igij
Co
3
r had voted for some one . else,
an is likely to have a little ex-
SUPPLEMENT TO TIIE
PLATTSMOUTH EY'NG NEWS
Monday, September 14, 1896.
GEN. HARRISON'S VOICE
It 13 Heard in New York on the
Vital Issues of the Great
! Campaign.
PERILS OF POPOCRAT SUCCESS.
A Stirring Address in Which
Questions Are Handled in a
All
Masterly Way.
-
New York, Aug. 28. At Carnegie hall,
Thursday night, an immense and enthu
siastic audience gathered to hear the
Issues of the campaign discussed by ex
President Benjamin Harrison. Hon.
Chauncey SI. Depew presided over the
meeting. Both Sir. Harrison and Sir.
Depew were the recipients of ovations
.when they entered the hall. Upon call
ing the gathering to order. Sir. Depew
delivered an address on campaign issues,
t the close of which he introduced ex
Fresldent Harrison, who at once entered
Into a discussion of the issues. He spoke
at considerable length, being very fre
quently interrupted by applause. Re
ferring to his appearance as a campaign
speaker he said it was due to his sense
I the duty he owed to the country to
combat the fallacies sought to be foisted
upon the people by the Democratic party
.nd its allies. He acknowledged his re
spect for the feelings which actuated
the golu Democrats in occupying the po
sition they do, but said they must not
"trpect the Republican party" "to feofgju
1 itself blcaTIse the Democratic party
iiad disorganized itself. The Demo
cratic party had once more exhibited its
capacity to be ruptured and a party that
-annot be split was a public menace.
jWhen the leaders of a party assembled
In convention depart from its traditional
principles and advocate doctrines that
threaten the integrity of the government,
the social order of our communities and
the security and soundness of our
finance, it ought to be split, and it digni
fies itself when it does split. A bolt
from any party is now and then a most
reassuring incident and was never more
reassuring and never had better cause
than now. The Republican party fronts
the destructionists and trumpets its de
fiance to the enemies of "sound money."
It will fight, however, without covering
ny of the glorious mottoes and inscrip
tions that are upon its banner. Contin
uing, Sir. Harrison said:
That is a leading issue of a cam
paign which most agitates the people.
5 my Pm'on there is no issue present
ed by the Chicago convention more im
portant or vital than the question they
Ie raisetl of prostituting the power
agduty cf the national courts and na
tional executive. The defense of the
constitution, of the Supreme court of the
(United States and of the President's
power and duty to enforce all of the
laws of the United States without await
ing the call or consent of the governor
cf any state is an important and living
issue in this campaign. Tariff and coin
age will be of little moment if our con
stitutional government is overthrown.
iWhen we have a President who believes
that it is neither his right nor his duty
to see that the mail trains are not ob
structed and that interstate commerce
ttas its free way, irrespective of state
lines and state courts, who fears to use
cur ancient and familiar power to re
strain and punish lawbreakers, free
trade and free silver will be appropriate
accompaniments of such an administra
tion and cannot add appreciably to the
national distress, or the national dis
honor. (Applause.)
. 'The atmosphere of the Chicago con
vention was surcharged with the spirit
tf revolution. Its platform was car
ried and its nominations mad? with ac
companying incidents- of frenzy that star
tled thf onlookers nnd amazed the coun
try. The courts and the President were
arraigned for enforcing the laws, and
government by the mob was given pref
erence over government by law enforced
fcy the court decrees and by executive
rders. There was no calm deliberation;
there was frenzy. There was no thought
ful searching for the man who from ex
'perience was most able to direct public
affairs. There was an impulsive re
sponse to an impassioned speech that se
lected the nominee. Not amid s'nch
surroundings as that, not under such in
fluences, are these calm, discreet things
idone that will commend themselves to
the judgment of the American people.
XApplause.)
"They denounce in their platform in
terference by federal authorities in local
affairs as a violation of the constitution
f the United States and a crime against
free institutions. Sir. Tillman in his
speech approved . this declaration. It
was intended to be in words a direct
condemnation of Sir. Cleveland as Presi
dent of the United States for using the
tower of the executive to brush out of
Che way every obstacle to the free pass
age of the mail trains of the United
States and the interstate commerce, and,
way friends, whenever our people ap
prove the choice of a President who
.believes he must ask Gov. Altgeld or
Siny other state permission to enforce the
(iw of the United States, we have
surrendered the victory the boys won
in 1861. (Applause.)
1 "My friends, this constitutional ques
tion, this division between the general
And local authorities is a plain and easy
tone. A disturbance which is purely lo
1 in a state is a state affair. The
1resident cannot send troops or lend any
id, unless the Legislature calls upon
Jhim for help, or the governor, if the
iLegislature is not in session. But when
at law of the United States is invaded
and broken, it is the sworn duty of the
.President to execute it, and this conven
tion arraigns the President for doing
avhat his oath compelled him to do.
Comrades for the great war for the
Union, sons of those who went out to
battle that the flag might not lose its
J aster, will we consent after these years
'(cries of No!') that the doctrine which
iwas shot to death in the great war shall
be revived and made victorious in a civil
campaign? (Cries of 'No!')
"Bnt the assault does not end there.
fThe Supreme court of the United States
and the federal lower courts are ar
raigned because they used the familiar
writ of injunction to suppress violence,
to restrain men from breaking the law,
and that platform plainly means I will
show you that it was so understood in
the convention and in the committee on
resolutions that the Democratic policy
svas that when the Supreme court, exer
cising its constitutional power and duty,
pave an interpretation to a law of the
united States that was not pleasing to
Congress they, would increase the num-
utterances have been specially ap
pealed to, but like millions of others,
H1S CURIOUS WAY OK SHOWING IT.
P I IS f11 ' ' y
Mr. Bryan asserts that
ber of judges and pack the court to get
a decision to please them. (Applause.)
"My friends, our fathers who framed
this government divided its great pow
ers between three great departments
the legislative, executive and the judicial.
It sought to make these independent,
the one of the other, so that neither
might overshadow or destroy the other.
The Supreme court, the most dignified
judicial body in the world, was appointed
to interpret the laws and the constitu
tion, and when that court pronounced
a decree as to the powers of Congress
or as to any other constitutional ques
tion, there is but one right method if we
disagree, and that is the method pointed
out by the constitution to amend it to
conform with our views. That is the po
sition today.
"You are to answer, then, my fellow
citizens, in all the gravity of a great
crisis, whether you will sustain a party
who prorose to destroy the balance which
our lathers instituted in our system of
government, and whenever a tumultuous
Congress disagrees with the Supreme
court and a subservient President is in
the white house, that the judgment of
the court shall be reconsidered and re
versed by increasing the number of
judges and packing the court with men
who will decide as Congress wants them
to. (Applause.) I cannot exaggerate the
gravity and the importance and the dan
ger of this assault upon our constitution
al form oC government.
"I do not intend to spend any time in
the discussion of the tariff question. That
debate has been won, and need not be
protracted. It might run on eternally
upon theoretical lines. We had had some
experiences, but they were historical and
remote, and not very instructive to this
generation. We needed an experience of
our own, and we have had it. It has
been a hard lesson, but a very convinc
ing one, and everybody was in the school
bouse when it was given him. A panic in
1803 of most extraordinary character has
been succeeded by a gradual drying up,
less and less, until universal business dis
traction and anxiety prevails over all of
our community. I do not believe there
has been a time, except, perhaps, in the
very heat of some active panic, when
universal fear and anxiety and watchful
ness, even to the point of desperation,
has characterized this great metropolis
as it does today. (Applause.) Slen have
been afraid to go away for a vacation.
They have felt that they must every day
in this burning heat come to the city and
watch their business. That is the situa
tion. "What has brought it about? Gentle
men, who is there to defend the Wilson
tariff bill? Who says it is a good tariff
measure? (A voice: "Nobody.") I don't
believe a candidate can be found to say
that it is. Sir. Cleveland repudiated
it. It was so bad that he could not
attach his official signature to it, and it
became a law without it. He said it
was full of incongruities and inequali
ties. What has been the result of that
measure? It has failed to produce rev
enue enough, supplemented by our inter
nal taxes, to maintain the government.
There has been an annual deficit ap
proaching $30,000,000 every year, and
the national treasury has been contin
ually in a state of emJhjirrnsFmem Our
ma'uufacfurers, left without adequate
protection, have been successively and
gradually closing up and putting out
their fires. But not only has this pro
duced 6uch an effect, but It has practi
cally contributed to the financial depres
sion that we are in. The maintenance
of the gold reserve up to $100,000,000
by the government for the redemption
of our notes was essential to confidence
in the stability of our finances. When
the government reserve runs down peo
ple begin at once to say: 'We may come
to a silver basis if gold is going out."
The reserve is generally down and this
fear is greatly increased, but how can
you keep a gold reserve f $100,000,000
when you have not got $100,000,000 in
the treasury all told? How can you
maintain this gold reserve for redemp
tion of notes when you have an annual
and continuous deficit and your income
not equaling your deficit? So that, my
friends, this tariff bill has not only con
tributed, by increasing importations, by
taking away the needful support for our
own manufacturers, but It has contrib
uted in the way of increasing the silver
scare to bring us into the present condi
tion of distrust and dismay which now
prevails. (Applause.)
"But I do not intend to follow that
question further. I am quite as much
opposed to cheapening the American
workingman and working woman as I
am to cheapening our dollars. (Ap
plause). I am quite as 6trongly in favor
of keeping days' work at home as I am
gold dollars. (Applause).
"Sly friends, as a Republican, I am
proud of many things, but I can sum up
as the highest satisfaction I have had
in the party and its career that the
prospect of Republican success never did
disturb business. (Applause). In con
nection with this financial matter, do we
all realize how imiortant the choice of
a president is? Do you know that, as
the law is now, without the passage of
any free coinage of silver at all, it is
in the power of the President of the
United States to bring the business of
the country to a silver basis? All he
has to do is to let the gold reserve go,
to pay out silver when men ask for
gold, and we are there already. It is
only because the presidents of the
United States that we have had, and the
one we have now, have regarded it
under the law as his public duty to
maintain the gold basis, maintaining
9H Fare Cincinnati Limited 8 Honrs.
For particulars please call upon II.
V V7 V if I
ho is opposed to foreign domination in our affairs.
that parity between our silver and gold
coins which the law declares is the
policy of the government, and because
he has the courage to execute the pow
ers given to him by the resumption act
fo carry out that declaration of public
law. 1 undertake, thereore, to iaj
that if Mr. BrTaTl. or 5 mail holding his
views, were in the presidential Chair,
without any legislation by Congress, we
should be on a silver basis in a week's
time. (Applause).
"The silver question what is it? Do
you want silver because you want more
money, a larger circulating medium? I
have not heard anybody say so. Sir.
Bryan is not urging it upon that basis.
If anybody were to seek to give that as
a reason for wanting free silver he would
be very soon confounded by the state
ment that free silver would put more
gold out of circulation than mints of the
United States could possibly bring in in
years of silver, and that instead of hav
ing more money we would have less. (Ap
plause.) With our six hundred and odd
million of gold driven out of circulation
we will reduce our per capita money of
thi3 country between eight and nine dol
lars. So it is not for more money. We
have an abundant supply of circulating
medium gold, silver, national bank
greenbacks, treasury notes, fractional sil
ver. We have something like $23 per
capita of our population. What is it,
then, that creates this demand for silver?
It is openly avowed. It is not more dol
lars, but cheaper dollars that are wanted.
It is a lower standard of value that they
are demanding. They say gold has gone
up until it has ceased to be a proper
standard of value, and they want silver.
But how do they want it.
"Now, my friends, there is a great
deal of talk about bimetallism and the
double standard and a great deal of con
fusion in the use of those terms. Bi
metallism is the use of the two metals
as money where they are both used.
By a double standard they mean that
we 6hall have a gold dollar and a silver
dollar which will be a unit of value,
by which all property and all wages
and everything is to be measured. Now,
our fathers thought that when they used
these two metals in coinage they must
determine the intrinsic relative value of
the two, so that a comparison of the
markets of the world would show just
what relation one ounce of silver bore
to one ounce of gold; how many ounces
of silver it took to be eqnai to one ounce
of gold in the markets of the world
where gold and silver were used, and
they carefully went about ascertaining
that. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander
Hamilton gave their great powers to
the determination of that question, and
they collected the market reports and
they studied with all their power that
question, and when they found what
appeared to be the general and average
relative value of these two metals they
fixed upon a ratio between them. Now,
what was the object of all that? Why
did they lump it all? Because they fully
understood that unless these dollars were
of the same intrinsic value that both of
them could not be standards of value.
anu doiu couia not circulate. (Ap
plause.) "AS thing9 are now the silver dollars
that we have are supported by the gov
ernment, and the government that sup
ports this silver bullion has issued these
dollars on its own account not for the
mine owner and it has pledged its sa
cred honor it would make every one of
these dollars as good as a gold dollar.
(Great applause.) And that is a power
ful support. Our Populistic friends pro
pose that the man who digs silver out of
the mine may bring it to the mint and
have it stamped and handed back to him
as a dollar, the government having no
responsibility about it. These men
would reject with contempt the proposi
tion that free coinage was to come with
a pledge on behalf of the government
to maintain the parity of the two dollars.
(Applause.) But this feeling is well
adapted to touch the prevailing American
bumptiousness and well adapted to
touch that prejudice against England
which many have, but can we do this
thing ourselves? Is it a question wheth
er we will do it, or ask anybody's con
sent whether we may, or ask the co-operation
of somebody? Not at all. I
tell you what this government can do
alone. It can fix its money unit. It
can declare by law what shall be the
relative value of an ounce of gold and
an ounce of silver, but it cannot make
that last declaration good. (Applause.)
It is unquestionably fully within the
power of this government to bring this
country to a silver basis by coining silver
dollars and making them legel tender.
They can do that.
"This government might say you shall
take one of these dollars, but it cannot
say and enforce its decree if you should
call out the regular army or navy and
muster our great modern ships arid the
militia, and put William J. Bryan in
command of them it cannot enforce the
decree that one ounce of gold is the
equivalent of sixteen ounces of silver,
((.treat applause and cheers.) Not only
that, not France and Kngland and Ger
many can do that unless the markets
respond. (Applause.) We can of our
selves, of our own wisdom, declare the
unit of value. We can coin silver free
ly, but we cannot make sixteen ounces
of silver equal to one ounce of gold un
less it is. (Applause.) And it is not
unless the merchants take it at that
rate.
"What is the next suggestion. It is,
my friends, in the case of free silver,
what is the financial and moral equiva
A black male hog with white points,
at my farm 3J miles not th of Murray.
wufflsmsm
lent of a declaration that 50-cent pieces
are dollars. They might just as well
pass a law that 50 cents is a dollar.
That would not make it so, would it?
It would be a legal dollar; but it would
not buy a dollar's worth of anything.
What is the effect of that? The mer
chant would take care of himself.
"A man keeps ft store down here on
Broadway, and that law is going into
ODeration tonight. He summons all bis
clerks and buys 23 cents' worth of pen
cils, and before he opens his store in the
morning he has marked up his goods to
the new scale. He can do all that. But
there are great numbers of people, num
berless people, who enlist our interest,
and some of them enkindle pur sympa
thies, who cannot use the pencil. Take
the work of man. He cannot go to the
?ay roll with a pencil and mark it up.
le has got to consult somebody. He
has to enter into an argument. He has
got to get some other man's consent be
fore he can mark up his wages. Then
there is the pensioner, those that are re
ceiving pensions from this government
for gallant deeds done in the war, and
others for the loss of beloved ones. He
cannot take his pension certificates, and
when it reads eight dollars make it read
sixteen dollars. He must wait for an
appeal to Congress, and a Congress that
is populistic in character would be un
sympathetic. (Applause). Take the
men who have life insurance. Can they,
where the policy reads $5000, make it
$10,000? No. Can the managers of
these institutions make it right with
them? No. This policy coerces integ
rity. (Applause).
"Sly friends, the men surely do not
contemplate the irretrievable and exten
sive character of the disaster and dis
turbance and disruption which they are
proposing for all of us in all our business
affairs, great and simple. Take the la
boring man; how full of sympathy they
are for him. Sly countrymen, I" never
spoke a false word to the laboring man
in my life. (Great applause). I have
never sought to reach his vote or influ
ence by appeals to that part of his na
ture that will pollute the intellect and the
conscience. I nave believed and 1 be
lieve today that any system that main
tains the prices of labor in this country,
that brings hope into the life of the la
boring man, that enables him to put by,
that gives him a stake in .the good order,
the prosperity of the country, is the pol
icy that should be our American policy.
(Applause.) I have resisted in many
campaigns this idea that a debased cur
rency could help the workingman. The
first dirty errand that a dirty dollar does
is to cheat the workingraen. (Applause.)
"My friends, a cold statistical inquiry,
non-partisan in its character, was made
by a committee of the Senate in 1800
and some following years. The commit
tee was composed of Democrats and of
Republicans, and they set out to study
as statisticians the relative prices of com
modities and wages at different periods
in the history of our country. This in
vestigation covered the years of the war.
It showed how prices of goods went up
SJjJ? JlMt Pr22?U?5 l3j?.JT Pranced.
Goods went up rapidly because the pen
cil process is a quick process. Wages
went up haltingly and slowly, because
the employer has to be persuaded and
the pencil won't serve.
"Now, I have here a memorandum of
some of those facts resulting from that
investigation. Labor in one period ad
vanced 3 per cent.; goods, the things
the men had to buy out of their wages
for their families and their living, ad
vanced 18 per cent. Through another
period the laborers' wages advanced lOi
per cent., and the price of goods ad
vanced 49 per cent. In another period
the wages of the laborer went up 25 per
cent, and the prices of merchandise ad
vanced 90 per cent. In another peri
-i
(
A joint resolution
amend section one (1) of
od the laborers wages went rp
4.; per cent., and the price ot goods
117 per cent. Now. these statistics are
the result of a solid scientific inquiry
made by men of both parties to deter
mine what the truth was. and the truth
they found that the enormous disparity
between the advance of the cost cf liv
ing and the advance in wages falls in ex
actly with what we would conclude in
advance. Laborers, men who work,
whether with head or hand in salaried
positions, would do well to take these
facts to heart and settle the question
after that broad, deep inquiry to which
Mr. Bryan invites you, as to whether
f you want to enter into another experi
ence such as you had during the war.
when wages advanced so slowly and
tediously and the cost of your living
moved on so swiftly.
"I have sketched very hastily some of
the evils that will result from this
change to a debased dollar a contrac
tion of our c urrency by the exporting of
our gold and a readjustment of every
thing. Now. who will get any benefit?
Well, the man who owes a debt that he
contracted upon a cold basis and is able
to pay it with a 50-cont dollar. He and
the mine owner who gets an exaggerated
price for the products of his mine are
the only two people, or classes of people,
that I can see that would have any bene
fit out of it. They nmke a strong ap
peal to the farmer. They say it will
put up prices. Well, in a sense, yes.
Nominally, yet. Really, no. If wheat
goes from 50 cents to $1.20 the price
has been increased, you will say, but if
the price of everything else has gone up
in the same proportion, a bushel of
wheat won't buy for the farmer any
more sugar or coffee or farming imple
ments, or anything else that he has to
purchase.
"It invokes the idea that this govern
ment of ours shall pay not only its debt
of honor but that they pay the interest
on its bonds and the circulating notes
in a debased currency. Sly country
men, this country of ours, during the
troublous times of the war may have
had severe trials, but these financial
questions are scarcely less troublous
than those. Does not every instinct of
pride, does not every instinct of self
interest, does not every thoughtful, af
fectionate interest in others, does not
our sense of justice and honor rise up
to rebuke the infamous proposition that
this government and its people shall be
come a people of repudiators?" (Pro
longed applause and cheers.)
CAMPAIGN NOTES.
One of the anomalies of this cam
paign is that the business man whose
wisdom and experience is sought for by
farmers and laboring men in their private
matters, is considered by many of them
as an unsafe adviser in political matters.
The issues of this national election are
business issues. The question is, how
can the industries of the nation be re
vived? It would seem as if the judgment
of the men who manage the industries
should be consulted.
It is an odd spectacle to see a free sil
ver orator who never did a day's work
in his life, who has had no experience
in managing business affairs, who has
never organized or managed a labor em
ploying industry, who has never raid a
laboring man a dollar for work, and who
never evolved a practical plan which
resulted in giving employment to unem
ployed people, delivering an oration over
the "fallen ruins of a dead industry,"
telling how it can be revived.
It took Bryan and the other Democrat
ic orators two and a quarter years to
Eass the Wilson bill, although they had
een telling the American people for
thirty years that they knew the tariff
question all by heart, and were agreed
as to what they were going to do. How
long will it take these same Democratic
free silver orators to pass a free coinage
bill? And what will happen to the coun
try in the meantime?
The Democratic orators talked tariff
reform thirty years before they got the
consent of the American people to put
their plans into effect. When at last
the people consented to let them try their
tariff reform, it took those orators two
and a quarter years to agree upon the
exact wording of their tariff law. In
the meantime, while they held the coun
try in suspense, the industries of the na
tion became paralyzed from doubt and
uncertainty. If it took these tariff re
form orators two and one-half years to
make a law after thirty years of study,
how long will it take these free silver
orators to make a law after only five
years of study? And if these two and
one-half years of dispute and uncertainty
on the tariff paralyzed the industries,
what will become of these industries if
another series of free silver speeches
is hurled against them, seeing that these
industries are mone afraid of free coin
age than they were of free trade?
Tlje crop now in the fields of Nebraska
would under ordinary conditions be worth
$100,000,000. If the laboring men of
the country were at work there would
be a demand in the East for this crop.
In every town of Nebraska the process
of loading this crop into cars would be
going on all over the state. As fast
as the cars were loaded sight draft
would be drawn on Chicago, New York,
Baltimore and other market centers and
by means of these sight drafts the bal
ance of credit would be transferred from
the East to the West. Every bank in
every Nebraska town would be easy,
money would be plenty and we would
call that good times. Good times will
come to the Western farmer when the
Eastern laborer goes to work, and not
till then. What would it avail the
Western farmer to see trainloads of sil
ver bullion passing through the country
on its way to the Eastern mint to be
coined, if the factories in the East were
still idle, and the people out of employ
ment. Would the mere coining of these
Western silver dollars make a demand
HK CAN'T GET AROUND
t mn m B;v-n Ctt- A TJirJoritT
of i h" vu! i-u't. iii the rounty ex Misiv;
of ihoiu ea.l in u h metrop .ila.i city at -uch
e!e--ri'n.
Approval M ir. h ) A. D. lsUi
proposing to
article five (5)
for bread a- 1 meat? The demand for
Western food must originate in the East
If the West unites with the South irt
forcing upon this country a policy which
frightens the East, how will Eastern la
bor be employed and how can it buy
Western food?
"It is because it is." says Bryan.
Whoever hoard a statesman use such
words?
That was a very adroit campaign wail
Chairman Jones issued for funds. The
silver kinsrs will sec- to it that Jones has
all the money ho needs, but he considers
it strategy to make "a poor mouth" all
the same.
Rev. Dr. SreArthur of New York
sweetly says that the free silver move
ment consists solely of "lungs, lunacy
and larceny."
When Bryan had a chance to help tho
farmer he did what he could to down
him. He voted in Congress for free
wool. That alone hit over 2,000,000 of
American sheen raisers.
It is an insult to the poor man to say
that silver is the poor man's money. A'
poor man is entitled to as good money as
the rich man.
The old soldiers will rally once more.
It will be on November 3, and SIcKinlcy
will be the color bearer.
Every President of the United States
has been either a lawyer or a soldier, or
both.
The people are swarming to hear Sfc
Kinley. Bryan travels about the country,
to find audiences.
The duty of every man is to make his
income equal to his expenditures and it is
the same with a nation.
And the Democrats are now complain
ing that the Republican plan of campaign
educates too much.
The Humorous Side.
In storming the citadel it begins to
look as if Tom Watson was to be left
"outside the breastworks."
Bryan has been fishing too. It beats
all what an inborn penchant Democrats
and Popocrats have for fishing.
It is safe to say that what Sirs. Lease
and Helen Gougar advocate, the rest
of the country better steer clear of.
The managers don't seem to know
where to place Bryan so as to do the
most good. He might take a sea voyage.
Bryan is quite a talker. ITecan wind
tin his vocal organs and jro off and leave
them and no stoppage will be noticed.'
Bourke Cockran is also something of a.
talker himself. Dixon Star.
The Badge of Free Trade,
times they are hard, and money Is
Oh,
sea rce.
We're viewing the future askance;
And thousands of workmen, all Idle and
poor.
Wear a patch on the seat of their pants,
pants, punts.
Wear a patch on the seat of their pants.
Abandon protection and hard times will
stay. Our troubles will only enhance:
And millions of people will wear the new
badge,
A patch on the scat of their pants, pants
pants,
A patch on the seat of their pants.
There's many a man who wanted a change;
You can spot him the very flrst glance.
There's a look that Implies when you gaz
In his eyes
Kick the patch on the seat of my pants,
pants, pants.
Kick the patch on the seat of my pants.
Scranton (Pa.) Tribune.
A Populist Belief.
A resident of Poughkcepsie a few dayr
ago received a letter from a frjend in
Nebraska in which it is shown what
the mental caliber is of some of the be
lievers in free silver. The Nebraskan"
who wrote the letter heard a Populist
explain the meaning of 16 to 1 to at
group of attentive listeners.
He said that if Bryan should be elect
ed he would sell his grain this fall and
demand payment in gold. Then he would
go to the mint and receive $10tK) in sil
ver for each $100 in gold, and with that
silver he would pay off the mortgage on
his farm. He admitted that some of
his neighbors did not explain the mean
ing of 16 to 1 in the same way, but he
was quite sure he had the right under
standing of it.
Such a story seems almost too absurd
to be true, but it may bo assumed, log
ically, that a man who thoroughly : 'id
honestly believes that the carrying out
of the financial policy laid out at Chi-
cago will believe anything else that
would reveal itself to normal minds at
once as nonsense. Albany Express.
Not in a Hundred.
Bill Bryan fooled the voters
In elKhtceu-ninety-t wo; j
The promises he made lis i
Drought soup to me nnd you;. .
Apain he would enchant u
15y siiirIuk hopeful tunes;
lie fed us soup too often
lie cannot feed us prunes.
Another.
The original and picturesque reason
given by a Copper to Popocratic silver
ism, residing in this county, is that "the
price of steers went down while John M.
Stull was a state senator." Warren (O.)
Chronicle.
Danger in the Other Foot.
Syracuse Standard: Bryan is trusting
to the left hind foot of a rabbit. Let him
look out for the right fore foot of an ele
phant. The Ileal Thing.
If it is true, as reported, that your
Uncle Benjamin Harrison is going to
make a Pullman tour, the country will
soon be treated to an exhibition of rear
platform work from a real artist.
t
tVhen Baby was stefc, wc 'ave her Castorla.
When she vas a Chad, she cried for Catori.
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