AT THE CRADLE.
How stilt be sleeps! The morning straliffbt
falls
Upon his downy heal A song-bird calls
"Without the window; young, rejoicing l?aves.
That garland the new spring, a checkered
hade
Upon the pillow throw, but his bright head la
laid
In sunlicht only: each soft cheek receives
The radiant kiss. One loving ray
Lies lightly on cis parted lips where play
The frolic graces of a baby's dream.
These sporting curls have caught another
gleam ;
A golden gift tt leaves in very tress.
God bless my baby: every sweet caress
That leaves a clinging fy atom my heart,
Each loving hope a lorintr fear In part
Each whispered prayer, his little bed beside.
Each fond exulting pulse of mother's pride.
All he has brought of peace and guileless Joy
Return in blessings on my darling boy.
Carrie Stern, in Iiabyhood.
A LITTLE DIPLOMACY.
It Was Worth More Than Eluff to
a Revenue Collector-
Some years ago I received a tempoary
appointment in the internal revenue
department, and was assigned to the
duty of looking up violations of the
law in regard, to manufactured tobacco.
All reported irregularities were referred
to me for investigation. I was tel
egraphed by the collector at Nashville,
upon one occasion, to go to Shelbyville
immediately and take action in a- case
where a manufacturer, J. II. Ladd, had
been usinf; canceled revenue stamps.
When I arrived, I found Capt Nor
ville, the district deptit.y, awaiting me
with a poss.e of half a dozen men.
Ladd lived twelve or thirteen miles from
Shelbyville, in the richest section of
the county. I explained to Norville i
that there was no necessity of going
that night as Ladd could not remove
his property if he were disposed to do
so; that we would start before day in
order to make the trip, effect the seiz
ure and return that night. I learned
'.he foi lowing from him: lie had come
up with two of Ladd's wagons a couple
of ays before in an adjoining county
laden with plug1 tobacco put up in
boxes tarying in weight from twenty
five to one hundred pounds each; that
the strjups on them had been reused;
that he- had gone the next aay with a
deputy United States marshal to seize
the factory; that when he arrived old
man Laid was not at home and the fac
tory was locked. He had pone to the
dwelling- for the keys, when Mrs. Ladd
told a servant to look for them. She, in
the meantime, stepped out into the
yard and rcaj the farm bell as vigor
ously as if the building' was on fire.
In a few moments three of Ladd's sons
end a hire J man rushed to the honse as
fast as the r horses could carry them
they had been plowing Mrs Laid met
them at the pate, and, he supposed,
explained the situation. They came
into the house, a large two-story frame
with L. and in a moment into the
room where he was sitting; waiti ng for
the pirl to find the keys, armed with
shotguns.
Mrs. Ladd then abused the oCicer for
everything she could think of. cind or
t'cred him to leave and not to stand on
the order of poinp; that if he did not
she would have him and the deputy
killed and thrown into the hogpen,
where they ought to be. The old man
did not stand well in the collector's
dec, and when Norville returned and
reported the situation by telepraph I
was ordered to the scene. I told him
to secure a carriage that would accom
modate three besides the driver, and an
Lour before day we were en route over
a tine turnpike road. When we pot in
front of the house I saw two men po in
from one side, and noticed several faces
at the window, two of them females. I
ordered the driver to po directly to the
factory almost in the rear of the dwell
inp and at a corner of the garden fence.
Leaving the pa-ty in the back I re
turned to the house, entering by what I
afterwards ascertained to be the rear
door of the kitchen. An elderly white
woman and a negro pirl were in the
room, washing the dishes and clean
ing up after breakfast. I asked
politely if this was Mrs. Ladd. She
jerked out a "yes." I approached and ex
tended my hand, assuring her I was very
glad to see her. and giving my name.
I was so friendly, greeted her so cor
dially, that she was nonplussed for a
moment. When I asked if Mr. Ladd
was in she answered "yes" in a more
pleasant tone, at the same time point
ing to a dour leading to the main build
in sr.
I opened it and walked in, and there
sat four men and a fourteen-year-old
boy. all except the old man having a
double-barrel shotgun lying across his
lap. I approached the old man and
said:
"This is Mr. Ladd, I presume?"
Yes, that is my name."
I gave him mine.
'These are your sons. I presume?"
"Some of them."
Turning to the one nearest me I said:
'Your name?"
"James."
"Well, James, how do you do? I am
frlad to see you. You favor your la
ther. Eye and forehead exactly."
I inquired the name of every oem
shook hands with each, complimented
ach. Here I stopped, when the oid
man said:
"Stranger, since you have got ac
quainted with all the boys, there is
two more you ought to know. One is
my vife and the other my daughter.
"Marinda, Marinda, you and Zoa
come in here." he called.
I explained that I had met his wife,
and a most charming lady she was, but
Mailnda came ia and I was fcrmalJy
inti !du?ed to her. and shook hands
with her again, and complimented her
on her manly boys. Then the daugh
ter came in, who was indeed a modest,
pweot girl of sixteen. I could read in
the face of every one of them: "What
does all this mean?" After I had
talked awhile ab-iut the weather and
crops, I asked Mr. Ladd to step into an
adjoining room yivh me, us I wished to
talk to him priv tly.
"Oh! no, not any, if you please. If
you hare any business with me blnrt
it out. This family has no secrets."
I then told him that I had heard that be
had had some troable with Capt. Nor- l
ville. that 1 was very sorry to hear It,
and had been sent down to investigate
the matter. The old lady put an oar in
the lock at this moment, and I begged
her to allow me to finish. She closed her
mouth with a snap and folded her
hands across her lap in a gentle spirit
of resignation. 1 impressed upon Ladd
that he was dealing with the United
States government, that he had an in
teresting family and a farm worth
thirty thousand dollars; that he could
not afford to resist the government. 1
had only brought Capt. Norville and
the deputy marshal with me, but that
if he intended to resist I would return
and secure a force that would execute
the law. I explained that Capt. Nor
ville had been very clever. He had au
thority to have arrested his two sons
and seized the two wagons and teams,
worth ali-of six hundred dollars.
The old man 6iiid: "Squire, you're a
slick one. Do your do. I reckon we
can't help ourselves, but if you had
'ave come with a crowd we had made
up our mind to clean you up off the
face of the earth."
He sent his son with me and we made
an invoice of his stock, machinery, eta
I locked the door, and, accompanied by
the two officers, returned to the house.
The entire party scowled at Norville,
but never said a word. The guns had
been deposited in the parlor on a six
hundred dollar piano, as I subsequently
ascertained.
I asked if he would act as custodian
of the property. This surprised him. I
asked if Le could make a bond in double
the value of the property I had seized,
conditioned upon its being forthcom
ing upon the order of the United States
court.
'What?" ho Eaid, "leave my own
property with roe?"
I explained that the property seized
belonged to Ladd & Sons, and that I
would leave it with Ladd, Sr. 'I knew
enough about the business to know
that he had a large stock on hand par
tially worked up that must be finished.
1 gave hira authority to do this. This
arrange ment virtually left things as
they were, only he could make no sales.
He signed the papers and was evident
ly in a fine humor. I then notified him
that the marshal had a search warrant,
and he and Mr. Norvil'.e would have to
search the house for unstamped to
bacco. He jumped up, started to Nor
ville, who was sitting on the opposite
side of the fireplace, and said he would
die before the scoun drel should make
search. Norville had bis forty-four in
his grip sack in his lap, with his hand
on it ready to use. 4 The marshal was
so indiscreet as to draw his, while the
boys started toward the parlor. I
knew there was no danger of the
officers shooting the old man. I fol
lowed them in in time to see them get
their guns from the top of the piano.
Hastily closing the door and putting
my back against it, I asked them if
they were fools.
"Suppose," said I, "you kill these
two men and myself as to that, can
you kill all the men in the nation?"
"But," said the oldest, "we will not
have our father insulted."
1 ordered them to put their guns back
and pledged thcia that their father
should not be insulted.
"But they shall not search this house.
"Then you are going to resist the
law. You are going to force tfie to
summon a posse, arrest you all, search
the house, tear up your factory and
ruin your father. That's your game, is
it? I'ut your guns down, quit acting
the fooL and you and I will make the
search and Norville will remain where
he is."
This compromise was accepted. I
searched the house, found some un
stamped tobacco and left.
When court came on the matter was
compromised by the old gentleman's
paying all the costs, a small fine and
promising to be more circumspect in
the future. It was afterward ascer
tained that Capt. Norville, being a
countryman and an old friend, Mr.
Ladd thought he ought not to have en
forced the law against him. Globe
Democrat. SHORT-LIVED MARITAL JOY.
A Woman Who tTantrd the Man Who
Married Her to I'nnurrf Her.
A young Polish woman, whose maiden
name is as unpronounceable as her mar
ried name, which is Katerouwske, ap
peared at the Camden city hall on
morning and asked City Clerk Varney
for a divorce. She declared that her
husband had lrasHy deceived her and
that further union with him was a
marital impossibility.
"How long have you been married,
madam?" inquired the clerk.
"Since yesterday," came the answer.
"What has occurred to disturb your
nuptial joy?"
"Why, my husband told me he had
one thousand dollars in bank, owned
any quantity of real estate and was
going to let m live in clover. I found
on getting home that if there was any
clo . er pasture for me I'd have to find
it myseif. His stories of bank ac
counts are fables, pure and simple,
while the real estate yarn is a hollow
mockery."
Mrs. Katerouwske was very indignant
when told she could not get a divorce
outside the chancery court, which
would not grant such a document far
the reasons detailed by her.
"Humph!" she ejaculated, as she
left the hall. 'it"s wry funny that the
man that married me can't nnmarry
me." Philadelphia Evening Bulletin.
-Vcdelssohn began to compons in
hi twelfth year, and so methodical
were his habits even then that the
manuscript volumes containing his own
scores of his works are in an unbroken
series until his death. Thee are
forty-four of these great volumes, all
written by his own h t.nd and now pre
served in the imperial library in Berlin.
Schubert was precocious. He learned
to pkay both piano end violin at five
rears of age and was put under the
care of the village organist, who soon
said: "1 can teach him nothing. When
ever I wished to give him something
fresh, Le knew it already." Schubert
wrote over twelve hundred songs and
an enormous quantity of other musio.
STEVENS SCORED.
Th Ex-MlnUter to Hawaii Several? Critl
i cised.
I While the Hawaiian matter was un
der debate in the house on February S,
Mr. Rayner, of Maryland, democratic
member of the committee on foreign
affairs, in reply to a tirade against (
President Cleveland's policy, by Mr.
II itt, reviewed the acts of Ex-Minister
Stevens with scathing condemnation,
holding him lesponsible for a wrong
that cannot be rectified, and declared
it as his belief that President Cleveland
would be sustained in his course. Mr.
Itaynor's speech was in substance as
follows:
1 "I desire to be fair lc the brief discussion
that I shall devote to the subject. I am not
sufficient of a partisan to applaud every act
that proceeds from my own party, and to crit
icise and condemn everything that is done by
my opponents. I have endeavored with an un
prejudiced mind to investigate this case in all
of its elaborate details and have tried to arrive
at an honest conclusion, without any political
bias whatever, and I shall give you the conclu
sions thut I have reached and the judgment
. that I have arrived at for whatever It may be
worth.
-My opinion is this: In the first place, I am
convinced beyond all manner of reasonable
doubt that Mr. Stevens, the minister of the
, United .States, was an active participant in the
overthrow of tr-e monarchy in the kingdom of
: Hawaii: and. In the second place, the president
having submitted the matter to congress. I am
satisfied that, according to the usages and
principles of international law, we have no
I right by the use of arms or force to remedy the
I wrong that has been committed, and that all
efforts for a peaceable solution of the matter
having terminated we have no further right to
intervene, and that it is our duty for the
present to recognize the de facto government
t that Is now in charge, and our duty in the fu
ture to recognize such form of government as
may be determined upon by the wishes and suf-
, Irages of the people of tne islanX
"Now, as to the proof that the monarchical
j form of government was overthrown by the
armed forces of the United States and that the
1 said government would not have been over
thrown but for such unlawful intervention upon
our part: There is no difficulty about this
, branch of the investigation whatever. - No one
can come to an honest conclusion upon it until
he reads the testimony and impartially an-
; a'.yzes the facts that have been submitted.
I AVe could not select a stronger case before any
impartial tribunal of the country In favor of
the proposition that is now asserted that the
j abdication of the queen was not to those who
constitute the provisional government, but was
; made to the forces of the United States, and to
, no one else. What I would like very much to
' have is th honest judgment of the house upon
this Question when I have submitted the facts
. that strike me as the salient points In this con-
' troversy.
! "Our political opponents will not discuss the
Question inthis house whether Mr. Stevens was
guilty of a crime against the government to
which he was the accredited representative and
was guilty of violating the laws of nations, be
cause in my deliberate judgment the testimony
is so overwhelming upon this point that there
Is no doubt whatever of his guilt, even admit
ting for the sake of argument that so far as he
was personally concerned his intentions were
honorable and his motives inspired by the high
est principles oi patriotism."
Mr. Rayner at some length quoted
from the Hawaiian evidence submitted
' to congress concerning the landing of
the troops and the establishment of
the provisional government, arguing
j that the queen would not have been
overthrown except by the interference
j of the American marines, and, refer
ring to Minister Stevens, he said:
i ''We will convict him by his own letters writ
j ten months before these troubles began: by his
own admissions and confessions, evidence that
1 Is recognized as the very strongest evidence in
law. His is a defense that is utterly falsified
by every fact that glitters through the whole
of the testimony and the correspondence that
I has been submitted to us. You talk about
i taking down the flag of the United States. I
j want to know what right had the government
j of the United States to raise its flag over the
I capital of the islands. I charge that the flag
of the United States bad no more right to wave
j over the government buildings at Honolulu
I than the minister of the United States would
have a rieht to-day to raise it over the govern
ment buildings In Brazil, or In any other terri
tory where the people were powerless to resist
him "
He dwelt upon the abdication of the
queen, quoting her letter to Minister
Stevens and his reply. He pointed out
that the word "declined" was written
in Mr. Stevens' handwriting on the
back of the queen's communication, and
asked what right the American minis
ter had to refuse it. Again, speaking
of Mr. Stevens, he continued:
"Mr. Stevens has undertaken to defame and
malign almost everyone who has appeared
against him in this case. I have nothing to
charge against him personally. He may be a
man of the most honorable motives and of the
xaost devoted standard of moral conduct The
only trouble about him is that he is entirely too
good. He belongs to a race of beings who appear
to have dropped down upon this earth through
sheer mistake. He is compelled. I have no
doubt, to carry around with him a very heavy
pair of weights to keep himself from being sud
denly translated into Heaven.
Our friend Mr. Boutelle, whose ability I rec
ognize, and whose earnestness of purpose I ad
mire, has gotten possession of the Bag idea, or
rather the flag idea has gotten possession of
him: he is with the flag like the Irishman is
with the shillalah: whenever you see a head hit
It: whenever you see a place to plant the flag
run her upl "
The question of Mr. Blount's appoint
ment was also argued by hiji, as was
the real position of the "de facto gov
ernment." Mr. Rayner continued:
"Let me come to the second branch of this
discussion: What shall we do now? Nothing,
Mr. Speaker, absolutely nothing. A great
wrong has been committed: a crime has been
perpetrated that cannot be justified before the
nations of the world. The president. In the ex
ercise of his power and authority, has offered
to redress this wrong. It wa bis duty to do
this. If he was right In the premises, then he
was right tn thecondusion.and such will be the
Intelligent verdict of his countrymen. He could
not have stood by with folded hands and sanc
tioned by his silence the concealment of this in
iquity. It was a grave and delicate question to
deal with.and he has treated it with the unflinch
ing integrity and courage that has character
ized all of his official acts. He has assumed the
whole of the responsibility, and when his con
duct Is calmly considered ke will be
fully justified at the bar of public opin
ion. If you once admit that our minis
ter was at the head of this conspiracy,
then it became the duty of the president
tinder every dictate of justice to attempt to
make restoration of the rights that had been
plundered. We have nothing to do with the
character of the queen or her form of govern
ment. She may be as great a tyrant as ever
wielded the scepter of oppression: she may be
possessed of the most savage and ferocious in
stincts. That is not the issiie. The question is,
was iie robbed of her inheritance? Was she
dethroned? Was she despoiled of her kingdon
and fat r crown by the infamous interference of
a minister of the United States? If so. it was
right, it was honorable in the highest degree,
it was in accordance with our traditions and
with every impulse of the national con
science U make an honest and peaceable at
tempt to redress the grievance which she had
BuCcrtaJ and to restore the title of which she
had been robbed. This attempt has been made,
and the provisional government has refused to
accede the demand, and the president has sub
mitted the whole matter to congress for our
action and determination. What is to be done
This is the practical question.
I want to be very plain about this. As far
as I am concerned, I would make no further
tX-jtl whatever la behalf of the falien sover
eign of these Islands In my opinion she has
passed into history, and I would let her remain
there. When she refused to accept the condi
tions cf the amnesty that were proposed and in
sisted on exercising the rights of savage and
was- willing in this enlightened age o stain ber
oul with the blood of some of her best
citizens, though she claims to have had the
technical right by law to do so, she placed her
self beyond the pale of civilization, and how
ever much I condemn the crime of which she
has been the victim, and detest the policy
which made that crime possible, I would, iu
view of her conduct, permit her to depart from
the scene of her former glory, and I would
make no further effort whatever to reconstruct
her throne or to restore the supremacy of the
monarchy that she represented.
"I tell you. Mr. Speaker, that as deeply as 1
love my conctrv, with all the consecrated de
votion that I would lay upon her altars, with a
fervid reverence for her flag wherever its colors
greet the eye, I would rather see that flag
lowered and trampled upon than raised as a
pirate's ensign and placed in the hands of every
buccaneering demagogue to use,' not as an em
blem of honor, but as an instrument of terror
and oppression to the helpless and enfeebled
races of mankind."
WHAT IT MEANS.
Democratic Legislation on the Sugar
Question.
The days of taxed sugar and a sub
sidized sugar trust are numbered. The
day of an untaxed breaicfast table for
the poor man is at hand.
Though the republican and assistant
republican obstructionists have man
aged to involve the house in an un
seemly tangle, there is no obscurity in
the measure which was passed the oth
er day in committee of the whole by a
vote of 101 to 35. The bounty is abol
ished outright, and all sugar, raw and
refined, is to be free. Such is the meas
ure which a democratic congress will
undoubtedly give to the country.
How could a democratic congress do
less? In a democratic tariff formed on
the theory that all tariffs are eviL
there is no place for a tax on an article
which appears first in the list of plain
necessities of every household. In a
scheme for the honest and economical
administration of government there is
no money to be taken from a depleted
treasury to enrich a rp'.'.-r trust, to
burden the poor with an insidious and
widely disseminated tax ii the interest
of a coterie of millionaire. that is Mc
Kinleyism; it has no place in demo
cratic legislation.
The sacrifice of revenue due to the
abandonment of the tax on sugar will
be very large, but from its total are to
be subtracted the millions heretofore
paid in bounties. The difference will
still be large, but were it fourfold
what it is the necessity for the repeal
would be no less urgent. Indeed, the
virtue of the new legislation is proved
by the character of those who oppose
it. It is the plutocracy of both parties
that recoils from the proposition to lift
this burden from the common people,
because at length the plutocrats, demo
cratic as well as republican, realize
that the deficit thus created must be
made good by a tax upon their own
superfluities. Free sugar is hateful to
the heartless and unpatriotic rich be
cause it means taxed incomes. It
means the unmasking of hidden wealth
which has never paid its own share to
taxation, but compelled poverty to
bear the unequal burden. No man
whose income is not far in excess of
four thousand dollars will feel a
feather's weight of the new burden.
How many wage earners of America
derive that sum irom their labors? How
many merchants, how many profession
al men? Count them and you will
have the number of those whose taxes
the poor man has been paying, but
will shortly pay no more. Chicago
Times.
THE REPUBLICAN DEFICIENCY.
Real Cause of the Present Depletion of
tbe National Treasury.
All the republican organs follow the
cue of the Tribune in treating the
treasury deficit and the necessary in
crease of the public debt as due to
"democratic incompetence."
The best answer to this is supplied
by facts which cannot be denied and
figures which cannot be impeached.
When the democrats turned the gov
ernment over to the republicans in
March. 18S9, there was an available
cash balance in the treasury of over
$185,000,000. Nearly $100,000,000 of this
6um was ia free gold. The revenues
were then exceeding the expenditures
at the rate of $105,000,000 a year.
When the democrats received the
government back in March last the
surplus in the treasury had disap
peared. The gold reserve was patched
up by Mr. Foster's device of borrow
ing from New York bankers. The $'JS,
000,000 of free gold above the $ 100.0&0,
000 reserve had dwindled to $9S0,000.
The country gained in gold imports
during President Cleveland's first term
$54,772,000. Its net loss during Presi
dent Harrison's term was $122,524,030.
The annual surplus followed the ac
cumulated surplus under the Harrison-Reed-McKinley
rule. The billion dol
lar congress cut off $60,000,000 of rev
enue, while raising the tariff taxes in
every schedule save two. It added $50,
000,000 to the pension list, increasing it
in four years more than the total cost
of tbe list iu 1880, fifteen years after
the close of the war. It added $70,000,
000 to the regular annual appropria
tions. It looted the treasury with one
hand and threw away revenue with the
other, for the express purpose of pre
venting such a reduction of the tariff
as the people ordered in lS'JU and again,
in 1S2.
Every dollar of the deficiency tha?
exists or is in sight is due to republican
legislation and republican extrava
gaace. The new bond issue will be
knowa in history as the republican de
ficiency debt. X. Y. Hera Id.
Sometimes the devilfish, in order
to escape attack or observation, dark
ens the water about hira by the emis
sion of an inky cloud in which he hide.1
himself. At other times he pretends to
be what he is not by assuming the
color of the sand upon which he
sprawls himself. The republicans in
the house of representatives are fight
ing the Wilson bill with devil-fish tac
tics. They sometimes darken counsel
by words without knowledge or bear
ing; and, again, refuse to answerwheu
their names are called, hiding in the
fog of their -Jwn argument and hoping
to defeat their opponents by inaction.
Philadelphia Record.
THE PEOPLE'S VERDICT.
How the Kepnbliesna Have I en or m1 the
Country's Interests.
rThe republicans in 1890, while pre
paring and thrusting upon an unwill
ing people the McKinley abomination,
talked much of the mandate they had
received from the people in 1SSS, when
a majority of the people voted against
them No question of raising tbe tariff
was before the people in 18S8. It was
a question of reducing it. and the re
publicans obtained a majority of three
in the house on the subterfuge that he
tariff, while needing revision, ought to
be revised by its friends. Then they
proceeded to reduce the revenues and
to increase the public burdens.
In 1692 the people not only gfeve the
democratic candidates for the presi
dency and vice presidency a larye plu
rality, but gave the democrats a ma
jority of more than ninety in th house
and the control of the senate. These
facts, being a matter of public record,
cannot be denied. Cut the repub
licans say now that because th?y held
some republican states last November,
carried a democratic state ou local
issues and have lately captured a dem
ocratic district the mandate hr.s been
recalled. This did not prove very ef
fective in the house, but they hope
that it may have better success in the
senate.
If the republicans had been guided
by the rule which they now lay down
there would never have been a McKin
ley bill to repeal. So far as the maat
date of a minority of the people in
18SS could be tortured into meaning
anything, it was only a permission ta
the republicans to reduce the tariff in
stead of having the work done by the
democrats, who, they said, would go
too far if intrusted with the task.
When they were about to pass the Mc
Kinley bill, prominent members of
their own party reproached them pri
vately and publicly for their breach of
faith in this respect.
More than this occurred. The elec
tions in November. 1S9, resulted in
sweeping democratic victories. Iowa
and Ohio elected democratic governors,
and Massachusetts barelj' missed doing
so by a bargain in certain wards of
IJoston. New York, that had voted for
Harrison in lSbS, resumed its place in
the democratic column. It was a re
publican Waterloo, only exceeded by
the phenomenal defeats which they
sustained in 1890 and 1S92.
Was this a revocation of the repub
lican mandate? According to what
they say now, it was. The McKinley
bill was not yet begun. Congress had
not met. If the republicans are seri
ous now, it.was plainly their duty from
their point of view to give up all notion
of raising tariff rates in order to pro
hibit importations. Hut they went on
and framed the McKinley bilL Iron
manufacturers in New England sent
their mammoth petitions for a restora
tion of the rates of 1S57, the law which
their Henry Wilson said was the best
ever framed. They disregarded this
memorial. Kansas, which had been a
republican stronghold, implored them
not to destroy her smelting and
threatened to desert the party if they
did, a threat that was faithfully carried
out. Nevertheless, the smelting in
dustry was driven to Mexico. It
would take too long to tell of the pro
tests from other sections that were dis
regarded. ' None of these things, nor all of them
together, were then corsidered a re
call of the popular mandate. Mc
Kinley and his accomplices insisted
that they were irresistibly driven for
ward by the mandate of the people to
rob the treasury for the benefit of
trusts, to reduce the revenue by pro
hibitory duties instead of lower rates,
and to increase expenditures to an ex
tent that was sure to lead, as it has
led, to a deficit. Such is the history of
republican respect for the mandate of
the people. With this recent history
fresh in the minds of the people, they
should have the grace to remain silent
upon the subject now. Louisville
Courier- Journal
A GOOD SUGGESTION.
One Way of Improving Republican Elec
toral Methods.
The republicans have long insisted
that the representation of the southern
states in congress and the electoral col
lege ought to be cut down to corre
spond with the relatively small vote
which they cast in elections, but no
practicable way of carrying out the
idea has ever been suggested. But
there is one method of making repre
sentation correspond with ballots
which the party can adopt, and that is
U apportion delegates in national con
ventions with some reference to the
number of votes cast The national
committee is considering the matter,
and seems likely to adopt some plan
before the convention of 1893 is called.
It teems grossly unjust that states
where the party hardly maintains an
existence, like Georgia, should have as
much influence in selecting candidates
as Iowa, for example. Moreover, the
system of allowing a few managers in
such states to name delegates who rep
resent nothing has been fruitful of
scandals, the buying of colored men
having become notorious. It would
be a great gain to the cause of polit
ical morals if representation in repub
lican conventions were based upon
votes rather than upon population.
N. Y. Post.
Frenchmen are alarmed at the
discovery of a very perceptible decline
in the thrift of their country. France
enjoys the thrift-promoting advantages
of a high protective tariff, and if at any
time thrift is not promoted as much as
it should be it is the solemn duty of the
French protectionists to screw the
tariff up a few notches. This is the
remedy prescribed by the eminent Dr.
McKinley, of Ohio, who promoted the
"thrift" that we are now enjoying over
here. Chicago Herald.
No industry was ever perma
nently benefited by taxation on trade.
The abolition of the coal tax will work
in the end for the beneSt of the West
Virginia mine-owners, as Mr. "Wilson
says. And it will work at once to build
up every other industry on tbe Atlantis
coast. N. Y. World. .
A NEW INDUSTRIAL ERA.
Better Conditions Indicated by Improve
Legislative Policy. !
The passage of the Wilson bill by thw
house of representatives by a decisive
majority marks the beginning of a new
industrial era for the United States.!
For the past thirty years the face of
the nation has been turned backward!
upon all questions affecting economic!
and industrial conditions, and we havei
been praising, preaching and prae-;
ticing middle age customs in thej
treatment of economic and indnsW
trial problems so far as theyj
can be affected by legislation. Had?
such legislative policy prevailed at any
other time than in the latter half of
the nineteenth century, when new in-j
ventions have caused tremendous ad
vances in mechanics and brought;
about material improvements by 8fr
complishing the division of labor and.
the substitution of machinery for tho
work of the hands, it would have re
tarded and thwarted the growth of,
the nation, would have checked intel-j
lectual progress if it had not really and,'
actually produced retrogression. Hut
the impetus which was given to trade;
and commerce by the invention of,
steam motor power, and the subse
quent production of mechanical agen
cies, has carried the nation forward as.
it were by force and with its back to
the future.
In &hort. Speaker Crisp was correct
in his statement when he declared that
the protective policy which had been;
practiced in the past by the United
States was similar to that which ba
kept China stationary and isolated for
the past thousands of years. We have
attempted nothing more nor less than,
the building up of a legislative Chinese
wall around the United States, block
ing and impeding commerce and pie
venting the extension of American in
fluence in other parts of the world.
Had it been continued America would
stand a hundred years from to-day as
she does now, and republican politicians
would still be preaching the policy of
protection to her "infant industries."
With twenty years of untrammeled
commerce, beginning with the passage
of the Wilson bill, America will be the
mistress of the world's commerce, trade
and industry. Chairman Wilson cor
rectly described the day of the vote
upon the passage of the Wilson bill as
one of the most glorious in our history,
and that the record of the house of
that day would permanently record no
passing event, but a great epoch in
American history, and that in the
future it would be a matter of pride to
every man who voted for that bill to
point to the record of that day and the
part which he played in its proceed
ings. '
In short, the work of congress,
signalized by the passage of the Wil
son bill, is the result of the triumph of
natural law and human progress. Me-
Kinleyism has retarded and thwarted
the operation of this law for a period,
but the reaction will be all the more,
powerful and effective and the prog
ress of the nation henceforth will be
the more rapid for the temporary
check which resulted from the pro
tective policy which, though adminis
tered for half a century or more, i
really but a moment of time in the life
which this great nation is destined to
complete. Kansas City Times.
PARAGRAPHIC POINTERS.
If the entire country were adie-
ted with a loss of memory the outlook
for the g. o. p. would be dazzling. De
troit Free Tress.
Like the protection policy which
it essayed to defend, Mr. Keed's speech
was stretched a little too far. Louis
ville Courier-JournaL
Many of the mills that are clos
ing down nowadays are located ex
clusively in the scare headlines of the
McKinley organs. Boston Herald
The chief grievance that the re
publican flock gatherers at the capital
have .against Secretary Carlisle is that
he is bent on maintaining the national
credit despite their efforts to prevent
it. Detroit Free Press.
Iieferring to the argument of a
republican contemporary that the one
hundred proposed amendments to the
Wilson bill indicate widespread dissat
isfaction with it, the Buffalo Courier
(dem.) says: "Judged by the same
standard, the McKinley bill must in
its earlier stages have been an ex
tremely unpopular measure. After it
got into the house and before it became
a law it received 134 amendments.
There is a story that Mr. Harri
son has sent an envoy to Maj. McKin
ley with a message of peace and a.
promise of support to the latter's pres
idential aspirations. The story may
be true. Mr. Harrison may aiready
have forgotten the part Maj. McKinley
played in the Minneapolis convention,
which resembled nothing so much as
the trick Garfield played on John Sher
man in the convention of 1880, except
that the latter succeeded, whereas the
McKinley performance was a ghastly
failure. At any rate Mr. Harrison has
his choice between Maj. McKinley and
Tom Eeed, and even bo righteous a
man as he could hardly repress the
human temptation to hate Reed worse
than he hates McKinley. Chicago
Times.
The Soru- Traat.
Mr. James U. Maury has contributed
to the New York World a startling ar
ray of figures to disclose the inward
ness of the sugar trust, which dictated
the McKinley sugar tariff. The trust
controls refined sugar. It gets all the
benefit of the McKinley duty on re
fined sugar and gets its material free
This trust has an actual capital of $17,
740,000 and has unloaded stock on the
market to the amount of $75,000,0(10.
As the bonds covered more than tha
value of the plant, the stock is all water.
The government bounty of about 510,
000,000 a year goes chiefly to the trust.
Consequently the McKinley tariff and
bounty have made the individuals who
dictated them and organized the trust
so enormously rich that they can 6pend
a million or two to oeat, tne vmson
bilL The sugar trust is a formidable
1 precursor of the possibilities which
' may grow up under the domination of
a McKinley party in this country. St.
Louis Republic.