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About Semi-weekly news-herald. (Plattsmouth, Nebraska) 1895-1909 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 19, 1896)
THE MKHLEY LETTER Strong Stand on Sound Money, Protection and Reci procity. , FORMAL NOTE OF ACCEPTANCE. Mills Should be Opened to Labor Free Coinage Would Set No Wheels Turning. Canton. O.. Aug. 25. Following Is the formal letter of acceptance written by MaJ. McKinlejr. Republican nominee for president, and made public to-night: "The Hen. John M. Thurston and Others, Members of the Notification Committee of the Republican National Convention Gen tlemen: In pursuance of a promise made to your committee when notified of my nomination as the Republican candidate for president, I beg to submit this formal ac ceptance of that high honor, and to con sider in detail questions at Issue in the pending campaign. Perhaps this might be considered unnecessary in view of my re marks on that occasion, and those I have made to delegations that have visited me since the St. Louis convention, but in view cf the momentous importance of the proper settlement cf the issues presented on our future prosperity, and standing as a nation, and considering enly the welfare and hap piness of our people, I would not be content to omit again calling attention to the ques tions which in ir.y opinion vitally affect our strength and position among the gov ernments of the world and our morality, integrity and patriotism as citizens of that republic v. huh fcr a century past ha3 been ihe "oet hope of the world and the inspira tion of pi.-u-kind. We must not now prove false to our own high standards In gov ernment, ucr unmindful of the noble ex atnplo and wise precepts cf the fathers, cr of th2 confidence and trust which our cenduct in tha past has always inspired. Tlie Hanger of Free Coinage. "If never before there is presented to the Americans this year a clear ar.d direct Is sue, as to our monetary cyatem, of vast importance in its eiTect. and upon the liirlit si'ttl-iiKT.t of wiiuh rest largely the financial henor and prosperity of the country, it is proposed by one wing of the Democratic party and its allies, the Peo ple's and Silver parties, to inaugurate the free and unlimited coinage of silver by in dependent action cn the part of the United States at a ratio of lti cunce3 cf silver ti 1 ounce of gold. The mere declaration of ih;s purpose is a menace to cur financial and industrial interests and has already created universal alarm. It involves great peril tu the credit and business of the country, a peril so grave that conservative n;ea everywhere are breaking away from the old party associations and uniting with oth.r patriotic citizens in emphatic protect against the platform of the Demo cratic National convention as cn assault upon the faith and honor of the govern ment end the welfare cf the people. We have hart few questions in the lifetime cf the republic more teriou3 than the one which is thus presented. "The character cf the morey which shall measure our values and exchanges c-.d settle our balances with one another anJ with the natior.3 of the world, is cf such primary importance and so far reach ing in its consequences as to call for the most painstaking investigation, and ia the er.d. a sober and unprejudiced judgment at the pcll3. We must not be misled by phrases, nor deluded by false theories. Free silver world not mean that silver dollars were to be freely had without coat cr labor. It would mean the free use of the mint3 of the United States for the owners of silver bullion, but would make silver coin no freer to the many who engaged in other enterprises. It would not make Jabor eas'cr, the hours cf labor shorter or the pay better. It would rot make fanning less laborious or more profitable. It would not start a factory cr make a demand for an additional day's labor. It would create no new occupa tions. It would add nothing to the com fort of tho masses, the capital cf the peo ple or the wealth cf the nation. It seeks t' introduce a new measure of value, but would add no value to the thing measured. It wculd net conserve values. Cn the contrary, it would derange all existing values. It would not restore business con fidence, but its direct effect would be to destroy the little which yet remains. SIcanluK of tbe Colnncre Hlank. "The meaning of the coinage plank adopt ed at Chicago is that anyone may take a quantity cf silver bullion now worth 53 cents to the mints of the United State3, have it coined at the expense of the gov ernment and use it for a silver dollar which ehall bo legal tender for the pay ment of all debts, public and private. The owner cf the silver bullion would get the eilver dollar. It would belong to him and to nobody else. Other people would get it only bv their labor, the products of their land, or something of value. The bullion owner, on the basis of present val ues, would receive the silver dollar for 53 cents' worth of silver and other people would be required to receive it as a full dollar in the payment of debts. The gov ernment would get nothing from the trans action. It would bear the expense of coin ing tho silver and the community would sunr loss by its use. "We have coined since 1S7S more than 400.000.C00 silver dollars which are main tained by the government at parity with gold and a full legal tender for the pay ment of all debts, public and private. How ere the silver dollars now in use different from those which would be In use under free coinage? They are to be of tbe came weight and fineness. They are to bear the same stamp of the government. Why would they not be of the same value? I .answer, the silver dollars now in use were coined on account of the government and not for private account or gain, and the government has solemnly agreed to keep them as gocd as the best dollars we have. The government bought the silver bullion at its market value and coined it into eilver dollars. Having exclusive control cf the mintage it enly coins what it can hold At a parity with gold. The profit repre senting the difference between the com mercial value cf the silver bullion and the face value of the silver dollar goes to the government for the benefit cf . the people. The government bought the silver bullion contained in the eilver dollar at very much les3 than its coinage vaUie. It paid it cut to Its creditors and put it in circula tion among the people at its face value cf 100 cents, cr a full dollar. It required the people to accept it as legal tender, .end Is thus morally bound to maintain it at a parity with gold, which was than, as row, the recognized standard with us and the most enlightened nations cf the world. "The government having issued and cir culated the silver dollar, it must ia honor protect tho holder from loss. This obliga tion U ha3 so far sacredly kept. Net only 19 there a moral obligation, but there is a legal obligation, expressed in public stat ute, to maintain the parity. "TVlosn r-.l!.T-. tn tha na rf (."liters I haVB named are not the same as the dollars which would be Issued under free coinage. They would be the same in form, but dif ferent In value. The government would have no part in the transaction except to coin the silver bullion into dollars. It would share in no part of the profit. It would take upon Itself no obligation. It would not put the dollars into circulation. It could only get them a.3 any citizen would get them, by giving something for them. It would deliver them to thoso who de posited the silver and its connection with the transaction there end. Such are the silver dollars which would be issued under free coinage of silver at a ratio c 16 to 1. IVlio IVonlrt Maintain VZ.- '.T. "Who would then maintain the parity? What would keep them at par gold? There would be no obligation resting upou the government to do it, and If there were, it would be powerless to do it. TllO simple truth is we would be driven to a silver basis to silver monometallism. Th'-se dol lars, therefore, would stand upon their real value. I; the free and unlimited coin age cf silver at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold would, as some of Its advocates assert, make 53 cents In silver worth 100 cents and the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now. and It would be no easier to get. But that such would be the result is against reason and is contradicted by experience In all times and in all lands. It means the debasement of our currency to the amount of the dif ference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar which is ever changing and the effect would be to reduce property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy confidence, impair the obliga tions cf existing contracts, further impov erish the laborers and producers of the country, create a panic of unparalleled severity and inflict upon trade and com merce a deadly blow. Against any such policy I am unalterably opposed. Gold Driven Ont of Mexico. "Bimetallism cannot be secured by In dependent action on our part. It cannot be obtained by opening our mints to the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world at a ratio of 1C ounces of silver to 1 ounce of go'd when the commercial ratio is more than 30 ounces of silver to 1 ounce or gold. Mexico and China have tried the experiment. Mexico has free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio slightly in ex cess of lCVi ounces of silver to 1 ounce of grid, and while her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, net a single dollar in gold bullion is coined and cir culated as money. Gold has been driven out of circulation In these countries and they are on a silver basis alone. Until international agreement i3 had, it is the plain duty of the United States to main tain the geld standard. It is the recog nized and so'e standard of the great com mercial nations of the world with which we trade more largely than any other. Cighty-four per cent, of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1S33 was with gold standard countries, and our trade with other countries wa3 settled on a gold basis. Jlorc Silver Than Gold. "Chiefly by means of legislation during end since 1S78, there has been put in circulation more than $624,000,000 of sil ver cr its representative. This has been dens in the honest effort to give to silver, if possible, tbe same bullion and coinage value and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver as money. Prior to that time, there had been less than 9,000. Ou'J of silver dollars coined in the entire history of the United States, a period of eighty-nine years. This legislation secures the largest use of silver consistent with financial safety and the pledge to main tain its parity with gold. We have to day mere silver than gold. This has been accomplished at times with grave peril to tho public credit. Tho so-called Sherman law sought to use all the silver product of the United State3 for money at its mar ket value. From 1S90 to 1S33, the gov ernment purchased 4.500.000 ounces of sil ver a month, or 54,000,000 ounce3 a year. This was cne-third the product of the world, and practically all of this country's product. It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would advance Its bullion value to its coinage value, but this ex pectation was not realized. In a few months, notwithstanding the unprecedent ed market for the silver product ia the United States, the price of silver went down very rapidly, reaching a point lower than ever before. Then, upon the recom mendation of President Cleveland, both political parties united In the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot with tafety engage in further experiments in this direction. "On the second cf August, 1S31. in a public address. I said: 'If we could have an international ratio which all the lead- j in? nations of the world would adopt, and tho true relation be fixed between the two metals and all agree upon the quantity of silver which should constitute a dollar, then silver would bo as freo and unlim ited in its privileges of coinage as gold ia to-day. But that we have not been able to secure, and with tho free and unlimited coinage cf silver adopted in the United States at the present ratio, we would be syil further removed from any interna tional agreement. We may never be able to secure it if we enter upon the isolated coinage of silver. The double standard implies equality at a ratio and that equal ity can only be established by tho concur rent law of rations. It was the concurrent law of nations that made the double stand ard; it wiil require the concurrent law of natiens to reinstate and sustain it.' Party Favors fee of Silver Money. "The Republican party has not been and Is not opposed to the use of sliver money as its record abundantly shows. It has done all that could be done for its in creased use with safety and honor by the United States acting apart from other gov ernments. There are those who think that it has already gone beyond the limit of financial prudence. Surely we can go no further, and we must not permit false lights to lure us across the danger line. Mean Defeat of International Agreement. "We have much more silver m use than any country in the world except India or China $500,000,000 mere than Great Brit ain; J150.000.000 more than France; $400. 000,000 more than Germany; $325,000,000 less than India and $125,000,000 less than China. The Republican party has declared in favor of an international agreement, and. if elected president, it will be my duty to employ all proper means to promote if. The free coinage of silver in this country would defer, if not defeat international bi metallism, and until an international agree ment can be had. every interest requires us to maintain our present standard. In dependent free coinage of silver at a ratio cf 16 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold would insure the speedy contraction of the volume of our currency. It would drive at least $500,000,000 of gold dollars, which we now have permanently, from the trade of the country, and greatly decrease our per capita circulation. It is not proposed by the Republican party to taice irom me cir culating medium cf the country any of the silver we now have: on the contrary, it is proposed to keep all of the silver money row in circulation cn the parity with gold bv maintaining the pledge of the govern ment that all cf it shall be equal to gold. This has betn the unbroken policy cf the Republican party since 1S78. It has in augurated no new policy. It will keep in circulation end a3 good as gold all cf the silver and paper money which sre now in cluded in the currency cf the country. It will maintain their parity. It will preserve their equality in the future as it ha3 al ways done in the past. It will not consent to put this country on a silver basis which would inevitably follow independent free I premises be sold coinage at a ratio of IS to 1. It will oppose the expulsion of gold from our circulation. Deboned Money Destroys Value "If there is any one thing which should do rree from speculation and fluctuation it is the money of a country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention. When we part with our labor. our products or our property, we should receive in return money which is as stable ana unchanging In value as the ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means destruction of val ues. No one suffers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. They are tho first to feel its bad effects and tho last to recover from them. This has been me uniform experience of all countries. and here as elsewhere the poor and not iuw ncn are the greater sufferers from every attempt to debase our money. It would fall with alarming severity upon investments already made, unon Insurance companies and their policy-holders, upon sayings banks and their depositors, upon building and loan associations and their members, upon the savings of thrift. upon pensioners and their families, and upon wage earners and the purchasing yuwer oi tneir wages. Cheap Money Experiments. Tne silver question is not the only Issue affecting our money in the pending contest. Not content with urging the fres coinage cr silver, its strongest chamnlons demand that our paper money shall be issued directly by the government of the united States. This is the Chicago Demo cratic declaration. The St. Louis People's party declaration is that 'Our national money shall be issued by the general gov ernment only without the intervention of ticks of issue, be full legal tertisr for tho payment of all debts "public aid private,' and be distributed 'direct to tho people and through lawful disbursements of the government.' Thus, in addition to the free coinage cf the world's silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited irre deemable paper currency. The question which was fought out from 1S63 to 1S79 ia thus to be reopened with all its cheap money experiments of every conceivable form foisted upon us. Thl3 Indicates a most startling reactionary policy, strangely at variance with every requirement of sound fxnance; but the declaration shows the cpirit and purpose of those who, by combined action, are contending for the control of the government. Not satisfied with the debasement of our coin which in evitably follows the free coinage of 6ilver at 16 to 1, they would still further degrade cur currency and threaten the public honor by the unlimited issue of an irre deemable paper currency. A graver menace to our financial standing and credit could hardly be conceived, and every patriotic citizen should be aroused to promptly meet and effectually defeat it. Dividing the Peocle Into Classes. "It is a cause for painful regret and so licitude that an effort is being made by those high in the councils of the allied parties to divide the people of this coun try into classes and create distinctions among us which in fact do not exist and are repugnant to our form of government. These appeals to the passion and prejudice are beneath the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and should be met wlta stern rebuke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe they will be. Ev ery attempt to array clas3 against class, 'the classes against the masses,' section against section, labor against capital, 'the pcor against the rich,' or interest against interest in the United States is in the high est degree reprehensible. It is opposed to the national instinct and interest and should be resisted by every citizen. We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, in dependent and honorable people, despising the demagogue and never capitulating to dishonor. This ever recurring effort en dangers popular government and is a menace to our liberties. It is not a new campaign device or party appeal. It is as old as government among men. but was never more untimely and unfortunate than now. Washington warned us against t and Webster said in the senate words J which I feel are singularly appropriate at this time: 'I admonish the people against the object of outcries like these. I ad monish every industrious laborer cf this country to be cn his guard against such delusion. I tell him the attempt is to play eff his passion against his interest and to pre-ail on him in the name of liberty to destroy all the fruits of liberty.' j Protection of Snprcme Importance. "Another issue of supreme Importance j is that cf protection. The peril of free j silver is a menace to be feared. We are already experiencing the effect of partial i free trade. The one must be averted, the other corrected. The Republican party is wedded to the doctrine cf protection and was never more earnest in its support and advocacy than now. If argument were reeded to strengthen its devotion to 'the American system' or Increase the hold of that system upon the party and people, it is found in the lesson and experience of the past three years. Men realize in their own daily lives what before was to many of them only report, history or tradition. They have had a trial of both systems and know what each has done for them. "Washington, in his farewell address, Sept. 17. 1796. 100 years ago. said: 'As a very important source of strength and se curity, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding the accumulation of debt not only by 6hunnlng occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidaole wars may have occasioned, not ungener ously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.' To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which he announced, be declared : 'It is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have re?e nue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less in convenient or unpleasant; that the in trinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a construction of the conduct cf the government in making it; and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate." Prompt Protective Legislation De manded. . "Animated by like sentiments the people of the country must now face the condi tions which beset them. 'The public exi gency' demands prompt protective legisla tion which will avoid the accumulation of further debt by providing adequate reve nues for the expenses of the government. This is manifestly the requirement of duty. If elected president of the United States, it will bo my aim to vigorously promote this object and give that ample encouragement to the occupations of the American people which above all else is so imperatively de manded at this juncture of our national a flairs. Happy Conditions In December, ISO-. "In December, 1S92, President Harrison sent his last message to congress. It was an able and exhaustive review of the con dition and resources of the country. It stated our situation so accurately that I am sure it will not be amls3 to recite his official and valuable testimony. 'Ther never has been a time in our history,' said he, 'when work wa3 so abundant or when wages were so high, whether measured by the currency in which they are paid, or by their power to supply the necessaries and comforts of life. The general average of prices has been such a3 to give to agriculture a fair participation in tho gen eral prosperity. The new industrial plants established since Oct. 6. 1S00. and up to Oct. 22, 1S92. number 345. and the extensions of existing plants 103. The new capital invested amounts to $40,446,050. and the number cf additional employees to satisly said claims witn inter-1 prpper; to tne 37.2S5. During the first six months of the present calendar year. 13.- new factories were built, of which 40 were cotton mills, 4S L-nifflno- mills ?fi ivnnlpn mills l.i Kilk mills. 4 Dlush mills, and 2 linen mlll3. Of the forty cotton mili3, twenty-one have been built in the Southern states." "Thl3 fairly describes the happv condition of tho country in December, 1S32. What has it been since, and what is it now? Eight Months Later. "Tbe messages of President Cleveland from the beginning of his secon,d admin istration to tne present time abound witn iP i Ti ., P . .u inau"l"ai and financial situation of the country. While no resort to history or official state- mentis required to advise us of the present condition and that which has prevailed . a . i . , . . . . , uuwus m i l" quote rrom resident Cleveland 3 firs. message. Aug. 8, lbSJ, addressed to the Fifty-third congress which he had called together in extraordinary session. The . "," . Tf v .. , ?Jf-ni i;.Ld T'J1!89 v-. , rt Jlt 1 . V, . has constrained me to call together in . - o in congress, to the end that through the S? duties4 w,0 "b!riSV tbe,p1,evSU,1ra; iw-J"?.."...'01! .VnA A.:A,ZLYZ.. ST rnlT-rA T r- " -Vioi uZr.i ,M V. rCl ..1."".. "r;;r ""Vr:.?.. nr.:: sources. Nor is it traceable to any of the growth and prosperity. With- plenteous crops, with abundant promise of remun erative production and manufacture, with unusual invitation to safe investment, and .!,k . with satisfactory assurances to business enterprises, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every side. Numer- ous moneyed institutions have suspended, diately available to meet the demands of frightened depositors. Surviving corpora- ,d m t b tbe nece33aries and indirectly to the maintenance of the colos tions and individuals are content to keep mfw - ,, v,ts , i This sal marine of foreign countries, but pro- in hand the money they are usual y iuaii, aiiu iuso cujascu legitimate business are surprised to find that the securities they offer for loans. though heretofore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectural and loss and failure have invaded eyary branch cf business. Startling and Sudden Cbeago. "What a start'ine and sudt.-i chanee vvnai a starring and suae .1 cnange within the short, period of eig.it months. from December, 1S32. to Aus::, 1S33! What had OCCUrrCd? A chaUt.'i Cf ad- ministration: all branches of tho govern- ment had been entrusted to the Democratic party which was committed asainst tha 1.. A . : ii a i .1 . . , terrupieciiy ior moro man imriy-two years and brought unexampled prosperity to the country and firmly pledged to its complete overthrow and the substitution of a tariff for revenue only. The change having been decreed by tho elections in November, its effects were at once anticipated and felt, We cannot close our eyes to these alter- ed conditions, nor would it bo wise to exclude from contemplation and investiga tion tho causes which produced them. They are facts which we cannot, as a people, . . ..! - T T 1 I 1COO m - uk uiwr musts. iu ueccuiuei, xo-, o had the same currency uod practically the sam.0 volume of currency that we have now. It aggregated ln 1S92 $2,372,503,501; in 1?S3 $2,323,000,000: in 1894 $2.323.442,ol.O, and ir. December, 1S95. $2,194.000.2.i0. The per capita of money has been practically me Eaois Quring tnis waoie yenou. quality of the money has been identical all kept equal to sold. - There is notning connected with our money, therefore, to , account for this sudden and aggravate'! must everywhere be admitted that our money has been absolutely sound and has Drougnt neltner loss nor inconvenicu.c At n0 tj e vvithin tha past thirty-six years, people are aroused to tne true unaerstana its holders. A depreciated currency has and peri!apS never during any previous ing and meaning of this silver inflation not existed to further vex the troubled perjoa have so many cf our woolen fac- movement they will avert the danger. Ia Good 3Ioney Sever JInde Times Hard "It is a mere pretense to attribute the hard times to the fact that all our cur rency Is on a gold basis. Good money never made times hard. Tnose who assert that our present industrial and financial depression is the result of the gold stand- ard have not read American nistory arignt. or been careful students of the events of recent years. We never nad greater pros- tarifT law of 1S90 are striking and sug neritr ln this country, in every field of co.hvo Th hrtef neriod they were in employment and industry, than in the busy years from lsso to isy, during an oi wnica time this country was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business operations than ever before, We had. too, a protective tariff under which ample revenues were collected for .1 ..--n in,i on .ci-iimiilatin? stir- m... whirh wa- rnn..tantlv aDulied to the payment of the public debt. Let us hold fast to that which we know is good. It is not more money wo want; what we want Is to put the money we already have at work. When money Is employed, men are employed and both have always been steadily and remuneratively engaged rtnrinir all the vears of nrotective tariff lobulation. When those who nave money lark confidence in the stability of values nd investments, they will not part with their money. Business is stagnated the life blood of trade Is checked and congested, We cannot restore public confidence by an act which would revolutionize all val- I ues, or an act which entails a deficit in v,a miMi revpnnpj. We cannot Insnire confidence by advocating repudiation or practicing dishonesty. We cannot restore confidence, either to the treasury or to the people without a change in our present tariff legislation. Evil of tbe Democratic Tariff. 'The only measure of a general nature ment' of our people passed by the Fifty- thlrd congress was the General Tariff act. which didg not receive the approval of the presiaepi. j TirK-AKA wrotiioa mav rum I claimed for mat act. mere is coniesaeaiy one which it does not posses. It lacks the essential virtue of Pit. creatlon-the raising of revenue sufficient to supply tne needs cf tho government. It has at no time provided enough revenue for such needs. but It ha, caused a constant defl- Ciency in tne treasury auu a. twauj I nletion in the earnings of labor and land. It has contributed to swell our national .!bt !haS JTXT I i from Washington to Lincoln, including al our foreign wars from the revolution t the rebellion. Since its passage, work a home has oeen aiminisnea; prices ox k culTural products have fallen: confidence nas been arrested, and general business rnrvraiition Is seen on every hand. Tariffs of 1SDO and 1S34 Contrasted. I "The total receipts unfer the tariff act f 1894. for the first twewo months of Its enforcement, from September, 1S94, t -ifiQC --ra l-L'J R13 J"8 -., 1 ii June, uw, .. . , , , v ex penditures $640,418,363. or a deficiency of $S2,S03.035. ine aecrease in our exports of American product and manufactures. cauui ia entnntlriff. as contrasted with the espom of the first fifteen montns or tne tar ft of I T I lcs3 In the trade balance of the United States has been $19C.9S3.C07 during th9 first fifreea months' operation of the tariff cf isa4. as compared witn tne nrst iilteen I . . a . , . . , .rnn rr-i . I mourns oi iiit? ian:i vi iwu. ine ioes nas i oar. Irno -nni-nt o ti .1 ,lnf h lbJO. was . CI5' ex" 1 K , .rteniion of tha Uw, ot aro not enemies but friends' and as friends ports over imports during the first fifteen and favor such extension or the laws as faithfujy and cordially coooerata months cf the tariff of 1S90. was $213.- will secure the United States from invasion ,"-'a.t" 972.968, but only $.-6,758,623 under the Srst by the debased and criminal classes of the userfaeP?ny sustained Sd Kid? fifteen months of the tariff of 1S94J. a loss old. world. While we adhere ; to the public ""-1? Zgg iinrtpr tho arrpr oi Lot .... 'i n nor i nni pv unaei uilu v v.jv4j - i end. Tnat an matters" pertaining to ; ;!'JZfTtU "ViV'b -ST "ZZftZuib J rate of $13,130,000 a month, or $500,000 for I every business nay or tne j ear. I Louins ia Hoth Directions. I I "Wo have either been sending too much money out of the country or getting too little in, or both. We have lost steadily in both directions. Our foreign trade has been diminished, and our domestic trade nas suitered incalculable loss, uoes not -."-a suggest tne cause oi our present utiles- i sion, and indicate its remeay: uonuuciK-c in home enterprises has almost wnouy air- anDeared. Our shcDs are closed, or run- nine on half time at reduced waces and ii im .,! j .. - ., o I BlflHl 1 U1UUI. IL UUb aLUai J M I lllu home are idle, and while they are idle, abroftd are occupied in supplying us ..Un dg Qur unrivaled home market fop tfle farmer ha3 also greatly suffered, because those who constitute it the great army of American wage earners are with- out tfce work and wages they formerly had. If tney cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. They cannot earn if they have no ernpi0yment, and when they do not earn the farmers nome market is lessenea nd impaired and the loss is felt by both producer and consumer, xne loss oi earn- ,ng power alone ln thls C0Untry in the past tnree years is aumcient to nave prouueeu ' nfn,,,nt harness situation. If our labV was "wTli employed, and I -ployed , at " r8Funira"v Jn eir service with the respect leei .lna Bia? c"auB" l" l t t . . I0.r ,s. Prouucts aa m uio "-" wmcn no woum rece,ve- Not Open Mints, but Open Mills. "It Is not an increase- in the volume of money which Is the need for tne t me out an increase in the volume of tau wo . ""VS vi hn , n6 confidence. Not more coinage, but a more , money coined. Not open vgKV ll tl ' .. m fuU and Unrestrlc'te1 iabor of American I' r tif nvpr nf the wiU cny come with the empioyment of I iu maccoa and aneh pmnlovmer.t IS cer- tain to foliow the rcestablishment of a wise nmtnntivA nniirr whirh shall encourage manufacturing at home. Protection has Jost n0Ee 0f ts virtues and importance. Sew Tariff Law Promised. "The first duty of the Republican party. if restored to power in the country will be , eD"cln?enl OI a lar,;l law , " rajse au the money necessary to conduct tne government economically and honestly administered, and so adjusted as to give nro'jronco hnma marmf.-iPtlirp-K and Jlile- nat rrntprtion to homa labor and the! homo market. We are not committed to nnv snprial Knhnrlnlea r.r rates of dutv. , i .1 i , ... v. ; . n cnanee to meet new conaiucns. "ui tne principle upon which the rates of duty F.re imposed remains the same. Our duties ehould always be high enough to measure the difference between the wages paid labor at home and in competing countries. and to adequately protect American inyjsi- raents and American enterprises, I Oar Farmers nnu ine isnu. Our farmers have been hurt by the chanBes in our tariff legislation as sevi;t?!y as our laborers and manufacturer?. '-j.Cij thAv hav Kii?Tprp(l. The RenuhH.-a-l uLit- I J - !. .,0lv rtw arps in favor of r'.:c rn- lead tQ tha productlon on American soil of all the sugar which the American peo ple use. It promises to cur wool and wcolen interests the m-st ample protec- tion." a guaranty that ought to commend itself to every patriotic citizen. Never moro grievous wrong done the - f n,,,,rv han that so un- upon tjje W00a growers of America- Al- though among our most industrious ana i.cofnl riti7nng thplr intprrsts have been I r.,-ii Hoctm-ul anil nnr woolen -,,-....,., invnivpd in similar disaster. tnriM been susnended as now. The Repub- lican party can be relied upon to correct these great wrongs. if again entrusted with the control of congress, Atl vantage- or Reciprocity "Another declaration of the Republican Li,,fnrm hat has my most cordial sunnort is tDat which favor3 reciprocity. The splen- did resuits 0f tne reciprocity arrangements I tnat y,-ere made under authority of the force, in most cases only three years, was Eot long enough to thorougniy test tneir great value, but sufficient was shown by the trial to conclusively demonstrate tho importance and the wisdom of their adop- tion. In 1S92. the export trade or tne unit- ed States attained the highest point in our hict-rv Tha i?trrpjrt of our exDorta that var reached the immense sum of $1,030.- 278.148. a sum greater by $100,000,000 than the exports of any previous year. In 1S93. owing to the threat of unfriendly tariff leg- islation, tho total dropped to vu.t.b;,-. Our exports or domestic mercnanaise oe- creased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still secured us a large trade in Central and South America, and a larger trade with tne west Indies man we iiau ever oeiore enjoyed. The increase of trade with the countries with which we had reciprocity agreements was $3,560,515 over our trade in luy. ano u,v,-t over our traae in 1S91. The only countries with which the United btates traded mat snowed increased a 4 r f n - . - a A I a a 11 h- A m - & l 1 "pons m j er piaanauj muse wua which we had reciprocity arrangements. The reciprocity treaty between this coun- ry Spain, touching the markets or Cuba and Puerto Rico, was announced ,T .X . v r aii i. V . return, jsotning is Detter cwcumieu . sold that country but 114.441 barrels of j strength to the nation at home, In flour; in 1892. 366,175; in 1S93. 61G.406. and reaB9 OUp power and influence abroad. ln 1?94:662-248- .Her5.,WM a sP0Wth, of nearly 500 per cent., while our exportation fl,0oun. to Cuba for the year ending June . the year following the repeal of the reciprocity treaty, fell to 3 9 m bar . - I that country. The value of our total ex- ----------- - - nnIt(, "X ' 7 .oai ,hr-..V-i. f Utes to Cuba in 1891-the year prior to r,,7," u Vt7 9a 579- inTssJ r"?4 Vm $20 125 321 but in 1895 la7&?' annulment of the wclnrocitv iniiT.eMany almUar ovamrilo- mis-ht he riven of nnr fm"" xapjfs 5l,fIIt?.-.ot5Sf ".h v.. "" sbown oFthe-rmcacrof the legislation of ,,: " j, , "".J m eZ ''JI L : S1, "ViSi. f tM.Pw?5 underlying principle of this legls ation ust Dowever De strictly ooservea. it is to afford new markets for our surplus I S'cutTss " h.TeS talX mfghtrwLe ' procure. Foreign Immigration. "The declaration of the platform touch- ' - -w i Ing foreign immigration is one of peculiar laboring people ft I am in nearvy tjui.""j v"-u. i nnlifV ceived great bodies of honest, industrious citizens, who nave auueu to ie weana. wuo i;c progress and power oi iue luuutry. uu while we welcome iu uui ouu,ca mo . c 5 ,1 J ., , f !i"m!fff3nt Tl-ftrt aisposeu i-.uu u.uuu'.i, ,....... ..... .A-,lhllo: tlV h!T fnCT"-T 2 TI 1 ID t ?!l! 1 I to tha cause cf free government, we Want no immigrants who do not seek our shoresr to become citizens. We Ehould permit none to participate in the advantages of cur civilization who do not svmoathlzsi with our aims and form of government, We should receive none who come to maks war upon our institutions and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. Against all 4 i such our gates must be tightly closed. l Justice to Old Soldiers and Sailor. The soldiers and sailors cf the Unloa should neither be neglected nor forgotten. f I Thp pnvprnnipiit whif-h thpv Kpri'M csn wlt . I 1 3 - " must not make their lives or condition harder by treating them as suppliants for relief in old age or distress, nor regard with disdain or contempt the earnest ln- terest one comrade naturally manifests la the weirare of another. Doubtless. ther has been abuse3 and frauds In the numer- ous claims allowed by the government, but the policy governing the administration 0f the Pension bureau must always bm fair ani liberal. No deserving applicant Lhould ever suffer because of a wrong per- petrated by or for another. Our soldier and cllora gave the government the bert i ther had Thev freelv offered health I?'... ,.v -X ,?Ife.r JtVtZZ nThe7ime of 'tttS must honor them in their d gratitude due to brave, noble and self- sacrificing men who are Justly entitled to generous aid in their increasing necessltiM, j Oor Merchant Marine and Jl-ry. ,.Th dpclaration of lhe nhiic latform ,n favor cf the up.bud,ng og ur merchant marine ba, my hearty p- proval. Tbe policy of discriminating dutt.. I f , , .v,i 1 . " " v " . , A" ..Ti the early years of our history shouldl be again promptly adopted by congress) and vigorously supported until our prestig We should no longer contribute directly or vide an efficient and complete marine of I VUI nu lum me Aiutni.au Mil assuming a position commensurate with our importance as a nation, a policy I am glad to observe the Republican platform strongly endorses, we must supplement it with a merchant marine that will glv us the advantages in both our coastwise and foreign trado that we ought naturally and properly to enjoy. It should be at onco a maUer of public' policy and national Pride to repossess tnis immense and proa- rprm ...jl erou3 "aae. Civil Service Hoform. "The pledge of the Republican National. convention that our civil service laws; 'shall be sustained and thoroughly anoV I Vwi Ti m M r on a n A AvtonH a A w In aFH9 in.".u., m mci"us tw.u iuh vu- tion of the party for the past twenty-fouri years, and will be faithfully observed. Our, opponents decry the reforms. They ap-, pear w unng to aoanaon an tne advantages; gained, after so many years' agitation and; effort. They encourage a return to methods of party favoritism which both; parties have often denounced, that ex perience has condemned, and that the people repeatedly disapproved. The Re-' publican party earnestly opposes thus re-; action and entirely unjustifiable policy. It will take no backward step upon this ques tion. It will seek to improve, but never degrade the public service. Appeal to Patriotism of tbe People "There are other important and tiinaly declarations in the platform whiec i can- not here discuss. I must content myself with saying that they have my approval- if, as Republicans, we have lately ad- I flrpRaprJ nnr nttpntlnn with what nur new and unexoected assault upon the nnanciai integrity cr tne government wa I have dona it because the menace is BO) I trav aa to demand esnepial ronsideratlon. I and because we are convinced that if th doing this, we feel that we render tne Dse i service possmie to tne country, ana w ap- peal to the Intelligence, conscience and patriotism or tne people, irrespective or party, or section, for their earnest sup port. It Will Maintain Lair and Order- "We avoid no issues. We meet the sud- cen aangerous and revolutionary assauis I upon law and order, and upon those to them, which our opponents have made. "u sume cumaso c mic iun every emergency since our organization as a party, mere than forty years ago. Gov- ernment by law must first be assured: evtryiujiis use m .n lawlessness must be extinguished by tha Ares of an unselfish and lofty patriotism. Every attack upon the public faith andj every suggestion of the repudiation of debts public or private, must be rebuked by all men who believe that honesty r is th best policy or who love their country andj would preserve unsullied its national' honor. Sectionalism Almost Obliterated. ' "The country Is to be congratulated upon th almost total obliteration of sectional .hlci, for many years marked th division of the United States into slav ana rree territory, and finally threatened lt3 rartnion into two separate govern. mentB by the dread ordeal of civil war- The era of reconciliation, so long ana .,, .iirrf hv npn. firant and manv oth grea. ieaders North and South, has happily come, and the feeling of distrust and hostility between the sections ia eT- erywhere vanishing, let us nope never u and add to the permanency and security. , ,,. ,. natit..tinn- than tha restora. f cordlal reiatlona between the peo- , f n Bectlona and part9 of our beloved P cned fl t a a ait m a t n a fir TUM XI 1 K IB. f1"" "I rCTI ..i e.r.ZT . omce oi pres.aen. i iu I haii count it a privilege to uu, in the slightest degree, in the promot ion or tne Bplnl 01 lraiern1 refra 8hould nlmate and overn the cltiien. of every 8ectlon' 8tate' 0r Prt f the, r Rubl.Aler V! .f, fS'K. u iterance, itr. us b. ever hereafter heed the admonition ot ? Washington: 'There should be no Nortb. "r or ioroearance ana jusutc sentlal to our prosperity and happiness by JlnlnS mt heartily in all proper efforts . the reitIons of brotherly respect . affection which in our early history. "i,-trlail all the neonle of all the states- 1 would be g,ad t0 contribute towards blnd- ! SlZ" sions of the country, indeed, now 'havei . fa t0Eether more strongly than ever. I would rejoice to see aemon- - . i -v a. v. strated to me -"iDZ?Xl a". not "P-ted - , danger of becoming r r Vi name and honor, its peace and good order. and its continued ascendency among tha rwrnniGnts nil P.irth. - - -WILLIAM M'KINLEY.' i' V U Xk V e i ii. .-orvo xurUtS, Will, '"lit; power, when falling are restor.