Nebraska Newspapers

    apolitical lie nailed ' but he changed ,hi9 ..mind,, as. great . - . . . ! railkoah koteh tun PcntiAHiMl -
SUPPLEMENT.
PLATTSMOUTH NEWS.
Plattsmouth, - Nebraska
Saturday. September 22, 1900.
iO FALTERING UNDER
THE NATION'S DUTY.
Silver and Expansion Are the
Paramount Issues.
M. E. IngaHs, a Life-Lone Sound Mon;y
Democrat, Writes of the Neces
sity for Assuming a Larger
National Life.
One of the most successfnl. distin
guished and popular railway presidents
in the United States is the Hon. Mel
ville E. Ingalls of Cincinnati. From the
very ground of railroad construction he
lias worked his way up to the presidency
of the Chesapeake and Ohio and Big
Four railway systems, among the most
prosperous of our great trunk lines. Mr.
In Ralls is one of the people, and is prac
tical in every idea. He is a lifelong Dem
ocrat, and from the September issue of
the North American Ileview the follow
ing extracts are made from Mr. Ingalls'
Advice to Hold Democrats:
What has hapiened since November,
18IH5, to warrant a reversal of the judg
ment which the American people then
pronounced at the polls? Under what
conditions have we entered on the pres
ent presidential campaign, and what, in
this regard, is the duty of patriotic citi
zens, independent of partisan affiliation?
To the Democrat who voted for Palmer
and Buckner, as well as to the Democrat
who voted for McKinley four years ago.
the situation to-day presents peculiar
embarrassments. Preferring to act with
his party, when possible, the patriotic
Democrat must, nevertheless, answer the
call of duty, no matter in what direction
it leads him.
The second and snpreme trial of the
great financial issue, which never should
have been dragged into partisan politics,
will be made at the polls in November,
1000. This test will, I believe, be con
clusive. What are the conditions under
which it is to be made?
There is in the United States at the
THE PATENT LAWS
8REED MONOPOLIES.
A Drummer Continues His Chats
on Trade Changes.
Reorganization of Employing Companies
Affords Larger Opportunities to the
Men Expansion Gives Drummers
New Fields.
(Concluded from last week.)
' Monopolies in this country are due
more to the patent system than any oth
er cause; the average trust could not mo
nopolize its product, and it will not try.
If it does, there is the same old remedy
which we free American citizens, who
are supposed to have something to say
in the election of our State legislatures,
can apply. We can pass State laws for
the regulation of those monopolies. And,
by the way, speaking of politics, the Re
publican national platform declares
against monopolies and would propose
national legislation against them.
Gov. Roosevelt, a singularly clear
headed public man on civic questions, let
me tell you, sees the point. He would
legislate against monopolies. I firmly
believe that this legislation will come,
nnd with it other laws intended to regu
late industrial corporations, a good deal
as railroads and banks are regulated now.
Why not? When the trusts really get to
going so that they themselves know what
they can do, and so that they won't he
ashamed to show in what a cheap, prim
itive, experimental stage most of their ;
methods now are, then, like the banks
and the railroads, they ought to be made
to "show down," and they will be.
Then the Wall street investor for
whom we don't care anything in particu
larwill be protected from making bad
investments, and the unwary investors,
the widows and the orphans, whom cer
tain sand-bagging plutocrats like to tell
tis about with so many tears, will be
doubly protected. Moreover, the em
ployes of the trusts, the clerks in the
offices and the hands in the mills, can buy
trust stocks, and they will want to.
I spoke about the Wall street investor.
He hasn't been making so very much
money iu industrial stocks of late. He
got caught lots of times. Perhaps you
recall the case of the bicycle trust. The
promoters of that scheme went to cer
tain bankers in New York on an eighty
million dollar basis. It wouldn't go. It
wasn't worth the money. There wasn't
the property in plants, good will, etc.
About a year later the promoters, the
same promoters, no doubt, who had learn
ed a good deal in the meantime, came
back with the bicycle trust proposition on
a forty niT'on dollar basis, and it went
at that; could earn dividends on the forty
millions. It is probably true that the
American Bicycle Company is not fully
satisfied with every single on of the mill
ion details of its business, but doubtless
it will get there. Other manufacturers,
and big manufacturers, in the bicycle
business will also got there; and other
big trusts in the bicycle business are
bound to get there, too. You can't keep
a good man down or a good proposition.
You can't corner all the capital and
brains in the country. Remember that.
But I was speaking about the investor.
the wary one, not the widow or the or
phan. lie has suffered on account of the
f present day unparalleled prosperity, in
which every citizen ha.s a right to share.
If any citizen is prevented from sharing
in that prosperity, he is the Yietim of
conditions which canuot be righted by
the election of Bryan, strongly as he may
be tempted to trust in that remedy. Un
der the gold standard we have become
the leading creditor nation, and we are
financing the world. We have produced
three great crops in succession, and we
are feeding Europe. We have had three
years of unexcelled manufacturing in
dustry, and we are finding a prompt and
generous market nil over the world. The
American farmer, the American laborer
and the American business man were
never as prosperous as they are to-day.
It is by their suffrages that this presiden
tial election must be decided. In what
direction do their interest lie?
The American farmer is selling for
37Va eents a bushel corn which it costs
him 15 cents to produce. His wheat and
cotton, his beef and pork are selling at
profitable prices. He is spending his
money in luxuries and enjoying himself.
He is riding in railroad trains, and, as he
looks from the car windows over the
bountiful harvests, he is taking a new
view not only of his native land, which
was never fairer or happier, but is also
thinking of his new markets and new
'possessions' across the sees.
The laborer is to-lay receiving more
wages than he ever received before, and
he is receiving them in a currency that is
good all over the world. In many in
stances, undoubtedly, there must be a
readjustment of wages, and the sporadic
strikes now reported in various manufac
turing centers point probably to the be
ginning of this readjustment. In my opin
ion, these and kindred difficulties will be
safely and speedily settled.
Now, can any sane man tell me how
the laborer will help his condition, or the
solution of the problems so vital to him,
by voting to debase our standard of value
and thereby reducing his own wages?
What has labor to hope from Bryan,
ostensibly the friend of the dissatisfied,
the champion of the aggrieved, and the
chosen candidate of all the long-haired
reformers in the United States? Does
not the supreme salvation of labor de
pend, after all, upon preserving our
standard of value, upon the non-partisan
regulation of trusts, and upon the appli
cation to those great commercial aggre
gations, which are so peculiarly a pro
duct of this age, of a system of license
and taxation? Is it not idle to denounce
the trust as an evil, a menace to the na
tional welfare? Is not the trust a nat
ural and essential development of our
time? A quarter of a century ago the
word "corporation' implied an inherent
reproach in the minds of exactly those
citizens who to-day regard the trust,
which is the incorporation of corpora
tions, with the same disfavor. Yet it is
to the solution of the trust problem that
the American business man, as well as
stock-watering evil along with the trust
"magnate" and the promoter. He is get
ting down on the earth again. Some of
the trusts iu which he invested have even
gone to pieces. They were badly con
ceived and badly managed. Tliey couldn't
hold together. They didn't "do business"
on a business basis.
There was no reason why they should
expect to hold together. Perhaps there
were too many purely ornamental per
sons in the offices with high salaries.
Perhaps there were too many sons and
nephews of "the president," who sat
around looking handsome and thinking
that there was no other task of impor
tance connected with their job. What
ever the cause, the badly organized and
badly managed trust has gone to pieces
or is going. Nothing can help it. if it
can't help itself. So, too, the people are
realizing that the problem is economic
after all, that no person, nor any party,
is to blame for this condition of things;
nor, in fact, that any person, or party,
or policy cau prevent the good ones from
succeeding, can prevent the bad ones
from failing.
That suggests another thing. I spoke
of the more or less handsome nephew of
"the president." He has got to be up to
his job or he can't stay. It isn't enough
for him to succeed in his new position in
doing the same old things that he used
to do in the old one. There is new study
for him, new problems; buying, handling
the labor situation, selling the product
at a profit, studying the world's mar
kets. All this he has got to do because it has
got to be done; and if he hasn't the in
clination or the brains to do it, you can
wager your last dollar at the risk of
walking from Kokomo to Kankakee that
neither the "President" nor any one else
will keep him in. That is why it is the
worst kind of fol-de-rol, unworthy of
anybody as intelligent as the Great
Americnn Traveler, to pretend that there
are no opportunities in manufacturing
and trade now, and especially none for
young men.
Fudge!
There was never so good a chance for
brains, ami good health, and sobriety.
and acumen, and vitality. Have these J
things and capital must have you. And
if it must have you it must pay you. The
larger the corporation, the more impor
tant in it is the man. There are just as
many .large corporations now as there
were small ones before. As many big
men are required as there were small
ones required before. What these so
called magnates want is somebody who
can do the work. Price is no object if
they can depend upon you. You can't
strike a $10,000 position all at once. You
have got to show that you are worth $1,-
O00. or $12,000, or $3,000. It is the same
old climb as it always has been; there is
the same old ladder to go up by, and the
same old persimmon when you get to the
top round and the same old persimmons,
too. all the way up at all the rounds.
All this seems pretty long unless it
also seems to have some bearing upon
the drummer question. I don't know
whether yon ever thought of it or not.
but many different causes have been op
erating in the last few years to throw
commercial travelers out of work. Man
ufacturers' have sought to eliminate com
mission men, who must have laid off a
good many of their travelers. The cata
logue houses, so-called, those dcing busi
ness direct with the consumer by means
of catalogues and other printed matter,
have grown enormously. They have laid
off drummers if tlu-y ever had them; and
one of the reasons why they can sell so
cheaply to the consumer is that one ele
ment of selling expense, the drumming,
is e'.utninated. Any house that corre
sponds extensively, that takes care with
its correspondence, by just so much
makes the selling easy; and if the pro
cess were kept up long enough, this
the American farmer and laborer, must
address himself. And in the solution of
that problem he will find the present goal
of patriotism.
The business man who does not inquire
into the' politics of his bookkeeper is
asked by the supporters of Mr. Bryan to
allow partisan politics to lie injected into
the circulating medium through which he
carries on his business. He refused in
18!;. as he will refuse, I believe, in 1900,
to impute either Democracy or Republi
canism to the dollar. He will say that
it is not a political question, and that it
should not be made such. Asking him
self where he shall seek guidance in the
casting of his ballot, he. like the laborer
and the farmer, looks out upon prosper
ity unprecedented. He sees trade follow
ing the flag all around the world, and
new markets opening to him under new
national responsibilities. He realizes, as
a business man, that these responsibili
ties must be grappled with and adjusted
on a business basis. No policy of evasion
or retreat can commend itself to him.
Yet. into the field of partisan discussion
he finds these responsibilities dragged,
like the dollars from his counting room,
by the politicians who seek his vote. And,
like the farmer and the laborer, he finds
his next national ballot invested with
unique importance.
What will be the reply of the American
patriot, who is now asked to believe that
his home and his pocketbook are staked
on the next turn of the ballot, that a
wrong decision spells ruin, and that he
must decide issnes of such moment as
were never before submitted to the Amer
ican electorate?
Bryan's election appears to
me impossible. Good citizens,
irrespective of pm-ty, should vote for Mc
Kinley in November. That it is the duty
of patriots to do so I have no doubt.
The safety of the American republic is
not menaced by a bogey, crowned with an
imperial diadem of straw. The cry of
imperialism is simply a pretext of the
Democratic leaders to save themselves
from the fatal blunder they made in
18!!J, the blunder of dragging the dollar
to the polls and endeavoring to degrade
it. Imperialism is not the paramount
issue, despite all efforts to make it so.
Now, as in 180, the real issue is the
Silver Danger. That is the peril threat
ening this country, not the imaginary
evils attendant on the acquisition of new
territory, which was the inevitable re
sult of a war for whieh the shriekers
against imperialism were largely respon
sible. The only peril now threatening
the United States is ruin and retrogres
sion under silver, the turning back of
the wheels of progress and prosperity
to the standards of China and Mexico,
and the abandonment of our position as
the greatest country in the civilized
world.
Shall we go forward or shall we turn
back? That w the question for the vot
ers in November. Under McKinley we
would cause drummers to lose their
places.
Then consider that millions and mill
ions of dollars are spent in this country
for advertising purposes, not merely in
the newspapers and the magazines, but
on the fences and the biil boards, in
signs, in distributions of printed mat
ter, and what not.
What is all this money spent for?
To sell goods.
And the study of hundreds of the
brightest men iu the country is devoted
to making advertising more and more
effective, so that a given expenditure will
result in greater nnd greater sales at a
lower nnd lower expense. Why do the
advertisers want to sell more and more
cheaply? So that they can beat their
competitors by giving the consumer bet
ter things for the same money, or just
aa good things for less money. AH this
effort to sell things cheaper means that
drummers are going to be laid off if they
by their methods have been selling things
more expensively.
There is another thing that we owe it
to ourselves to look fairly iu the face.
Many drummers in the past have consid
ered that the business that they helped
their houses to do belonged to them and
not to the houses. Others, surely all the
houses, used to take a contrary view;
and of late years they have resorted to
the various more or less direct methods
of selling in order to get their business
back into their own hands. No doubt
about it! No doubt about it!
One of the things which a trust aims
to do is to reduce its selling expense. If
four manufacturers making the same ar
ticle are drumming Indiana, and their
four able nnd persuasive representatives
light into Indiauapolis some day, they
all go around among the trade doing lit
tle except neutralize one another. About
four times the talk, nerve force and
money are spent to sell only as many
goods as Indianapolis wants that day,
as needs be spent. This is one of the
many things that the trusts have found
out that they knew before they started
in.
Now, it is inevitable in the very econ
omics, in the very natural law of the
situation, that some of those drummers
must go some time; they may be sent
into new territory, they may be recalled
to work in the office at home, or they
may be dismissed entirely. Just so much
of their work as has been unnecessary
will surely be dispensed with In time.
Competition does that, and we couldn't
have any better illustration of the fact
that competition is always active. Here
it is potent, actually. In the case of the
glucose trust that was afraid to encour
age too much competition (of other capi
tal and brains) by making more than sev
en per cent, it was active potentially.
It is preposterous to say that fifty
thousand commercial travelers, or thirty
five thousand, have been thrown out of
work by the trusts. There are probably
not sixty thousand of them in the whole
country. Besides, if ten per cent cf
them have been thrown out of work by
the various changes, in producing and dis
tributing that bare conif about in the lost
few years, other causes have probably
contributed equally with the combination
movement. Even so. and putting the
case at its very worst, the general im
provement in business, the wide expan
sion of trade at home and abroad, which
all of our producers, manufacturers and
traders have helped to bring about, and
by which they have ali inevitably profit
ed this has put all of those commercial
travelers back into places just as good,
or better, or will do so. It is inevitable.
More people were employed after ma
chinery was introduced simply because
the wants of the human race became
greater and wider every year, and these
wants hod to be supplied, and could be.
because things were so much cheaper.
We have taken over Porto Rico, Ha
So ?orward. under Bryan we turn back.
llie coming test of the silver question
at the polls must, in all human proba
bility, be the liual one. The will of the
voters twice registered will not be the
third time disputed. Each year that we
preserve our present money standard
gives it additional security. The Amer
ican people do not like experiments with
their currency, their school houses, their
churches or their savings banks. A re
versal of the popular verdict of ISfHi
would mean a reversal of all the achieve
ments that make m our national pros
perity. Bryan's election would mean that
the sovereign people had decreed that our
laborers shall be paid in silver, while
our foreign debts must still be paid in
gold.
Convinced as I am that the financial
question is the paramount issue iu No
vember, 1000, as it was in Novemler,
lH!t', it is worth while for Democrats
who supported McKinley, as I did. four
years ago, to ask what are the issues
upon which our party could have appeal
ed to the American people with fair pros
pects of success, and what we can con
tend for in future contests, after this
economic and financial question is finally
settled. To my mind these define them
selves as reform in governmental admin
istration, economy in governmental ex
penditure, the taxation and regulation of
oppressive trusts and combinations, and
the immediate enactment of a just snd
honest scheme of colonial government.
These would have been issues upon which
every patriot could have been honestly
asked to vote. Why should we not set
fairly about n reform in our old system
of taxation, and, at the same time, initi
ate a departure which might well result
in throwing the cost of government upon
those who can best afford it?
The silver problem solved once for all, as
it will bo in November, the colonial prob
lem at once becomes paramount. We
must either give up Hawaii, Porto Rico
and the Philippines, haul down our flag,
and shamefully abandon the righteous
fruits of our prowess by land and sea,
or we must prepare to govern these dis
tant additions to our country fairly and
honestly and capably. A per
petual, constitutional barrier must be
erected against the statehood of all our
non-contiguous possessions. That su
premely important problem is to be met
and overcome, not by cowardly evasion
or disgraceful retreat, for the American
people will tolerate no such course. We
must institute honestly and wisely and
administer economically an American co
lonial system, worthy alike of our new
possessions and of their mother country.
We are not incapable of governing them.
We are, as a nation, incapable of nothing.
I fully believe in the future of the
American republic, and that we are wise
and brave enough to hear the burdens
and fulfill the task Providence has allot
ted us. Let us not falter at the thresh
old. M. E. INGALES.
waii and the Philippines, and have some
interest in Cuba; and I venture to say
that the increased and increasing busi
ness in those distant islands has already
more than absorbed the work of all the
drummers in the country who have lost
their positions through industrial com
binations. If that is true, and I believe
it i.s, consider what a chance there is for
ten per cent of our commercial travelers,
or for fifty per cent of them, in time in
foreign lands or at home here, helping
their new employers, or their old ones,
to meet all the numberless new and in
creasing demands of our prosperous and
proud American men, women, sweet
hearts, wives, cousins, aunts and chil
dren, and all the countless millions, who,
as we can be certain, are going to want
our American products more and more
because the counted millions that we
know of have begun to take them now
almost faster than we can supply them.
That is expansion.
You cannot stop it in a million years!
It has been going on since the world
began, and it will continue to go on,
faster -than ever, I guess, to the end of
time. It happens when a people fairly
bursts its manufacturing and commercial
bounds. There must be an outlet for the
products of our farms and factories, for
the capital and talents of our business
men and hustlers.
Sometimes this expansion of new
strength, which amounts to an explosion
of new strength, must be preceded by a
battleship, even, by a part of a standing
army, or a permanent garrison, as in
Porto Rico or the Philippines. At other
times the battleship and the standing
army, or a part of It, just enough to hold
our own and make no doubt of it, must
follow.
The missionaries (who typify in a way
the advance of civilization into heathen
lands, as we call them) are best of all the
daring forerunners of the commerce and
the progress that have to get there too.
The human race, especially the Anglo
Saxons, are always wanting more and
better things; they are climbing, climbing,
climbing, always upon a higher plane of
living. These things they work for, and
fight for, and die for. So long as that
restless, world-conquering sentiment ex
ists, there will be expansion. So long,
too, the races of the earth which have
found themselves, and are still finding
themselves, unequal to the trading, and
selling, and fighting, and civilizing capac
ity of the Anglo-Saxons, must step aside:
they must learn to fight and to trade, and
to trade and to fight, much better; that is
all.
I try to say these things thoughtfully,
as a drummer, notorious as he is for talk
ing, may sometimes do. This expansion
that I speak of is whet we optimists
mean by destiny: we are not afraid of it,
we welcome it. We have done in the last
three years a hundred years of work
which, however, we couldn't have done,
if we hadn't been prepared, if we hadn't
been that kind of people.
There is not a true American man in
these United States that is not better off,
in his patriotism or his pecuniary pros
pects, for the tasks of war and of states
manship that have been undertaken and
discharged in the last three years. You
are better off. whoever you are; aud I am
better off. Even if T had not been nec
essary to my employer in the field and
had not been kept on the pay-roll, then
there would have been ten times the
freedom of opportunity, which i.s all any
good man can want. There is freedom of
opportunity for everybody: but opportu
nity won't corne looking for us. We must
go running for it. watching every open
ing, looking for improvement, looking for
the way which our employer must find if
we do not make his capital and his ef
forts pay him a little better. In that
way our efforts, which are our capital,
will pay us better and better.
A DRUMMER.
SIMON HI'S FAMILY.
A Story of Country Life.
BY ALMA L. PARKER, GUIDE ROCK. NEB.
CHAPTER III.
Simon's Fight for His Honor.
Election day arrived. Boonsville was
early filled with voters, passing tip and
down the streets, 'leetioneeiing for
their favorite candidates, the center of
attraction being the place where they
were to vote.
Political Simon seemed everywhere
at once, with a smile of satisfaction on
bis face. It seemed to htm that he bad
n great deal to be thankful for. Ezra
had visited at his place for over a
month, and yet no one in Boonsville
bad ever learned his politics, which
Simon considered a blessing to the
Grey family. Now the time of danger
had passed, for Ezra bad gone back
to big home in Pennsylvania.
Simon flitted from person to person.
Informing everybody of the way they
should vote. Everyone that was ru
mored to be "doubtful." Simon Grey
would corner, and address as follows.
In a familiar way: "My good fellow,
I hope you are on the right side. I
trust that you will cast your ballot in
such a way that you may claim a share
of the houor of Bryan's victory. Here
is a elgor. my good fellow. Smoke It iu
remembrance of my daughter VInnie,
who is running for County Superinten
dent. You know her educational qual
ities; not bragging at all. but really
she is as smart a gal as there is in
Warble County. Glen Harrington,
though Professor of the High School
here In Boonsville, hasn't near the tal
ent Vinnie has for school teaching or
the managing of the schools in the
county. Then he's Republican and
that's agin his character. He's a soft
head or he'd know better than that. If
he does know better, and still votes that
infernal ticket, he's a scoundrel, and
for such hypocritical men. I have great
contempt."
Then somebody remarked: "You'd
better be careful. Simon, how you rid
icule your future son-in-law."
"Son-in-law!" Simon drawled out.
"He'll never be a son-in-law of mine
till he leaves that d party and Joins
the Farmers' Alliance. I have this
much to say, though. In Glen Harrtng-
ton's favor. He s young yet, and tie
may reform. Rut one thing Is sure; I
shall never allow a daughter of mine
to marry a Republican."
One of the men. to whom Simon was
giving advice, asked lilm what his
brother's politics were.
"O, Ezra's gone home," replied Si
mon, rather uneasily. "I told him to
go home, where be could vote, for we
didn't want to miss a single Free Sil
ver vote."
"He's a Populist, then, is he?"
Simon hesitated. Should be tell a lie
to protect the honor of the Grey fam
ily? Certainly, If it were necessary.
"Well, I guess so." be said, earnestly.
I'd be ashamed If there was a Grey
outFide of the Populist party."
"Your brother isn't as much of a poli
tician as you. are. is be? No one seems
to have beard him talk politics."
"No, be is not. I wanted lilm to give
a series or lectures in ravor or tree
Silver while be was in Boonsville. but
he wouldn't exert himself that much."
"Wonder, Simon," the fellow said.
chuckling, "why he bad a McKinley
button on the lapel of his coat the
morning be went away."
"Great heavens, man!" exclaimed
Simon, with a horrified expression on
his face. "He wouldn't be caught dead
with a McKinley button on! Are you
crazy ?"
"No, sir, I'm not crazy. It is an ac
tual fact, for I saw it myself when he
was standing in the depot awaiting
the train. What's more, I wasn't the
only one that noticed It. Lncie Joe
Harrington nnd Bill White remarked
to me concerning It."
"Hold your tongue, young fellow!"
interrupted Simon. "It can't be possi
ble. I shall never allow such an out
landish He to circulate! I am here to
protect my rights, and I swear to pro
tect the honor of the Grey family as
long as there is breath in my IkmI.v and
mind in :ny cranium!" And Simon
Grey, of political fame, straightened
up to his full six feet, and threw his
shoulders back. He looked powerful
Indeed, compared with the small man
he was addressing. As the small man
walked away, smiling to himself at
irascible Simon, our hero clenched his
teeth In rage.
"I've got you spotted." be muttered
to himself. "If that fellow, or Joe Har
rington, or Bill White tells In Boons
ville to-day that Ezra wore a McKinley
button, I'll down 'em. No doubt but
what It's true, though it Is strange I
failed to notice it. but supposln' It Is
the truth?" Simon argued to himself.
"It's none of their business if be wore
a dozen McKinley buttons. Darn Ezra!
If he did do such a thing as that, after
promising me that he wouldn't tell my
neighbors that he was Republican, he
has disgraced my family; that Is, if the
people of Boonsville hear It, but they
shall not know it!" he slowly mut
tered. "I will keep my eyes open and see
that no report as that circulates. I hate
to fight, but my honor must be de
fended." While Simon was entertaining such
thoughts as these, Cynthia, alone at
home, wondered as the hours wore
mmm
away what would be the result of elec
tion. It was a dreary day for her. She
tried to knit, read or sew, to pass the
hours away, but It seemed as though
she could not get Interested In her work.
Noon hour arrived and Simon had n..t
come home, as he hnd promised. Cyn
thia was disappointed. One o'clock ar
rived, and still be did not appear. Tw.
o'clock nnd Cynthia could endure her
lonely anxiety no longer; so. putting on
her bonnet, went over to her ne!ghlnr'
(Mrs. Blank) to spend the afternoon.
It was getting late in the afternoon,
when their conversation was interrupt
ed by a knock at the kitchen door. Mr.
Blank, excusing herself from Cynthia'
presence, went to oien the door.
Cynthia could not see the caller, but
recognized the voice of Mrs. Bogg. an
other neighlHr.
"O Mrs. Blank," she said, "have you
hoard nlout the awful tight down iu
Boonsville?"
"No, Mrs. Bogg. Who's had a fight?"
"Simon and Uncle Joe Harrington.
and I guess Harrington most killed Si
mon."
"What's that?" said Cynthia, as she
hastily entered the kitchen.
"Beg pardon, Mrs. Grey," said Sarah
Bogg. "I didn't know you were here."
"I thought I beard you say," said
Cynthia, "that Simon has had a fight
with Joe Harrington."
"Yes. that's what I said. I Jtift heard
about it."
"O my! What shall I do? Where I
Simon?"
"Oh, I guess he's all right now, Mrs.
Grey. Some men standing near by
took Harrington off of lilm. and some
-t "em's goln' to bring him home right
lwny. I guess he'll live."
"Oh, oh! Was be hurt so bad? I d.
wonder what caused the trouble."
"I hoard that Joe Harrington fold
around Boonsville that Mr. Era Grey
was Republican, nnd when Simon heart!
it he got ravin' mad. and tol l Uncle Jew
that he lied. That was the beginning
Df the trouble."
Just then the sound of earring
wheels were heard, and ('jnthia. look
ing up the road leading to Boonsville.
saw a carriage coming occupied by tw
gentlemen. One was driving and the
other sat with his head all band.iged
with a white cloth.
"It's Simon." said Cynthia with a.
sigh.
The election was now over; the polN
had closed, and the counting of vote
began.
Political Simon was not. however,
present to witness the counting. With
his scalp sewed up and hi bead well
bandaged, the doctor said he thought
be would get along all right If he lay
quietly In led for a few days.
It was a sad, anxious night for th
Greys. AH but Mary were humiliated
because of the fight. Mary said If he
was pa she'd get even wlrh old man
Harrington j-et. and If Vlnnle ever wn
friends with Glen again pa ought to
disown her. Vinnie did not sny much,
but It was plain to see by her pale face
that she was much affected. She loved
Glen Harrington, yet It seemed that
fate was against her.
Many unpleasant thoughts surgol
through her troubled brain, disturbing
her slumber, and when morning caim
her pillow was damp with tears.
When she walked from her room Jim
mie said he lcl!eved she was powdered.
"Gee whiz! Ain't she white?"
Just then a weak voice was heard In
the adjoining room.
"Is Vinnie out ther'V" came In feeble
accents.
"Yes, pa." aid Jimmie.
"Then tell her to come here, please.
(To be continued.)
RAW MATERIAL IMPORTS.
Monufnctnrere Jiujr More Freely an
Make More t-'iniahrd Gnocls.
One of the most interesting portions
of the annual report of the treasury bu
reau for lix! concern tl.e importation
of manufacturers materiiil.
('rude and raw material were more
largely imported than ever before, and
formed a large sha re of the tot;iI iiiiporfs.
Those included iinrn.iiiuf acturcd t;!.-rs.
raw siik. wool, crude India ril,lcr. hide,
skins, pig tiu. nnd chemicals. The im
portations of these articles amounted t
the sum of J.'DJ.JOI.IO;. which whs 40
IK-r cent greater than in any preceding
year. Then there were "HrticleM wholly
or partially manuf jcturcd. for ue as ma
terial an manufacturing." n Inch includ
ed wd. leather, fur-, cement, yarns,
oils, dyes, dye woods mid certain chemi
cals, amounting to $4.-t.';:..V,:. Taken
together, these materials for use in .ur
manufactures show an increase of $107,
ST.'.H'JS over tl:se of the ye:ir lViil.
All Hies.- import were t.iken by our
manufacturers to be worked oter and re
sold, and the return indi.-ute in the clear
est mnnner the prosperity of tile in.uiu
facturiug business. Some of these arti
cles were free from custoi-i d-jty, whi!
others were dutiable, showing how the
wise discrimination of the iJ-ngley taiiT
law promoted bot'.i t!:e interest of the
manufacturers and the interests of th
people. The share which articles ia the
raw form for manufacturing purpose
have in the import is con-tantly increas
ing, and in the year just ended i.iui.e by
far the larg.-xt totl in the hi-tory of o.ir
foreign commerce. All of this men t:.e
butter employment of American lah..i.