Semi-weekly news-herald. (Plattsmouth, Nebraska) 1895-1909, September 21, 1900, SUPPLEMENT, Image 4
apolitical lie nailed ' but he changed ,hi9 ..mind,, as. great . - . . . ! railkoah koteh tun PcntiAHiMl - SUPPLEMENT. PLATTSMOUTH NEWS. Plattsmouth, - Nebraska Saturday. September 22, 1900. iO FALTERING UNDER THE NATION'S DUTY. Silver and Expansion Are the Paramount Issues. M. E. IngaHs, a Life-Lone Sound Mon;y Democrat, Writes of the Neces sity for Assuming a Larger National Life. One of the most successfnl. distin guished and popular railway presidents in the United States is the Hon. Mel ville E. Ingalls of Cincinnati. From the very ground of railroad construction he lias worked his way up to the presidency of the Chesapeake and Ohio and Big Four railway systems, among the most prosperous of our great trunk lines. Mr. In Ralls is one of the people, and is prac tical in every idea. He is a lifelong Dem ocrat, and from the September issue of the North American Ileview the follow ing extracts are made from Mr. Ingalls' Advice to Hold Democrats: What has hapiened since November, 18IH5, to warrant a reversal of the judg ment which the American people then pronounced at the polls? Under what conditions have we entered on the pres ent presidential campaign, and what, in this regard, is the duty of patriotic citi zens, independent of partisan affiliation? To the Democrat who voted for Palmer and Buckner, as well as to the Democrat who voted for McKinley four years ago. the situation to-day presents peculiar embarrassments. Preferring to act with his party, when possible, the patriotic Democrat must, nevertheless, answer the call of duty, no matter in what direction it leads him. The second and snpreme trial of the great financial issue, which never should have been dragged into partisan politics, will be made at the polls in November, 1000. This test will, I believe, be con clusive. What are the conditions under which it is to be made? There is in the United States at the THE PATENT LAWS 8REED MONOPOLIES. A Drummer Continues His Chats on Trade Changes. Reorganization of Employing Companies Affords Larger Opportunities to the Men Expansion Gives Drummers New Fields. (Concluded from last week.) ' Monopolies in this country are due more to the patent system than any oth er cause; the average trust could not mo nopolize its product, and it will not try. If it does, there is the same old remedy which we free American citizens, who are supposed to have something to say in the election of our State legislatures, can apply. We can pass State laws for the regulation of those monopolies. And, by the way, speaking of politics, the Re publican national platform declares against monopolies and would propose national legislation against them. Gov. Roosevelt, a singularly clear headed public man on civic questions, let me tell you, sees the point. He would legislate against monopolies. I firmly believe that this legislation will come, nnd with it other laws intended to regu late industrial corporations, a good deal as railroads and banks are regulated now. Why not? When the trusts really get to going so that they themselves know what they can do, and so that they won't he ashamed to show in what a cheap, prim itive, experimental stage most of their ; methods now are, then, like the banks and the railroads, they ought to be made to "show down," and they will be. Then the Wall street investor for whom we don't care anything in particu larwill be protected from making bad investments, and the unwary investors, the widows and the orphans, whom cer tain sand-bagging plutocrats like to tell tis about with so many tears, will be doubly protected. Moreover, the em ployes of the trusts, the clerks in the offices and the hands in the mills, can buy trust stocks, and they will want to. I spoke about the Wall street investor. He hasn't been making so very much money iu industrial stocks of late. He got caught lots of times. Perhaps you recall the case of the bicycle trust. The promoters of that scheme went to cer tain bankers in New York on an eighty million dollar basis. It wouldn't go. It wasn't worth the money. There wasn't the property in plants, good will, etc. About a year later the promoters, the same promoters, no doubt, who had learn ed a good deal in the meantime, came back with the bicycle trust proposition on a forty niT'on dollar basis, and it went at that; could earn dividends on the forty millions. It is probably true that the American Bicycle Company is not fully satisfied with every single on of the mill ion details of its business, but doubtless it will get there. Other manufacturers, and big manufacturers, in the bicycle business will also got there; and other big trusts in the bicycle business are bound to get there, too. You can't keep a good man down or a good proposition. You can't corner all the capital and brains in the country. Remember that. But I was speaking about the investor. the wary one, not the widow or the or phan. lie has suffered on account of the f present day unparalleled prosperity, in which every citizen ha.s a right to share. If any citizen is prevented from sharing in that prosperity, he is the Yietim of conditions which canuot be righted by the election of Bryan, strongly as he may be tempted to trust in that remedy. Un der the gold standard we have become the leading creditor nation, and we are financing the world. We have produced three great crops in succession, and we are feeding Europe. We have had three years of unexcelled manufacturing in dustry, and we are finding a prompt and generous market nil over the world. The American farmer, the American laborer and the American business man were never as prosperous as they are to-day. It is by their suffrages that this presiden tial election must be decided. In what direction do their interest lie? The American farmer is selling for 37Va eents a bushel corn which it costs him 15 cents to produce. His wheat and cotton, his beef and pork are selling at profitable prices. He is spending his money in luxuries and enjoying himself. He is riding in railroad trains, and, as he looks from the car windows over the bountiful harvests, he is taking a new view not only of his native land, which was never fairer or happier, but is also thinking of his new markets and new 'possessions' across the sees. The laborer is to-lay receiving more wages than he ever received before, and he is receiving them in a currency that is good all over the world. In many in stances, undoubtedly, there must be a readjustment of wages, and the sporadic strikes now reported in various manufac turing centers point probably to the be ginning of this readjustment. In my opin ion, these and kindred difficulties will be safely and speedily settled. Now, can any sane man tell me how the laborer will help his condition, or the solution of the problems so vital to him, by voting to debase our standard of value and thereby reducing his own wages? What has labor to hope from Bryan, ostensibly the friend of the dissatisfied, the champion of the aggrieved, and the chosen candidate of all the long-haired reformers in the United States? Does not the supreme salvation of labor de pend, after all, upon preserving our standard of value, upon the non-partisan regulation of trusts, and upon the appli cation to those great commercial aggre gations, which are so peculiarly a pro duct of this age, of a system of license and taxation? Is it not idle to denounce the trust as an evil, a menace to the na tional welfare? Is not the trust a nat ural and essential development of our time? A quarter of a century ago the word "corporation' implied an inherent reproach in the minds of exactly those citizens who to-day regard the trust, which is the incorporation of corpora tions, with the same disfavor. Yet it is to the solution of the trust problem that the American business man, as well as stock-watering evil along with the trust "magnate" and the promoter. He is get ting down on the earth again. Some of the trusts iu which he invested have even gone to pieces. They were badly con ceived and badly managed. Tliey couldn't hold together. They didn't "do business" on a business basis. There was no reason why they should expect to hold together. Perhaps there were too many purely ornamental per sons in the offices with high salaries. Perhaps there were too many sons and nephews of "the president," who sat around looking handsome and thinking that there was no other task of impor tance connected with their job. What ever the cause, the badly organized and badly managed trust has gone to pieces or is going. Nothing can help it. if it can't help itself. So, too, the people are realizing that the problem is economic after all, that no person, nor any party, is to blame for this condition of things; nor, in fact, that any person, or party, or policy cau prevent the good ones from succeeding, can prevent the bad ones from failing. That suggests another thing. I spoke of the more or less handsome nephew of "the president." He has got to be up to his job or he can't stay. It isn't enough for him to succeed in his new position in doing the same old things that he used to do in the old one. There is new study for him, new problems; buying, handling the labor situation, selling the product at a profit, studying the world's mar kets. All this he has got to do because it has got to be done; and if he hasn't the in clination or the brains to do it, you can wager your last dollar at the risk of walking from Kokomo to Kankakee that neither the "President" nor any one else will keep him in. That is why it is the worst kind of fol-de-rol, unworthy of anybody as intelligent as the Great Americnn Traveler, to pretend that there are no opportunities in manufacturing and trade now, and especially none for young men. Fudge! There was never so good a chance for brains, ami good health, and sobriety. and acumen, and vitality. Have these J things and capital must have you. And if it must have you it must pay you. The larger the corporation, the more impor tant in it is the man. There are just as many .large corporations now as there were small ones before. As many big men are required as there were small ones required before. What these so called magnates want is somebody who can do the work. Price is no object if they can depend upon you. You can't strike a $10,000 position all at once. You have got to show that you are worth $1,- O00. or $12,000, or $3,000. It is the same old climb as it always has been; there is the same old ladder to go up by, and the same old persimmon when you get to the top round and the same old persimmons, too. all the way up at all the rounds. All this seems pretty long unless it also seems to have some bearing upon the drummer question. I don't know whether yon ever thought of it or not. but many different causes have been op erating in the last few years to throw commercial travelers out of work. Man ufacturers' have sought to eliminate com mission men, who must have laid off a good many of their travelers. The cata logue houses, so-called, those dcing busi ness direct with the consumer by means of catalogues and other printed matter, have grown enormously. They have laid off drummers if tlu-y ever had them; and one of the reasons why they can sell so cheaply to the consumer is that one ele ment of selling expense, the drumming, is e'.utninated. Any house that corre sponds extensively, that takes care with its correspondence, by just so much makes the selling easy; and if the pro cess were kept up long enough, this the American farmer and laborer, must address himself. And in the solution of that problem he will find the present goal of patriotism. The business man who does not inquire into the' politics of his bookkeeper is asked by the supporters of Mr. Bryan to allow partisan politics to lie injected into the circulating medium through which he carries on his business. He refused in 18!;. as he will refuse, I believe, in 1900, to impute either Democracy or Republi canism to the dollar. He will say that it is not a political question, and that it should not be made such. Asking him self where he shall seek guidance in the casting of his ballot, he. like the laborer and the farmer, looks out upon prosper ity unprecedented. He sees trade follow ing the flag all around the world, and new markets opening to him under new national responsibilities. He realizes, as a business man, that these responsibili ties must be grappled with and adjusted on a business basis. No policy of evasion or retreat can commend itself to him. Yet. into the field of partisan discussion he finds these responsibilities dragged, like the dollars from his counting room, by the politicians who seek his vote. And, like the farmer and the laborer, he finds his next national ballot invested with unique importance. What will be the reply of the American patriot, who is now asked to believe that his home and his pocketbook are staked on the next turn of the ballot, that a wrong decision spells ruin, and that he must decide issnes of such moment as were never before submitted to the Amer ican electorate? Bryan's election appears to me impossible. Good citizens, irrespective of pm-ty, should vote for Mc Kinley in November. That it is the duty of patriots to do so I have no doubt. The safety of the American republic is not menaced by a bogey, crowned with an imperial diadem of straw. The cry of imperialism is simply a pretext of the Democratic leaders to save themselves from the fatal blunder they made in 18!!J, the blunder of dragging the dollar to the polls and endeavoring to degrade it. Imperialism is not the paramount issue, despite all efforts to make it so. Now, as in 180, the real issue is the Silver Danger. That is the peril threat ening this country, not the imaginary evils attendant on the acquisition of new territory, which was the inevitable re sult of a war for whieh the shriekers against imperialism were largely respon sible. The only peril now threatening the United States is ruin and retrogres sion under silver, the turning back of the wheels of progress and prosperity to the standards of China and Mexico, and the abandonment of our position as the greatest country in the civilized world. Shall we go forward or shall we turn back? That w the question for the vot ers in November. Under McKinley we would cause drummers to lose their places. Then consider that millions and mill ions of dollars are spent in this country for advertising purposes, not merely in the newspapers and the magazines, but on the fences and the biil boards, in signs, in distributions of printed mat ter, and what not. What is all this money spent for? To sell goods. And the study of hundreds of the brightest men iu the country is devoted to making advertising more and more effective, so that a given expenditure will result in greater nnd greater sales at a lower nnd lower expense. Why do the advertisers want to sell more and more cheaply? So that they can beat their competitors by giving the consumer bet ter things for the same money, or just aa good things for less money. AH this effort to sell things cheaper means that drummers are going to be laid off if they by their methods have been selling things more expensively. There is another thing that we owe it to ourselves to look fairly iu the face. Many drummers in the past have consid ered that the business that they helped their houses to do belonged to them and not to the houses. Others, surely all the houses, used to take a contrary view; and of late years they have resorted to the various more or less direct methods of selling in order to get their business back into their own hands. No doubt about it! No doubt about it! One of the things which a trust aims to do is to reduce its selling expense. If four manufacturers making the same ar ticle are drumming Indiana, and their four able nnd persuasive representatives light into Indiauapolis some day, they all go around among the trade doing lit tle except neutralize one another. About four times the talk, nerve force and money are spent to sell only as many goods as Indianapolis wants that day, as needs be spent. This is one of the many things that the trusts have found out that they knew before they started in. Now, it is inevitable in the very econ omics, in the very natural law of the situation, that some of those drummers must go some time; they may be sent into new territory, they may be recalled to work in the office at home, or they may be dismissed entirely. Just so much of their work as has been unnecessary will surely be dispensed with In time. Competition does that, and we couldn't have any better illustration of the fact that competition is always active. Here it is potent, actually. In the case of the glucose trust that was afraid to encour age too much competition (of other capi tal and brains) by making more than sev en per cent, it was active potentially. It is preposterous to say that fifty thousand commercial travelers, or thirty five thousand, have been thrown out of work by the trusts. There are probably not sixty thousand of them in the whole country. Besides, if ten per cent cf them have been thrown out of work by the various changes, in producing and dis tributing that bare conif about in the lost few years, other causes have probably contributed equally with the combination movement. Even so. and putting the case at its very worst, the general im provement in business, the wide expan sion of trade at home and abroad, which all of our producers, manufacturers and traders have helped to bring about, and by which they have ali inevitably profit ed this has put all of those commercial travelers back into places just as good, or better, or will do so. It is inevitable. More people were employed after ma chinery was introduced simply because the wants of the human race became greater and wider every year, and these wants hod to be supplied, and could be. because things were so much cheaper. We have taken over Porto Rico, Ha So ?orward. under Bryan we turn back. llie coming test of the silver question at the polls must, in all human proba bility, be the liual one. The will of the voters twice registered will not be the third time disputed. Each year that we preserve our present money standard gives it additional security. The Amer ican people do not like experiments with their currency, their school houses, their churches or their savings banks. A re versal of the popular verdict of ISfHi would mean a reversal of all the achieve ments that make m our national pros perity. Bryan's election would mean that the sovereign people had decreed that our laborers shall be paid in silver, while our foreign debts must still be paid in gold. Convinced as I am that the financial question is the paramount issue iu No vember, 1000, as it was in Novemler, lH!t', it is worth while for Democrats who supported McKinley, as I did. four years ago, to ask what are the issues upon which our party could have appeal ed to the American people with fair pros pects of success, and what we can con tend for in future contests, after this economic and financial question is finally settled. To my mind these define them selves as reform in governmental admin istration, economy in governmental ex penditure, the taxation and regulation of oppressive trusts and combinations, and the immediate enactment of a just snd honest scheme of colonial government. These would have been issues upon which every patriot could have been honestly asked to vote. Why should we not set fairly about n reform in our old system of taxation, and, at the same time, initi ate a departure which might well result in throwing the cost of government upon those who can best afford it? The silver problem solved once for all, as it will bo in November, the colonial prob lem at once becomes paramount. We must either give up Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippines, haul down our flag, and shamefully abandon the righteous fruits of our prowess by land and sea, or we must prepare to govern these dis tant additions to our country fairly and honestly and capably. A per petual, constitutional barrier must be erected against the statehood of all our non-contiguous possessions. That su premely important problem is to be met and overcome, not by cowardly evasion or disgraceful retreat, for the American people will tolerate no such course. We must institute honestly and wisely and administer economically an American co lonial system, worthy alike of our new possessions and of their mother country. We are not incapable of governing them. We are, as a nation, incapable of nothing. I fully believe in the future of the American republic, and that we are wise and brave enough to hear the burdens and fulfill the task Providence has allot ted us. Let us not falter at the thresh old. M. E. INGALES. waii and the Philippines, and have some interest in Cuba; and I venture to say that the increased and increasing busi ness in those distant islands has already more than absorbed the work of all the drummers in the country who have lost their positions through industrial com binations. If that is true, and I believe it i.s, consider what a chance there is for ten per cent of our commercial travelers, or for fifty per cent of them, in time in foreign lands or at home here, helping their new employers, or their old ones, to meet all the numberless new and in creasing demands of our prosperous and proud American men, women, sweet hearts, wives, cousins, aunts and chil dren, and all the countless millions, who, as we can be certain, are going to want our American products more and more because the counted millions that we know of have begun to take them now almost faster than we can supply them. That is expansion. You cannot stop it in a million years! It has been going on since the world began, and it will continue to go on, faster -than ever, I guess, to the end of time. It happens when a people fairly bursts its manufacturing and commercial bounds. There must be an outlet for the products of our farms and factories, for the capital and talents of our business men and hustlers. Sometimes this expansion of new strength, which amounts to an explosion of new strength, must be preceded by a battleship, even, by a part of a standing army, or a permanent garrison, as in Porto Rico or the Philippines. At other times the battleship and the standing army, or a part of It, just enough to hold our own and make no doubt of it, must follow. The missionaries (who typify in a way the advance of civilization into heathen lands, as we call them) are best of all the daring forerunners of the commerce and the progress that have to get there too. The human race, especially the Anglo Saxons, are always wanting more and better things; they are climbing, climbing, climbing, always upon a higher plane of living. These things they work for, and fight for, and die for. So long as that restless, world-conquering sentiment ex ists, there will be expansion. So long, too, the races of the earth which have found themselves, and are still finding themselves, unequal to the trading, and selling, and fighting, and civilizing capac ity of the Anglo-Saxons, must step aside: they must learn to fight and to trade, and to trade and to fight, much better; that is all. I try to say these things thoughtfully, as a drummer, notorious as he is for talk ing, may sometimes do. This expansion that I speak of is whet we optimists mean by destiny: we are not afraid of it, we welcome it. We have done in the last three years a hundred years of work which, however, we couldn't have done, if we hadn't been prepared, if we hadn't been that kind of people. There is not a true American man in these United States that is not better off, in his patriotism or his pecuniary pros pects, for the tasks of war and of states manship that have been undertaken and discharged in the last three years. You are better off. whoever you are; aud I am better off. Even if T had not been nec essary to my employer in the field and had not been kept on the pay-roll, then there would have been ten times the freedom of opportunity, which i.s all any good man can want. There is freedom of opportunity for everybody: but opportu nity won't corne looking for us. We must go running for it. watching every open ing, looking for improvement, looking for the way which our employer must find if we do not make his capital and his ef forts pay him a little better. In that way our efforts, which are our capital, will pay us better and better. A DRUMMER. SIMON HI'S FAMILY. A Story of Country Life. BY ALMA L. PARKER, GUIDE ROCK. NEB. CHAPTER III. Simon's Fight for His Honor. Election day arrived. Boonsville was early filled with voters, passing tip and down the streets, 'leetioneeiing for their favorite candidates, the center of attraction being the place where they were to vote. Political Simon seemed everywhere at once, with a smile of satisfaction on bis face. It seemed to htm that he bad n great deal to be thankful for. Ezra had visited at his place for over a month, and yet no one in Boonsville bad ever learned his politics, which Simon considered a blessing to the Grey family. Now the time of danger had passed, for Ezra bad gone back to big home in Pennsylvania. Simon flitted from person to person. Informing everybody of the way they should vote. Everyone that was ru mored to be "doubtful." Simon Grey would corner, and address as follows. In a familiar way: "My good fellow, I hope you are on the right side. I trust that you will cast your ballot in such a way that you may claim a share of the houor of Bryan's victory. Here is a elgor. my good fellow. Smoke It iu remembrance of my daughter VInnie, who is running for County Superinten dent. You know her educational qual ities; not bragging at all. but really she is as smart a gal as there is in Warble County. Glen Harrington, though Professor of the High School here In Boonsville, hasn't near the tal ent Vinnie has for school teaching or the managing of the schools in the county. Then he's Republican and that's agin his character. He's a soft head or he'd know better than that. If he does know better, and still votes that infernal ticket, he's a scoundrel, and for such hypocritical men. I have great contempt." Then somebody remarked: "You'd better be careful. Simon, how you rid icule your future son-in-law." "Son-in-law!" Simon drawled out. "He'll never be a son-in-law of mine till he leaves that d party and Joins the Farmers' Alliance. I have this much to say, though. In Glen Harrtng- ton's favor. He s young yet, and tie may reform. Rut one thing Is sure; I shall never allow a daughter of mine to marry a Republican." One of the men. to whom Simon was giving advice, asked lilm what his brother's politics were. "O, Ezra's gone home," replied Si mon, rather uneasily. "I told him to go home, where be could vote, for we didn't want to miss a single Free Sil ver vote." "He's a Populist, then, is he?" Simon hesitated. Should be tell a lie to protect the honor of the Grey fam ily? Certainly, If it were necessary. "Well, I guess so." be said, earnestly. I'd be ashamed If there was a Grey outFide of the Populist party." "Your brother isn't as much of a poli tician as you. are. is be? No one seems to have beard him talk politics." "No, be is not. I wanted lilm to give a series or lectures in ravor or tree Silver while be was in Boonsville. but he wouldn't exert himself that much." "Wonder, Simon," the fellow said. chuckling, "why he bad a McKinley button on the lapel of his coat the morning be went away." "Great heavens, man!" exclaimed Simon, with a horrified expression on his face. "He wouldn't be caught dead with a McKinley button on! Are you crazy ?" "No, sir, I'm not crazy. It is an ac tual fact, for I saw it myself when he was standing in the depot awaiting the train. What's more, I wasn't the only one that noticed It. Lncie Joe Harrington nnd Bill White remarked to me concerning It." "Hold your tongue, young fellow!" interrupted Simon. "It can't be possi ble. I shall never allow such an out landish He to circulate! I am here to protect my rights, and I swear to pro tect the honor of the Grey family as long as there is breath in my IkmI.v and mind in :ny cranium!" And Simon Grey, of political fame, straightened up to his full six feet, and threw his shoulders back. He looked powerful Indeed, compared with the small man he was addressing. As the small man walked away, smiling to himself at irascible Simon, our hero clenched his teeth In rage. "I've got you spotted." be muttered to himself. "If that fellow, or Joe Har rington, or Bill White tells In Boons ville to-day that Ezra wore a McKinley button, I'll down 'em. No doubt but what It's true, though it Is strange I failed to notice it. but supposln' It Is the truth?" Simon argued to himself. "It's none of their business if be wore a dozen McKinley buttons. Darn Ezra! If he did do such a thing as that, after promising me that he wouldn't tell my neighbors that he was Republican, he has disgraced my family; that Is, if the people of Boonsville hear It, but they shall not know it!" he slowly mut tered. "I will keep my eyes open and see that no report as that circulates. I hate to fight, but my honor must be de fended." While Simon was entertaining such thoughts as these, Cynthia, alone at home, wondered as the hours wore mmm away what would be the result of elec tion. It was a dreary day for her. She tried to knit, read or sew, to pass the hours away, but It seemed as though she could not get Interested In her work. Noon hour arrived and Simon had n..t come home, as he hnd promised. Cyn thia was disappointed. One o'clock ar rived, and still be did not appear. Tw. o'clock nnd Cynthia could endure her lonely anxiety no longer; so. putting on her bonnet, went over to her ne!ghlnr' (Mrs. Blank) to spend the afternoon. It was getting late in the afternoon, when their conversation was interrupt ed by a knock at the kitchen door. Mr. Blank, excusing herself from Cynthia' presence, went to oien the door. Cynthia could not see the caller, but recognized the voice of Mrs. Bogg. an other neighlHr. "O Mrs. Blank," she said, "have you hoard nlout the awful tight down iu Boonsville?" "No, Mrs. Bogg. Who's had a fight?" "Simon and Uncle Joe Harrington. and I guess Harrington most killed Si mon." "What's that?" said Cynthia, as she hastily entered the kitchen. "Beg pardon, Mrs. Grey," said Sarah Bogg. "I didn't know you were here." "I thought I beard you say," said Cynthia, "that Simon has had a fight with Joe Harrington." "Yes. that's what I said. I Jtift heard about it." "O my! What shall I do? Where I Simon?" "Oh, I guess he's all right now, Mrs. Grey. Some men standing near by took Harrington off of lilm. and some -t "em's goln' to bring him home right lwny. I guess he'll live." "Oh, oh! Was be hurt so bad? I d. wonder what caused the trouble." "I hoard that Joe Harrington fold around Boonsville that Mr. Era Grey was Republican, nnd when Simon heart! it he got ravin' mad. and tol l Uncle Jew that he lied. That was the beginning Df the trouble." Just then the sound of earring wheels were heard, and ('jnthia. look ing up the road leading to Boonsville. saw a carriage coming occupied by tw gentlemen. One was driving and the other sat with his head all band.iged with a white cloth. "It's Simon." said Cynthia with a. sigh. The election was now over; the polN had closed, and the counting of vote began. Political Simon was not. however, present to witness the counting. With his scalp sewed up and hi bead well bandaged, the doctor said he thought be would get along all right If he lay quietly In led for a few days. It was a sad, anxious night for th Greys. AH but Mary were humiliated because of the fight. Mary said If he was pa she'd get even wlrh old man Harrington j-et. and If Vlnnle ever wn friends with Glen again pa ought to disown her. Vinnie did not sny much, but It was plain to see by her pale face that she was much affected. She loved Glen Harrington, yet It seemed that fate was against her. Many unpleasant thoughts surgol through her troubled brain, disturbing her slumber, and when morning caim her pillow was damp with tears. When she walked from her room Jim mie said he lcl!eved she was powdered. "Gee whiz! Ain't she white?" Just then a weak voice was heard In the adjoining room. "Is Vinnie out ther'V" came In feeble accents. "Yes, pa." aid Jimmie. "Then tell her to come here, please. (To be continued.) RAW MATERIAL IMPORTS. Monufnctnrere Jiujr More Freely an Make More t-'iniahrd Gnocls. One of the most interesting portions of the annual report of the treasury bu reau for lix! concern tl.e importation of manufacturers materiiil. ('rude and raw material were more largely imported than ever before, and formed a large sha re of the tot;iI iiiiporfs. Those included iinrn.iiiuf acturcd t;!.-rs. raw siik. wool, crude India ril,lcr. hide, skins, pig tiu. nnd chemicals. The im portations of these articles amounted t the sum of J.'DJ.JOI.IO;. which whs 40 IK-r cent greater than in any preceding year. Then there were "HrticleM wholly or partially manuf jcturcd. for ue as ma terial an manufacturing." n Inch includ ed wd. leather, fur-, cement, yarns, oils, dyes, dye woods mid certain chemi cals, amounting to $4.-t.';:..V,:. Taken together, these materials for use in .ur manufactures show an increase of $107, ST.'.H'JS over tl:se of the ye:ir lViil. All Hies.- import were t.iken by our manufacturers to be worked oter and re sold, and the return indi.-ute in the clear est mnnner the prosperity of tile in.uiu facturiug business. Some of these arti cles were free from custoi-i d-jty, whi! others were dutiable, showing how the wise discrimination of the iJ-ngley taiiT law promoted bot'.i t!:e interest of the manufacturers and the interests of th people. The share which articles ia the raw form for manufacturing purpose have in the import is con-tantly increas ing, and in the year just ended i.iui.e by far the larg.-xt totl in the hi-tory of o.ir foreign commerce. All of this men t:.e butter employment of American lah..i.