JlftMLE WITH WORDS
IOWA REPUBLICANS GIVE
TARIFF REFORM IDEA.
UP
flan' In Platform Makes It Certain
That the Party Means to Add to the
Already Onerous Burdens of the
People.
The late Republican convention of
Ixwa declared that "duties that are
trio low should be, Increased and
Untie that are too high should be
f eduoj."
Th t Is to say. In the judgment of
the Republican platform butlders of
lima there are duties that are too
low an I should be Increase !. Ia any
revision of tariff schedules, according
f( Iowa protectionists, duties mu.-it be
raised as well as lowered.
Gov. Cummins was forol upon this
ll.ttform much against bin will. When
hw last discussed the tariff in Du
buque. Iowa, he declared his fealty to
IIih shelter of monopoly plank in the
previous deliverance of Iowa Repub
licans and gave a pledge that the
t'At ly would adhere to th "Iowa idea"
despite the high tariff faction.
When that once famous, but now
llnolffe "idea" was proniuig itd. the
author of which is Gov. Cummin. Col.
Henderson contemptuously remarked:
"Let the new lights shino aarhile." He
l;ur?w then, as Republican. all know,
tli.it the "new lights" would ! incon
tinently extinguished. He know that
lint protectees of IVr.nsyl vani i and
IMi'kIc Island would d irrt.it j tlx: tariff
(lank.
The rank and file of thi Republican
1 irty ap.rovMl the "Iowa idvi," but
licy hail no voice in making the p!at
Vonn. iMr. Cummins in his a-vptance
speech Rave his adhesion to the pro
tei tioiii.st idea in the following strong
ulirase: "I Rive my approval to the
'il.itform in every Heatence. in every
.line, in every word and ia every let
ter." Ho sought the nomination for
governor and he paid tli? price reluct
antly. but with apparent cheerfulness.
ii mo electorate ot ow.i approve
th" doctrine enunciate! in th Iowa
plitt'orrn they will b topp-?l from
nitki-ig any complaint aaiuit legal-
i'ed robbery.
. . .
i lie suggestion that some duties are
t(N low and should be iu"reased i sig-
nirteant. No Republican Congress ever
reduced the customs duties. For fifty
years preceding 187') th :iv?rag rate
of duty was 32 per cent; for the tlve
succeeding years it was 45 Vt per cent
air! for 1S7( it was 47 per cent. The
present average is about 57 per cent.
It will be observed that customs
duties have mounted higher aa 1 high
er every decade and yet are told
liy Iowa Republicans. willing tixU of
I em manufacturer, tha: some
dntles .are not high enough. The '"in
fant" trusts are clamorous for protec
tion. The ior things cannot gt on
without exacting tribute from th con
suitier.i of the West. They hi a not
leached the degree of str'?a.?th an 1
m.mirity at which they can niiintam
themselves without taking a part of
tb earnings of the peoplr
The lova platform, of which. Sen
ator Allison is the reputed author,
makes evident the prr;Hse tha Re
publican prtyto add tit tit burdens
Ixirue by the mass of the people by
iir.-rease of customs taxet.
Concerning "Official Irlagj."
Rome people are diaimsed to miia
tain that the idea of a tvtrt of royal
standard for the president of a re
public i't an incongruity.
Such people have declared tbif the
si r.. and strijes ought to be a goo-1
e..ngh flag for any American official
to r-til under and that th Pradetit
of "he United States dons not need
r.e ial st mdard to be h.Jistei rver
him wh. nevur he takes a trip on a
nttior.t! vessel.
That idea, however, has not found
fa ror in Washington, and whit is
known a;: "the President' flag" is
probably an established eosin. It will
oniinie to be displayed iu lion r of
tlit clii-f trtecutiv3 of the nition as
tl. royal standard of Great Britain
is hoi.-ded when t'i- sovereign is
Kurd a British warship or iu resi-dviH-e
:it a rryal castle. Par hays the
cu .iorn is defensiMe.
When it is sought to b- eitaJ.?d.
u v-fer, th.ru ought to be a peremp
tory veto put upon it. As the head of
th ;aion the President may be en
it f-d to a persona! design, but no
;ir!ta'iit enn be made in tlsfarise of
the custom which is growing up of
lilloiting an individual standard to
h assistant secretary of war and
id the p.avy.
The logical result of that iaajva
Vi.n -.v 1 1 1 be tit give every To:n. Dick
nd Harry in Washington otEcialiom
Nil ' C'lflcial flog" and a specified sa
jht The prosuect of such a con
u mi iii.it ion i.i by no means remote. It
. by ; means pleasant.
If the assistant secretaries of the
(military departments, who are mers
cl-rkii. are to Lave their personal
fags it Im clear that the assistant sec
XetarieK and even the subordinate
fun ttonaries of other departments
libtMdd enjoy like honors.
.It. is thus ontirely poasihie that we
nify eventually see a fourth auditor
of th treasury flying his flag from a
IVonc river steamboat whiU the
gnus of Port Washington thunder the
pre-ri!ed salute, or a superintendent
f ntral free delivery In th- po'ttonVe
lepMrtment having the guard turned
H In his honor at an army prist.
The iMttisihility is not a mere ridicu
loi; fancy, but a very proximate con
tingency. When this sort of fluaky
ltiii, which aiies the customs of mon
arch.' once gets 'started there is no
telling where it will stop, and the per-ffrtntnc-es
of an assistant secretary
of wtx at Newport last summer con
stitute an index to what we may ex-p--t
when all the little bureaucrats
get their flags of office and go forth
Ut air their dignity.
This country has already borrowed
tm much from European courts. We
ne-d more democracy and less fusa
and feathers at Washington.
Two Opponents of Wood.
Fortunately for the United States
army the two leading opponents of
Iiisrd Wood's advancement to the
rnnk of major general are not wicked t
Deirorrats inspired by a treasonable
desire tn embarrass and disoblige the
President. On the contrary, they ars
Republicans of the most expert and
approved allowance, statesmen whe
have more than once compelled vie
tory for the party of which Mr. Roote
velt Is the present chief.
Mr. Quay and Mr. Hanna are out
spoken In their declarations that Gen
Wood's nomination to higher rank
shall not be confirmed If they have
any influence in the Senate and It li
pretty generally admitted that they
have tuch Influence. It is pretty safe
to assume, therefore, that if Leonard
Wood becomes a major general It
will be after the distinguished gen
tlemen from Pennsylvania and Ohio
have retired from public life full of
years and honors.
We may regret that the opposition
of Messrs. Quay and Hanna !s not
based upon higher grounds than It is
The former opposes Gen. Wood be
cause of that officer's covert attacks
upon Gen. John R. Brooke, who is a
Pennsylvanian. The latter is influ
enced by resentment of W'ood's pros
cut ion of Rathbone, which was one
of the creditable acts of the Wood ad
ministration in Havana. The two Sen
a tors do not pretend to reprehend the
rcandals of that administration.
Fortunately, however, their opposi
tion, even though inspired by un
worthy motives, is likely to accom
plish a desirable end. It will prevent
the advancement, over the heads ot
veterans, of a man who owes his rise
entirely to the personal relations
which he has enjoyed with two Pres
idents of the United States. In this
case the end justifies the means.
Republican Falsity.
Mr. Milton J. Piatt voices the com
mon iew of the financial situation,
thus: '
"According to some theories, the
banking Interests of the country have
been taking risks on the alluring sea.
iu untried and what may turn out
innavigable craft. They have sound
ed the depths, but have not heeded
the indications of the lead, and have
presumed upon the prevalence of un
interrupted fair weather. Their po
sition has been weakened by loan ex
pansion. which has not waited on ex
pansion In deposits. Succeeded by
syndicates, baling credits, so the
claim goes, have been unduly extend
ed. and while it is graciously admit
ted that there Is no prospect of im
mediate trouble, the hint is not a
disgusted one that trouble lies along
the road being traveled. Fortunately
the national banks . of the United
States are under the control of toler
ably level-headed men, most of them
with the banking business a life-long
experience, but unfortunately disser
tation on what has been a recent de
velopment along the lines stated has
kept within too narrow limits. Some
what wrong impressions .have thus
been created, impressions which
those most interested are practically
powerless to remove."
Now add to these Mr. Morgan's
warning as to "undigested securities,"
pnd then ask yourself before you vote
tor a Republican President whether
this Republican prosperity Is the safe
and sure thing Republican spellbind
ers would have us believe it. In three
national platforms they have prom
ised a reform of the currency there
tore tbey must know it is needed, but
to give it is like building an inter-
oceanic canal to be put off as long
as possible.
Official Seasickness.
Mr. Rocsevelt has been shamed out
of taking thousands of dollars a day
out of the treasury of the United
States for his private adventures.
Cabinet officers have gradually desist
ed also because the sea made them
sick.
Postmaster General Payne was so
frequently sick on the Onondaga that
fhe crew, which was arrogantly over
worked to find smooth waters for him,
quit to the number of twenty-six and
left the government cutter unmanned.
If federal officials must junket at
public cost they should prefer
vehicles addicted to the land. Are
there no federal automobiles? Or is
the fate of Williams landaulet for
gotten?
Promotion in the Army.
The new militia law provides thor
ough drilling and five days' field ser
vice for the members of the national
guard each year. It also provides
that any man with the qualifications
thus and otherwise to be easily se
cured may go before an examining
lody and be listed to be appointed an
officer of volunteers. From those
ranks any American may rise to be
head of the army provided no Leonard
Wood, educated as a physician, bars
the way of superior merit.
The new militia law was designed
to make the people love the national
guard more, but one of its features
makes them admire Theodore Roose
velt less.
Roosevelt Making Enemies.
To retire Miles with a snub and to
advance Wood over the heads of vet
erans of a hundred battles are per
formances which will hardly endear
the rough-riding one to the old sol
diers, for whom he is continually pro
fessing friendship and admiration. Has
not the rough rider, by the way, at one
time or another, trampled upon the
toes of pretty nearly erery one whom
he ought to conciliate If he hopes for
a longer lease of power?
Criticism of Public Men.
Pension Commissioner Ware will
eventually come to understand that
criticism of the pension, office or even
of himself personally is not necessar
ily high treason punishable by hang
ing, drawing and quartering. It is,
however, encouraging to see that at
least one federal functionary is sen
sitive to criticism. Mr. Payne, it will
be remembered, was at first inclined
to dismiss it with the disparaging
designation "hot air."
Excuse for Discontent.
Perhaps it is ungrateful of a West
Pointer to resign his commission after
he has been educated by the govern
ment, but it must be admitted that he
has some excuse - for such action.
When an army doctor is Jumped over
the heads of nearly 500 line officers
there
is no especial Inducement for
the educated soldier to remain in the)
army.
STEEL TRUST FACTS
STARTLING DISCLOSURES RE
CENTLY MADE.
Proof That Sworn Statements Made
by Charles M. Schwab Were False
How the Steel Trust Makes its
Enormous Profits.
Some startling facts in regard to
.he cost of producing steel in this and
'orelgn countries are disclosed in a
xxk recently published. Its title
, "History of the Carnegie Steel
Company." It is written by James
rloward Bridge, formerly private sec
etary to Andrew Carnegie. It con
tains a letter from Mr. C. M. Schwab
a Mr. Henry C. Frick. dated May 15,
1899, the genuineness of which is not
Jisputed, although its statements flat
y contradict the published statements
if leading steel men during the last
few years, notably those of Mr.
Schwab, president of the steel trust,
nade under oath before the Industrial
Commission, May 11. 1901, and in a
suit in Newark, N. J.. July 15, 1902.
When this letter was written, Mr.
Trick was planning a new corporation,
which he later vainly tried to float, to
nclude the. Carnegie Steel and the
Frick Coke properties. Mr. Schwab,
n this letter, was giving facts as to
the costs of producing steel here and
abroad and expressing his opinion as
to the future outlook of the steel
business.
He said that he knew positively
that England "cannot produce pig
iron at the actual cost for less than
311.50 per ton, even allowing no profit
on raw materials, and cannot put pig
iron into a rail with their most effi
cient works for less than $7.50 a ton."
This would make the cost of steel
rails in England $19 a ton.
"You know," Mr. Schwab wrote to
Wall Street: "Why did I eat that
cordial quick!"
Mr. Flick, "we can make rails for less
than $12 a ton, leaving a nice margin
on foreign business." He said that
these rails could be made and ship
ped abroad so as to "net us $16 at
works for foreign business," a profit
of $4 a ton in competition with the
English product in England. And.
he added: "What is true of rails is
equally true of other steel products."
Furthermore, "foreign costs are going
to increase from year to year because
they have not the raw material, while
ours is going to decrease."
Of course Mr. Schwab, the presi
dent of the Carnegie Steel Company,
knew what he was talking about. His
statements were probably as accurate
as he Could make them, for he knew
that Mr. Frick was familiar with the
steel business and knew the facts
almost as well as did Mr. Schwab.
Steel rails which then cost less
than $12 a ton to proluce were sell
ing here at above $28 a ton, leaving
a margin of over $16 a ton as profit, or
125 per cent on cost price. It was
not strange, then, that the Carnegie
Steel Company made net profits of
$21,000,000 in 1899 and $34,000,000 in
1900, and that the profits of the great
steel trust in 1902 were over $133,000,
000. There is good reason to suppose
that Mr. Schwab made no mistake
when he said our cost of producing
steel goods would decrease. The
Steel trust owns its own iron and
coal mines and its own transporta
tion lines between them. Its facili
ties for assembling materials and pro
ducing steel are greater than ever
before. Undoubtedly these improve
ments far more than offset the slight
increase in wages in some ' apart
ments, so that the present cost of
making steel rails, at least by the
trust, is probably less than $10 a ton.
As the trust has held the pric- of
rails in this country at $28 per ton
ever since its formation, it is evident
that it is making about 200 per cent
profit on them. According to Mr.
Schwab's letter, similar profits are
being made on other steel products.
It is to conceal these exhorbitant
profits that the Sceel trust, in its
1902 report (see Moody's Manual), in
cludes in its gross sales and earnings
of 560,510,479, sales between the con
stituent companies of the trust.
These sales to itself may amount to
only one-third or they may reach two
thirds of the total depending on how
the books are kept and how much of
the profit the trust officials think It
advisable to conceal. If half of these
gross receipts consisted of money
merely shifted from one of its pockets
to another, or rather of credits
transferred from one set of books to
another, then the Steel trust in 1902
received $280,000,000 for Its steel. If,
as it states, its net profits were $133,
300,000, then the cost of producing
the steel sold was $147,000,000. Thus
its net profits were 90 per cent of the
i.asts of Its goods, instead of only
31 rer cent as would appear Trom the
figures printed in the' rejiort.
The Steel trust can make profits ot
90 per cent because of tariff duties
averaging over $10 a ton on imported
steel. Take off these duties, and its
profits would be less than half what
they are. Dut the leading Republi
cans, from President Rocsevelt down,
have decided to "stand pat" and to
'let well : enough alone," as Mark
Hanna states it. The Steel trust can
not but be satisfied with this de
cision, even if there are a few kickers
amongst the people who, in the end.
must, put up the price which it costs
to stand pat and to let the Steel
trust alone in the enjoyment of its
tariff-filched profits.
One has only to compare Schwab's
statements in this letter with his
statement before the Industrial Com
mission, two years later, to see how
elastic 13 the conscience of the head
of a protected trust, while little con
fidence is to be placed in their sworn
statements. While he then admitted
that "Export prices are made at a very
much lower rate than those here," yet
he said, "There is no one who has
been a manufacturer for any length
of time who will not tell you that the
reason he sold, even at a loss, was tc
run his works full and steady. That
has been the chief thing regarding all
these companies in their export busi
ness." When asked for specific ex
port prices for steel rails, he said:
"I have not them at hand. . . I would
have to make a guess; I do not know
definitely. The export price was
about $23 a ton."
It is evident that these statements
were misleading and false. Mr.
Schwab then knew, and knew well,
that the average export price of rails
was about $20 a ton and that $23
had been received for few if any
rails exported for several years.
Practically all was sold for less than
$21 and some as low as $16. He
green fruit? Bring the elastic currency
Duluth News Tribune.
knew that the Carnegie Company, just
before it became a part of the steel
trust, sold rails to foreigners at less
than $21 a ton. He, as president,
made the contracts. He must have
had these facts clearly before him
when he testified. His memory for
details, excellent on most points, was
conveniently defective on this point.
He also knew, just as well as when
he wrote Mr. Frick two years earlier,
that the steel goods sold to foreigners
were not sold at a loss but, rather,
at a great profit.
Not only were his sworn statements
on these matters perfectly reckless
and devoid of truth, but they were
equally so in other matters. Thus,
he said that, "The largest export has
been done chiefly in those lines in
which labor has uot played an Import
ant part, like rails, billets, and things
of that sort." The statistics of ex
ports for the three years, 1899, 1900
and 1901. show that the value of rails,
billets, ingots and blooms exported
constituted less than 10 per cent of
the total exports of manufactured
steel and that the other 90 per cent
consisted of more highly finished pro
ducts. Since 1901, highly finished
products furnish over 95 per cent of
our exports.
Again in 1902, Mr. Schwab made
affidavits that the value of the assets
of the Steel trust was over $1,400,
000,000, allowing nothing for good-will,
patents or trade-marks. As the mar
ket of all the securities of the trust
was then less than $1,000,000,000, and
is now less than $800,000,000, it is
evident that he had an elastic con
science for values.
It may be remarked, in conclusion,
that Mr. Schwab was not deposed
f rom his $100.000-a-year job because of
carelessness with his oath. Had he
told the truth to the Industrial Com
mission his job would have left him
much sooner. The official head of the
projected trust understands that he
sells his conscience along with his
other faculties and that. If necessary
to preserve the Interests of the stock
holders, he must prevaricate on a
large scale. BYRON W. HOLT.
Those Precious Stocks.
Mr. Depew is gratified that tt.-is
flurry in stocks comes midway in a
presidential term because, otherwise,
"it might . become complicated with
politics." Mr. Depew's solicitude for
the security market is well known.
It was he., as everyone remembers,
who strongly deprecated the warlike
hullabaloo over the sinking of the
Maine because, as he put the matter,
"all this talk hurts stocks."
First Reclaim the Lands.
It is estimated that 1,000,000 acres
of land in New Mexico can be re
claimed by the government Irrigation
enterprise. The difficulty is in first
reclaiming the lands from the barons
of one kind or another who have ap
propriated them. '
i
How is He Going to
Commoner Comment
NO MORE CONFIDENCE GAMES.
It is apparent that the reorganizes
are attempting to play another con
fidence game, first on the democratic
party and then on the public. They
want a platform that is ambiguous and
candidates who are not openly pledged
to anything, but who are secretly
pledged to the representatives of or
ganized wealth. Then they propose to
collect a large campaign fund from the
corporations and use it to buy the
floating vote. Tne word "democrat" is
to be used to cover anything that the
schemers want and the campaign is to
be run on plans approved by modern
republicanism. This is- what was done
in 1892 and the bunco game was fully
developed during Mr. Cleveland's ad
ministration. Every effort made today
in the direction of reform is handi
ror. hv the disgraceful record of
those four years and any prominence
given to the unrepentant members of
that administration gives the lie to all
promise of improvement. Will the
party travel again through that valley
of the shadow of death? Will the hon
est and earnest advocates of remedial
legislation permit the party to be used
for the betrayal of the hopes- of the
people? Never! As soon as the rank
and file understand the nature of the
struggle they will arise in their might
and overthrow the political highway
men who wear the mask of democracy
but who are bent upon the spoliation
of the masses. No more confidence
games during this generation, and if
the loyal democrats do their duty there
will be such a modification in the
methods of government that rings will
find it impossible to impose on the
people longer. The reaffirmation of the
Kansas City platform and the applica
tion of Kansas City platform princi
ples to all new questions will keep the
party true to its high purpose.
"THE PRICE OF EXCLUSI VEX ESS."
congressman Hepburn delivered a
tariff speech at Creston. Ia., August 10.
In that speech Mr. Hepburn repudiated
the "no shelter to monopoly" plank in
the Iowa republican platforms of 1901
and 1902, and raid that he was well
satisfied that that plank is not to be
found in the Iowa platform for 1903.
Mr. Hepburn confessed admiration
for the Dingley tariff bill, of which he
said: "Its schedules were determined
upon after careful, laborious and pains
taking study; they were adopted as
the real and proper duties that would
give the power of production to our
people;" and he made this statement
in spite of the fact that in a speech
delivered in the senate at the last ses
sion, Senator Doliver of Iowa declared
that Mr. Dingley had admitted that
all the rates in his bill were purposely
placed high in order that they might
serve as a basis for reciprocity treaties
and become subject to radical reduc
tion. With a fine display of pride, Mr.
Hepburn said: "It is a little more' than
six years since President McKinley
gave the Dingley bill his approval."
but Mr. Hepburn omitted to say that
it is a little less than two years since
President McKinley practically with
drew his approval from that bill. In
his speech delivered at Buffalo, Sep
tember 5. 1901, Mr. McKinley said:
"We must not repose in fancied se
curity that we can forever sell every
thing and buy little or nothing. If
such a thing were possible, it would
not be best for us or for those with
whom we deal. We should take from
our customers such of their products
as we can use without harm to our
A few short months ago northern
papers were writing what they thought
about lynchings in the touth. Today a
number of them are thinking of what
not to write about lynchings in the
north.
Mr. Rockefeller might throw a little
oil on the troubled waters squeezed
from those Wall street securities.
The letter dismissing General Miles
was very brief, but the letter to Gov
ernor Durbin was long enough to make
up for it.
Organize a democratic club in your
voting precinct and turn the lantern
on the reorganizers who are working
in the dark.
( Having been forced to reverse him
self on the sending of that Kishineff
petition, perhaps Justice Brewer will
consent to modifying his opinion con
cerning government by injunction.
When the trusts and financiers want
something they keep after it until they
get It. When the people want some
thing they ask for it and then sit
around and wonder why they do not
get it.
J PROBLEM.
Bury the Animal, and Keep the Tail Wagging?
industries and labor. Reciprocity is
the natural outgrowth of our wonder
ful industrial development under the
domestic policy now firmly established
What we produce beyond our domestic
consumption must have a vent abroad.
The excetj must be relieved through
a foreign outlet, and we should sell
everything we can and buy whenever
the buying will enlarge our sales and
productions, and thereby make a great
er demand for home labor. The period
of exclusiveness is past. The expan
sion of our trade and commerce is the
pressing problem. Commercial wars
are unprofitable. A policy of good will
and friendly trade relations will pre
vent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties
are in harmony with the spirit of the
times; measures of retaliation are
not. If perchance some of our tariffs
are no longer needed for revenue or to
encouiage and protect our industries
at home, why should they not be em
ployed to extend and protect our mar
j kets abroad?"
WHEN DID THE CHANGE OCCUR?
The Philadelphia Press, republican,
saytK "If American currency had been
scund in 1893 and 1801 panic would
have been prevented here then. It
came because no one could be certain
as to the standard of value."
Will the Press be good enough to
point out the particular piece of legis
lation in which a change has been
wrought in our currency system since
the 1S93 and 1804 panic?
The financiers insist that the repub
lican party has not fulfilled its pledges
with respect to "currency reform" and
they say that the act of March, 1900.
whereby the secretary of the treasury
was given authority to exchange one
dollar for another whenever such ex
change became necessary in order to
maintain the parity, provides for the
redemption in gold of the silver dollar
no such authority as any secretary of
the treasury would dare to ai t upon.
While the Press say that there
could be no certainty as to the stand
ard of value in 1S93 and 1894. It inti-I
mates that there is certainty as to the
standard of value at this time. For
the benefit of its readers, it should
point out just how this remarkable
change was brought about.
BRIBING CONGRESSMEN.
In last week's Commoner was some
correspondence given to the public by
Congressman Baker of rBooklyn. If.
shows that the railroads are Issuing
passes to congressmen in spite of the
Elkins law. and it must also be evi
dent to any reasonable person that the
railroads do not issue passes for the
pleasure of issuing them.
Washington is so far away from the
average constituent that the congress
men can hely the railroads without
detection, and evidence is not lacking
to show that both the railroads and
many congressmen understand this.
In the last congress a large sum was
given to both the Baltimore & Ohio
and the Pennsylvania railroads to aid
in the construction of depots and the
representatives of the road were hang
ing about the capitol freely using
passes. One of the lobbyists had a
record of the vote and rewarded those
who voted for the appropriation and
refused passes to those who voted
against the compan3-'s demands.
Governor La FoIJette might add a
paragraph to his Chautauqua lecture
and show how the pats is used to bribe
congressmen and representatives.
Mr. Baker, who calls attention to the
pass custom, is from the state of New
York. It is an encouraging sign that
the protest ccmes from the east and
Had the republican leaders shown as
much interest in the negro's welfare
during the past thirty years as they
have shown in his vote there would be
less race prejudice today.
Perhaps Mr. Roosevelt means that
the "door of hope" for the colored man
shall lead only into a republican na
tional convention.
Doubtless Go-ernor Pennypacker is
accumulating a job lot of jealousy of
Tsi An's power to make the editors
walk straight.
After "standing pat" against the as
set currency scheme for a week or two.
Uncle Joe Cannon is beginning to con
verse like a man who has bad his mind
changed for him.
The health department of Philadel
phia announces that by prosecuting
its work vigorously it has banished
smallpox from that city. This is a
hint to the honest voters of the city.
The attention of Mr. Payne is called
to the recent action of Mr. Root.
It appears that the ship-building
trust failed to caulk Its- own bottom.
it is to be hoped that it will be taken
up by the congrcKsinen from the wnht
and south.
A NEWSPAPER LOTTERY.
The Nashville American Is not only
republican in its views, but it is will
ing to demoralize Its readers by culti
vating the gambling spirit among
them. A reader of The Commoner has
sent In a letter iHsued by the Weekly
American, April 4, inviting subscriber
to enter Into a guessing contest the
thing gucKsrd uuon to be the amount,
of cotton receive1? ut all United Stales
ports between September 1, 1902. and
May 1, 1903, (the time is now paM).
As there was no way of ascertain lug
the exact amount of bales it was mi
largely a guess that the contest doeH
not differ essentially In prlnelple from
the old lottery or wheel of fortune. It
is not Kt range that a paper tliut sup
ports a Wall street financial poli'-y
should urge Its Mihscrlbers to specula
tive money-making rather than stimu
late them to the honest accumulation
of money by legitimate means. The
American offered a number of free es
timates to agents 011 terms stated in
the letter. When it can spare time
from the denunciation of Mr. Ilryan
as a disturber of harmony, will it give
a few words In defense of Its lottery,
from a moral standpoint?
INDORSE THE PLATFORM.
The county conventions are now be
ing held in many states and the only
sure way to prevent the reorganlzers
from stealing a march on the voters
Is to indorse the Kansas City platform
and instruct the delegates to county
and state conventions to Indorse It.
This ought to be done at caucuses and
primaries as well as at precinct and
county conventions. An indorsement
of the national platform covers all
national questions. A failure to In
dorse can only be construed as cow
ardice or as opposition to the plat
form. If any one opposes indorsement
on . the ground that he is opposed to
the silver plank, tell him to offer a
platform indorsing the financial policy
of the republican party and let th?
democrats choose between the plat
forms. If the republican policy is too good
to be denounced. It is good enough to
be indorsed. If our party is wrong
011 the money question an honest ad
mission is better than evasion. But
the reorganizers dare not indoine the
gold standard; they prefer a sllncn
which they can construe as an aban
donment, of the party's position.
Let the Kansas City platform demo
crats demand an honest fight for prin
ciples and their vindication will not
long be delayed.
When Governor Pennypacker thinks
of the fate of that Chinese journalist
he is more than ever convinced that
China's methods of dealing with jour
nalists has some advantages over
those of America.
It Is slowly dawning upon the mind
of a large number of administration
editors that human nature is not ac
quainted with geographical locations
or educated up to the cardinal point
of the compass.
Mr. Baker of New York succeeded In
administering a hot roast to the rail
road that sought to Influence bim by
giving him a pas.
Kill the asset currency measure. It
is nrrsafe. What mill become of the
currency when the cashier absconds
with the assets?
ft is very evident that after Unci
Joe Cannon makes- one more visit to
Oyster Bay he will stand without
tying.
The "Coxey Army" was the result of
a democratic panic, according to the
administration organs. Will the ad
ministration organs please inform us
concerning the cause of the "Mother
Jones Army"?
Having surrendered the "Iowa idea."
Governor Cummins finds It easy to ac
cept the asset currency Idea.
Since the water has been squeezed
out of them, perhaps those undigested
securities are not quite so soggy.
Democratic presidential booms in
flated with hot air will not rise very
high In a democratic atmosphere.
The "booms" started by the reor
ralzers seem to b of "few day and
full of trouble." Hill. Parker. Cleve
land all these gone and the Gorman
boom already showing signs of fatigue.
Next!
Perhaps Mr. Fowler would agree to
consider a waterproof currency.
1
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