the small vices, and a good many of the big ones." By this time the train had arrived at the station where the young girl was to leave the train. "Well good-by, George," she said, ris ing. "Good-by. Grade." "I'm so glad to have seen you." "And I, also. You are becoming such a sweet, pretty girL" 'You don't think so?" "Indeed 1 do." "I'm so glad that you have done well in the city, and I will tell all your old friends." "Yes, do." "Ee careful of that man with you. Aren't you afraid of him?" "Oh. "no." "Well, good-by." "Good-by." He extended his left hand. "Shake!" he said. She pat her pretty hand in his and he gave it a pressure that made her blush. "Sorry I can't shake with the other hand." he said, "but duty, you know, duty" "Yes." "Good-by." "Good-by." "Don't forget to tell all the folks I um doing well" I won't" 'TAin prosperous and all that" "No." "Good-by." "Good-by." She was off, and now the train was bowling on again. The other man took a key from his pocket and unlocked the handcuffs. Then he fastened the end that had been attached to him to the iron work of th seat "Now, Confidence Jim, if you meet any more of your lady friends, just in troduce this seat to them." With that the other man walked into a smoker and lighted a cigar, but he kept his eyes upon the man who was fastened to the seat But when the warden of the jail heard of the sborj he laughed. Then he gave the smooth prisoner work in his own office. De troit Free Press. Philosophy from Foggy Bnttook Er man dat kin tell whether he's tired er jes' lazy has judicial qualifica tions dat fits him nacherly fur da s'preme bench. When er man go'6 roun' askin fob, advice de chances is 'bout seventeen ter three dat he's jes' tryin ter put off git tin' down ter business. De school dat you larns in makes a heap ob difference. No good comos ob teachin' er boy his rifmetic fum a pol icy slip Er big glass di'mun" shirt stud ain't got no raagnifyia powers. II its effect am ter make de man dat stan's behin' it look mighty smalL Some men fin's hit mighty hahd ter think sense an' talk politics simultu ously. Don't gib too much 'tention ter fancy 'complishments. Er man gits erhead much fuster by plJn walking5 dan he kin by turnin' somersets. Washington Star. Unnecessary. The Ainu, an uncivilized tribe on the Island of Yezo, are not at all fond of bathing. Indeed, they share the Chi nese idea that it iB only dirty people who need continual washing. They do not regard themselves as dirty, and therefore dispense with the uncleanly habit "You white people must be very dirty," said an Ainu to a traveler as the latter was preparing to take a plunge into a limpid river, "as you tell me you bathe in the river every day." "And what about yourself 7" was the question in turn. "Oil." replied he. with an air of eon tempt, "I am very clean, and have never needed washing!" Youth's Com panion. The Vonnjr Ides. The small boy appeared at the coun try school and the teacher, as a pre liminary, had a talk with him. "Well, my little man," he Bald, pleas antly, "do you know why you came to school?" "Yss, sir." "Tell me why?" "'Cause mother 6aid X was In her way all the time at homo, and she didn't want the bother of me," and the teacher subsided. T)c ire it Free Prats, MfartTKi .More GOOD GOVERNMENT. The Chief Aim of the .Democratic Admin istration. The braves of the Iroquois club met in Chicago on the evening of Tuesday, April 2, at a grand banquet in memory of Thomas Jefferson, the father of dem ocrats. Many democrats of national reputation were present and spoke upon the leading political questions of the day. Among them was John E. Russell, of Massachusetts, who, in re sponse to the toast, "The Adminis tration, Vigorous, Fearless, Democrat ic," said: "Mr. President awd Gentlemen: The fed eral elections during the last administration Show that at. soon as the policy of the party in powei was developed it lost the confidence of the people and was discredited and repudiated to the end. "Toe pressing necessity for repeal of all the fiscal legislation of that period of reaction has led to disquiet which now makes all delibera tion seem slow. We must Judge the vigor of the administration not by this natural Impa tience of the people but by comparison with other years. "It Is a year last month since our party as sumed the responsibility of government under circumstances wnleh could not be more dis coursing in time of peace. Four yea's previ ous Mr. Cleveland had given the chair to his successor with only one pressing difficulty ex cessive taxation creating a large treasury sur plus. Th. condition had been clearly put be fore the country in the famous message to the Fiftieth congress, which responded by the pas sage of the Mills bill, a salutary measure re jected by the republican senate "Our opponents met the condition In their way and at the end of lour years we return to a change of uftairs so radical that the recital seems inerediole. A treasury without a dohar of working balance and loaded with obligaUons deep bedded in laws: u tariff which has taken the name of lis author because It id his Inven tion of a new system to increase burdens while It reduoes revenue by turning the stream of tuxes from the people s treasury to the pockets of individuals, corporations and trusts. "The financial legislation, bearing the name of Mr. faherniau. had worked adversely to the expectation of Us trainers and had so Impaired our credit abroad that our stock markets were breaking down with securities sold for foreign account and a financial panic was well under way. These were the conditions Mr. Cleveland and his cabinet were called to face. "Never die the people expect so much; there must be economy to make up four years of waste; confidence, chiiied by reckless financial measures, was to be warmed to lire, trade, fit ful and feverish from excessive stimulation, was to be restored to calm health, and, as ours is a government not of men, but of laws, and law ls the fruit of wise delay, time was ueces- feary. "Through the wboie administration of Mr. Harrison there had been a steady aeciine in tne values of agricultural products and in the rail way traSlc of every part of tiie country. The iron and steel market, the barometer of public prosperity, had fallen until oue-third of the furnaces of the country were cold. But uo fair politician would attribute this solely to law, or lack of it "Unwise and extravagant as the legislation of the Fifty-nrst congress was, prodigal as lis appropriations for pensions, bounties, subsi dies and public buildings, there were other and deeper causes at work, involving the whole civ ilized world, so closely are the nations bound together in financial relations that under any laws the currents of our trade would have been disturbed and we couiu not avoid our share of tne distress which has spared no part of the trading world. "It ls the common cry of partisanship to at tribute the troubles of the past year to an elec tion which implied a reduction of the taxes of the people. If this were true. If in the second century of our government a popular election cannot be held and a change made in obedience to the will of a great majority of the electors without ruin to the business of tne country, then our Institutions are a failure. No thought ful, no patriotic citizen will make such an as sertion. The business of the country is not carried on by political parUes; it is based upon the re sources of the continent, upon the farm, the forest and the mine, and the daily toil of hum ble men. When the farmer of the south, feel ing the airs of the warm gulf, and looking out upon the whitening cotton field, cries in dis tress, and ls answered by the nortnwestern wheal grower who stands upon his mortgaged farm, a hopeless debtor amid his golden sheaves, thre are deep causes of trouble that only the shallow politician or the parllaan of the hour would attribute to the changes sug gested by an election -The determination of the people expressed In several elections to equalize taxation and curb the power of privilege has not caused the fall in the price of iron or of Silver. If the whole fabric of protection was swept awray in rude disregard of the two or three per cent of our population who may possibly derive some benefit from It. there would be no difference in the value of the crops of tne country. "We are dependent upon the world's market, and the world in this generation has become a small planet. The submarine cable, the screw, propelling an Immense steel snip, aud the Suez canal, have brought all lands into a dady market, and tbe prehistoric races of the east, whose customs and heredity antedate our origin, jostle us in the world's markets. The millions who from time immemorial have crouched on the ground floor of a bamboo hut in bronze nakedness, eaUng a handful of rice, have their wheat and cotton handled by railway and steamer, and compete with the products of our sod In the world s markets. The result of such competition was shown on the produce exchange of this splendid city, which is the cre ation of American farming. This condition, which has not been prevented by the power of protective tariffs. Las not come suddenly. It has been the work of years. I speak of it as a part of that serious embarrassment, difficul ties which no administration since Lincoln first took office has had to meet, and which we are called upon to relieve by economy in ex penditure, and by such changes of revenue laws as will fulfill, so far as possible, these democratic maxims that all the money the people pay In taxes the government should re ceive; that taxes should be bo laid as to bear equally upon all parts of the country. "In times of public distress and sharp parti san criticism, it is hard to comply with the Im patience of the people; but I assert that never In our history has an administration moved more rapidly in the correction of legislation. Public confidence has been restored in our financial situation; the federal elections law has been fully discussed and repealed with the general approbation of tbe people of every part of the country who feel that the mildness of government in the employment of dangerous powers is no reason for their continuance. The intrigue aud Jingoism which was the least ex cusable trait of the Harrison adminlstraUon and which has impaired our Influence. If it has not lost the confidence of the South Americas republics, has been fitly rebuked in the Hawai ian matter; a revenue measure In accordance with tbe orders of tbe pSjple has passed the house and ls before the senate months earlier than a tariff bill has ever before been presented to that body; the appropriation bills have been well advanced, unwise measures inflating the currency have been prevented ana the treas ury has been made secure in Its ability to re deem the paper of the government. The same contingency in Mr. Harrison's time was met by the Sherman act. which shook our credit and Intensified the panic of last summer. "Let partisan critics look back into the his tory of our government from the beginning and see If at any time there has been a more rapid response to the will of the people, or more fear less and vigorous action upon tbe part of an ad ministration. It ls a matter cf deep regret, I doubt not, to every man here, that there has been opposition In the senate, which has ex posed our party to censure, and which has been resented by the country. The house, coming directly from the people and responsible to them, has acted promptly, but the senate has sorely tried the patience of the country. "I am not here to Impeach tbe loyalty of any demoorat to our administration, but faithful support of party, when charged with the re sponsibility of government, ls true patriotism; It is loyalty to our country. "In this view I do not understand the opposi tion to legislation la toe senate, who we are lean oriwJ under the imperative orders of t&e people to act In their be halt "Failure to act. or half-hearted aotion, may be dictated by local interests or may accomplish Individual revenge, but It will be punished by the voters. "It ls the peculiar character of the demo cratic party that It Is not sectional not divided by geographical lines, not dependent for exist ence upon success, not a party led by placemen, but a thoroughly national party. It has had its dark days, its long wandering in the wilder ness. Its abasements and trials, but its un quenchable vitality proves It the party of the American people the same here in Illinois that It is in Georgia or Texas or New Jersey or Con necticut, springing from the warm heart of the people and Invulnerable to the weapons of polit ical warfare. It took its rise with the birth of American liberty, and it will perish when that liberty ls no more. "Our administration ls thoroughly demo cratic in the sense that it oame into power without sectional appeal; it had the consent of every part of the country. It was a triumph of the people over politicians and classes, a pro test against prlviiege. "The JeSersonian idea is reliance upon ths people and confidence in them "Tne founders of the republic were not all in agreement with democratic ideas; many of them, nursed under the cold shadow of aristo- cralic forms, distrusted the people; they looked to Europe for instruction and models, they deferred to wealth, education and well born position. It was then that our party rose under tne guidance of the brain that produced the charter of American liberty) it came into being to save the fruits of the revolution, to curb the tendency to revert to t:ie government of a class, and to raise the poor man to an equality In the slate and fit him for the publlo service. "It taught that government is the creation of the people, an instrument for tnetr us:, and that It should be for the eijual benefit of sli; it developed tne Idea that It is the best govern ment that governs the least, that preserves do mestic order and is strong for defense, but which does not interfere with the pursuits of the people. In such a government the delegated power to tax is limited to the needs of govern ment economically administered. It cannot confer favors upou individuals or classes nor assist them in their business by legislation, nor can It create systems of agriculture, manufac ture or trade. "Gentlemen, tho administration and the men who stand with It In congress are trying to re store our goverument to the principles iroia which ll has so far drifted. The great body of the privileged class and the representatives of the protected interests oppose and denounce it beca-ise it ls striving to carry out JeSersonian principles as history slates them and as we un derstand their application to the present time. The concentrated efiorts of enormous wea.ta ana organized selfish interests are working against us. "Vh?n our opponents refer to the founders of the republic it is only to claim that Uiey ap proved of the system of indirect taxation. They never approved of taxes for protection. Taxation was for revenue, and all protection was incidental to It. in their time there was no accumulated wealth and tne only way to raise revenue was upon imports; it was eo.ua! taxa tion, Lecause there was then a nearer equality of condition than the world had ever before seen and the chief pursuits of the people wera agriculture and commerce. How Jefferson and Madison would act now may be judged from the maxims of their policy. They took the best methods at the lime under tne circumstances to serve the people, but class legislation was abhorrent to their democracy, and in that opin ion we follow tnenx They would advocate a system under which wealth would bear its burden of taxation Cur great master, whose birthday we now celebrate, says it all In lan guage no one can improve: " "With all these blessings what more is neo?s sary to make us a happy and prosperous peo ple? Sthl one thing a wise aud frugal gov ernment, which shall restrain men from injur ing one another, shall leave them free to regu late their own pursuits of industry and improve ment, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this ls necessary to close the circle of our felicities. ' " QUAINT MARRIAGE NOTICES. A Carious Collection from Old pers. Married In England, Mr. Matthetv Rousby, aged 21, to Mrs. Ann Taylor, aged b'J. The lady's grandson was at this equal udiod, and was five years older than his grandfather. Salem Mercury, October 21, 1TSS. The loth inst,, Mr. William Checkley, son of Rev. Mr. Samuel Checkley, of Boston, was married to Miss Polly Cranston, a young lady of genteel Ac quirements and of a most Amiable Dis position. Old Boston paper, December 19, 1703. Thursday last, was married, at New port, R. I., John Coffin Jones, Esq., of Boston, merchant, to the truly amiable and accomplished Miss Abagail Grant, daughter of the late Alexander Grant, Esq., a lady of real merit, and highly qualified to render the connubial state? supremely happy. Old Boston paper. May 22. 1TSC In Williamsburg, N. C, Maj. Smith, of Prince Edwards, Vs., to Miss Char lotto B. Brodie. This match, consum mated only a few da3s since, was agreed upon thirty-one years ago, at Camden, S. C, when he was captured at the battle of Camden; and, being separated by war, etc.. each had sup posed the other dead until a few months since, when they accidentally met, and neither plead any statute of limitation in bar of the old bargain. Salem Ga zette. July 19, 1S1L Married. In this town, on Sunday evening last, by Rev. Dr. Haven, Mr. Mark Simes, Esq., Deputy Postmaster, etc., to th Elegantly Pretty and Ami ably Delicate Miss Mary Ann Blount, youngest daughter of the late CapU John Blount, of Little Harbour. Genius of Hymen; power of fondest love: In showers of bliss descend from worlds above. On Beauty's rose and Virtue's manlier form. And shield, ah. shield them both from time's tempestuous storm. Oracle of the day, Portsmouth, N. IL, November 24, 179. At Concord Ebenezer Woodword, A. B., Citizen Bachelor of Hanover, N. II., to the Amiable Miss Robinson. At Long-meadow, Mr. John M. Dunham, Citizen Bachelor and Printer, aforesaid, to the Amiable Miss Emily Burt The promptness and decision which the said citizens have shown "In all the fond Intrigues of love" is highly worthy of imitation, and ths success that has so richly crowned their courage and enterprise must be an in vincible inducement to the fading pha lanx of our remaining bachelors to make a vigorous attack on some fort ress of female beauty with a deter mined resolution "Ne'er to quit the glorious strife"' 'till, drest in all her charms, some blooming fair Herself shall yield, ths prize of conquering love. Boston, 1795. X. Y. Journal. Out of 3,500 newspaper clippings col lected by Henry Romeike, of New York, referring to the late George W. Childs, only one had a mean thing to say about him, and that one said that Mr. Childs could not have been a true philanthro pist because b left fortac of 000,000, WHAT BCNNY IS DOING. I What is Booster Benny doing? Hoosier Benny he ls gluing One ear closely to the ground. Hoosier Benny he is winking In a way that shows he's thinking Thoughts in every way profound, What is Hoosier Benny doing? Hoosier Benny he ls chewing On the cud of politics; And, while teaching school, he's peeping Out the window and is keeping Careful watch for 'yfi. What ls Hoosier Benny doing? Hoosier Benny he ls viewing All that passes day by day. He is far from overlooking Any stew that's now a-cookimr In a presidential way. Watching Keed and Bill McKinley; Smiling when they cover thinly Movements in the doubtful states. You can bet, thomrh. he ls living In regret that he's not giving Jobs in change for delegates. Washington News. M'KINLEY'S OPENING. The Tin Napoleon's Inauguration of His Presidential Campaign. ; The series of speeches delivered by Mr. McKinley at Minneapolis were ac- , cepted by his hearers, and doubtless intended by himself, as the opening of the presidential campaign of 1396. It is an early start, and too early a start ; has its perils, but that is his affair. Mr. McKinley is a bold man to stand np and discourse of "the calamities which he has been chiefly instrumental In bringing on the country. He is a bold man to seek to lay them on the ! democrats. If we could conceive of . Paris, had he survived the Trojan war, ; standing amid the ruins of Ilium and ' laying all the blame for the desolation around him upon the unreasonable jeal- ousy of Menelaus, on the one hand, and the reckless daring of Hector, on the other, we might find something like a parallel to the nerve of McKin ley. But we are not driven to the bor derland of myth for such a parallel. When Nero, after firing the city of Rome, and fiddling while the conflagra tion was in progress, came forward when the desolation was complete, and said the Christians were the cause of the whole trouble, he furnished Mr. McKinley with a historical precedent perfect in all its details, with a single exception, namely, that Nero knew what he was doing, while we cheer fully give Mr. McKinley the benefit of the assumption that he had not the re motest idea that he was playing with fire when he struck the industries and the prosperity of the country so fatal a blow. We might also note that Nero Bpared his impoverished people the in fliction of four speeches in a single da3-; but then Nero was not a candidate for the presidency. If anyone doubts that Mr. McKinley was the chief agent in bringing on the panic of 1893 he has only to remember that it was admitted on all sides last summer that the Sherman act caused the panic. Now, it has since come to light that the Sherman act would never have passed had it not been necessary 1 to the passage of the McKinley bill. If Mr. McKinley had devised a rational tariff bill, such as the republican lead ers in the northwest had promised the 1 peopl; in 19&, no bargain would have , been necessary to secure its passage, i By framing a bill so outrageous that . his own party would not agree to it 1 without a bargain, Mr. McKinley i brought upon the country all the woes I that attended and followed the panic i of 1S33, as well as that are yet to fol : low. j In declining to criticise the tariff bill ' in detail, Mr. McKinley acted the part ; of wisdom. He follows the republican '. platform in asking for a tariff that will j cover the difference between wages in ! this country and wages abroad. It ( would be rather difncult. we imagine, for him to find any article of impor ; tance on which the rate is not sufficient to cover the difference in the cost of ' labor. Though the republicans laid ! down this rule, they have not been will i ing to abide by it. When Mr. McKin ; ley introduced his bill four years ago ' he said in the accompanying report j that in no case had the rates been made higher than was necessary to cover dif ferences of cost in the United States : and in foreign countries. This was shown to be untrue in innumerable . instances, but Mr. McKinley would not i on that account agree to any abatement in rates. I When Mr. McKinley dilates on the j benefits of reciprocity he raises the j question why he put his bill through j the house without any reciprocity in j it. The reciprocity scheme, such as it I is, is not his work. It was added after i the bill went to the senate in conse 1 quence of a suggestion from Mr. Blaine, j though Mr. Blaine's scheme of reci ! procity was rejected and another sub ! stituted. Thi6 fact might not be so j important were it not for the fact that Mr. McKinley is a candidate for the ' presidency on the basis of his bilL He should, therefore, confine himself to such things as he put into the bill with out compulsion from the senate. The J scheme of reciprocity is not a success as a whole, and any slight benents that may have resulted from some of its features cannot be credited to Mr. McKinley. It was devised to reduce the balance of trade against this coun try with sugar-producing countries, which it has wholly failed to do, but, on the contrary, has increased the bal ance very largely. Louisville Courier Journal. There is no loss of vitality in democratic principles and there can be none as long as the teachings of Jeffer son are accepted and a great political party remains to revere his memory. Tem',orary adverse majorities of false and delusive issues arc not a test of the genuine and lasting faith of the peo ple. The majorities will come right as a clearer intelligence prevails in the popular mind, and as the progress of truth is accelerated by appropriate in strumentalit'es. Chicago Herald. Thomas B. Reed's sarcasm on the parsimony of the present congress would be more cutting if it came from somebody else than the chief figure of Reed's billion-dollar congress. Bo6ton Herald. ! I IV . CREATED BY M'KINLEYISM. (senator Voorheea Arraignment of High, Tarlrr m tne senate. "The appalling legislation of 1S90. known as the McKinley law, created a necessity for relief more immediate and absolute than was ever before known in American history, and the peo ple issued their instructions at the ballot box accordingly. At the 6ame time the riotous extravagance of the party then in power, taking an overflowing treasury from an outgoing democratic administration in March. 1SS9, and leaving it practically bank rupt four years later, imposed upon those who are now responsible for the support of the government the imperi ous duty of providing against ugly de ficiencies and impending national dis honor. In reaching results of such, magnitude and importance as these, and in carrying out the interests and declared wishes of toiling millions as contradistinguished from powerful and favored classes, obstacles have of course been encountered, gigantic in size, arrogant, insolent, dictatorial, and in some instances sinister, perfidious and dishonest in character. This fact could not be otherwise under the pro tective system which has for so many years prevailed in this country. "Manufacturing interests, which a hundred years ago were indeed and in fact in their infancy and were nursed and fostered while yet in the cradle of their birth, are now the colossal task masters of the whole people, command ing tribute from every day's labor be neath the sun, haughtily striding the corridors of this capitol and issuing their edicts -in the tones of dictators for or against the enactment of pend ing measures in the halls of congress. Those who own and represent these swollen and arrogant interests do not hesitate to declare on what terms a bill vitally affecting seventy million of peo ple will be permitted to become a law, aud in default of what provisions for financial profits to themselves they will insure its defeat. The only policy, the only request of a practical protec tionist is to be let-alone in the enjoy ment of the highest duty and the fat test bounty the government can give He makes himself an obstacle to change, from no other or higher con sideration than sordid, brutal selfish ness. "To the thoroughly protected and self-complacent American manufac turer, sole master of his own markt't and incarnation of human selfishness, his enforced customers, those to whom he sells at his own protected price, have a value, as slaves once had to their owners. Not more than four day6 in the week belong to the laborer himself under tariff laws as they now stand; every hour of the other two days is absorbed in paying the manufac turer's increased prices on the neces saries of life which a protective tariff guarantees. "Can there be any wonder that pro tected classes, and protected individ uals, who have been, as it were, taken Into partnership by the government, every one of them, should break out into vehement protest and angry out cry when tomched and disturbed by the spirit of reform and equitable legis lation? "The enactment of the McKinley law in was a gigantic crime not only against every workingman and 1 workingwoman in the United StatesR but also against every individual man-M ufacturer and against all manufactur ing interests. It was not so designed by its authors, but such was its real and inevitable character. It declared a policy so flagitious in principle, so rotten in morality and so ravenous in its exactions on the absolute wants of life that its possible duration was only a question of time when the next elec tion by the people should occur, and yet the vast manufacturing interests of the country were tempted and se , duced into accepting its delusive bribes ' and into an eager adjustment of them selves to its alluring though evanescent and short-lived provisions. "Our purpose is to replace the law of 1H90 with a measure of reform, safe, conservative and harmonious in itself, and to which all the wholesome and legitimate industries of the country will speedily adapt themselves, and tenaciously cling for secure develop ment and undisturbed fjrowth in the future. If this can bo done without needless delay an era of prosperity will dawn upon all the diversified interests : of the country Buch as has never been surpassed in our history. I "Of the more than 6ix million of peo ' pie employed in the manufacturing es tablishments of the entire country from ocean to ocean, not one has ever appeared before congress, or any com ' mittee of congress, or made response in any public meeting, stating that his emp.oyer, upon the enactment of high er rates of duty on imports, ever gave or suggested to give him a farthing's increase of pay for his work." The Pnlcidal Mania, i The suicidal mania affected the re ' publicans four years ago when they de vised the McKinley bill, the Sherman law and the force br.L Their defeat . in 1S90 counted for nothing, and in 1S92 i they came up Bmiling, insisting that the people did not know what they j were about before, and reasserting ; their old claims to be the friends of American labor and the only people fit ' to govern the country. They were ! beaten again, but have learned noth ! ing. Having precipitated a panic of J the worst kind, they admitted that the Sherman act caused the trouble, but as soon as its repeal was effected straight : way denied vhat they had before as : serted, and are now relying on plain ! mendacity for future success. They I manifest a disposition to put up Mr. McKinley, one of the chief authors of ; the prevailing distress, as their candi date for the presidency. The mania : for self-destruction is evidently still : strong upon them. Louisville Courier j Journal. Gov. McKinley paused in Chicago long enough the other day to declare that the Coxey movement on Washing ton had no political significance. It shows that the McKinley law, de signed to make millionaires and tramps, is. "still talking." Chicago Herald. 1 .5 8 . J . - TH . jtiavilk 1 Louisville ai , i fpr fcatps."" conseauent'Sj'"'therB" 'was no A ... ,.