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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 15, 1936)
' SEEN and HEARD ardund the NATIONAL CAPITAL fiy Carter Field Washington. — Governor Alf M. Landon’s strength in the farm 6tates, now demonstrated, serves to keep him in the presidential race, but leaves him still dependent upon success in the parlay of bif states east of the Mississippi. That parlay has had but one change as a result of Landon’s im proved chances west of the Missis sippi. Before the farm speeches at Des Moines and Minneapolis which, repercussions have indicated, cinched for the Republican nominee Nebraska, Iowa and South Dakota, and put Minnesota and Colorado in the "leaning Republican" column, the group of states east of the Mississippi that Landon must carry to have a chance stood as follows: New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl vania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. And even this was pred icated on the premise that he must also carry all the New England states. With his present strength in the farm belt, Indiana may be eliminat ed from this must list. As is general in such cases, In diana begins to show more Repub lican strength at the same moment that it loses its status of being ab solutely vital to the Republican can didate. Present indications are that Indiana will go Republican. In fact, the same farm speeches which cinched Iowa and Nebraska and South Dakota for Landon helped him enormously in Indiana and in south ern Illinois. But the fact remains that Landon cannot lose a single one of the modified must list. There are just not enough electoral votes within the realm of probabilities to make for one of them. The most interesting phase of this campaign to any disinterested ob server must be the way this list of states, all of which Landon has to carry, shifts about. For a time aft er Governor Herbert H. Lehman was induced to run for re-election in New York, it seemed as though the Empire state was the weakest link in the Republican chain. Then for one reason and another Repub lican prospects in New York began to improve until now they are much brighter than in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illincis or Michigan. Drift in Pennsylvania Pennsylvania was the second state to play havoc with the nerves of the Landon backers. But there has been a drift back there, and now* Pennsylvania, the Republicans think, is responding to treatment. Next one of the important polls showed Michigan swinging to Franklin D. Roosevelt, and all the tremors that New York and Penn sylvania hAd caused in the Repub lican high command were repeated. For all realize that they cannot win without Michigan's 19 electoral votes. There is no evidence of any swing back in Michigan, but for various reasons the Republicans are now worried more about Ohio than any of the others. Primarily this is due to disap pointment. From the moment of the Cleveland convention they had assumed that Ohio was in the bag. It had gone for Roosevelt in 1932 by only about 74,000. Many of its im portant leaders were known to be lukewarm to Roosevelt. Both its senators had voted against the Roosevelt tax bill. Senator Vic Donahey had walked out of the Phil adelphia convention despite the earnest pleading of James A. Far ley that he make a seconding speech for Roosevelt. Finally Landon had spent his boyhood in eastern Ohio. But the polls being taken by the Columbus Dispatch and the Scripps Howard papers are showing that while the Republican nominee for governor is running way ahead of the Democratic incumbent, the same voters are favoring Roose velt over Landon by a substantial lead. So the jitters of John D: M. Hamilton’s lieutenants are now re sulting from Ohio. In a couple of weeks it will prob ably be New York again, or Penn sylvania. A parlay is rather hard on the nerves. Two-Edged Sword Although the Democrats have failed to capitalize the insurance is sue sprung by Col. Frank Knox, there is an element among the Re publicans which is frightened to death about it What they are afraid of is that so many life insurance salesmen will run into stiff sales resistance on the part of their pros pects, and blame Colonel Knox in particular and the whole Republican ticket in general for their difficul ties. Actually the big men in the in surance business are in absolute sympathy with Colonel Knox’s views, on two counts. But the big insurance men have very few votes, whereas the number of life insur ance salesmen is legion. That is where the two-edged sword of this issue comes in. And probably no one will know for some time to come, perhaps not until aft er the election, which edge did the most cutting. There are two entirely different phases even of the one side—the side that Colonel Knox is present ing so vigorously. One is the charge that Roosevelt spending, with the constantly in creasing national debt due to the fact that the government every year spends more thaa it takis in, will 1 inevitably lead to inflation, infla- j tion, once started, cannot well be [ stopped. Few governments in the history of the world, once they em- ; barked on printing-press money, , have been able to do anything about j it. The latest spectacular case, of course, is Germany. On the other j hand, the United States government j financed the Civil war with print- j ing-press money, and eventually J made good, redeeming all the j greenbacks with gold. The story of that recovery, how ever, is so dreary, extending through the Grant administration scandals, and with repercussions leading up to the McKinley-Bryan sound money versus free silver campaigns. In fact, that story is so unhappy that few of the active inflationists in public life, such for instance as Senator Elmer Thomas of Oklahoma, have manifested any desire to mention it. They Talk Figures To this phase the answer of the Democrats of course is that Presi dent Roosevelt is just as strongly opposed to printing-press money as is Governor Alf M. Landon himself. They talk about balancing the budg et after the emergency is passed, and then slowly paying off some of the debt. They do not talk very much about this for an obvious rea son. If they start talking figures, naturally it looms inevitably that there must be higher taxes. Dur ing the campaign the Democrats do not want to talk about higher taxes. In fact, the White House went to some pains to make it clear to the country that there would be no new taxes next year. There is another reason why the Democrats do not want to talk so much about higher taxes just at present. Every one knows that Pres ident Roosevelt's own idea about these higher taxes is very definite. He expects to make the big corpora tions and the big incomes pay more. When he proposed the original slid ing scale tax on corporation in- . comes, nearly eighteen months ago, he wanted the scale to run up much higher. When last spring he urged the present tax law, he wanted a much bigger slice of undistributed earn ings assessed, the idea being to force distribution of bigger divi dends, and then to get at the big incomes by high bracket individual income taxes. But discussion of that point right now is not the Democratic strategy. That particular issue is a two-edged sword for them, as much as the Knox scare on life insurance poli cies and savings bank deposits is for the Republicans. Another issue Loss of interest on savings bank accounts, and diminished dividends on life insurance policies, is another phase of the issue Col. Frank Knox has injected into the campaign which is causing such concern both among Republicans and Democrats, no one being sure which way the net advantage of this issue is going to fall on election day. This phase of the issue has noth ing to do with the possibility of printing-press money—of an infla tion which might lead to a gradual fall in value of the dollar so that the purchasing power of savings and insurance payments might be heav ily cut. It is concerned with the immedi ate present, and has to d.o almost entirely with the present very low rate of interest. In the first place, all the banks are stuffed with gov ernment bonds. These bonds pay so little interest that from the point of view of income to the banks it is al most as bad as not loaning the money out at all. This cheap interest rate has nat urally affected other borrowers. Corporations making new bond is sues have taken advantage of it. Everybody who has to borrow mon ey has taken advantage of it. So that the income of banks and in surance companies which must in vest money in order to live has fall en sharply. In the case of banks, this has re sulted in sharp curtailment of inter est payment on savings accounts and almost universal discontinuance of any interest on checking ac counts. Cuts Dividends In the case of insurance compa nies, it has resulted in sharp reduc tion of the amount of dividends al lowed policy holders. To some pol icy holders this has actually meant an increase in their premiums, for many have always used the divi dends to reduce their premiums. To others, who have always used the dividends to purchase addition al insurance, i. has simply meant that they did not obtain this addi tional insurance. Taking both classes, the net has been that the cost of their insurance has in creased. So that it might be stated that all holders of savings bank deposits and insurance policies have been hurt as a result of this cheaper interest rate, not to mention owners of bank stocks. On the other hand, the borrowers have had a field day. They have been getting money cheaper than at any time in their memory. • 6 hell Syndicate.—WNU Service. Member of Royal Horse Guards in Full Regalia Prepared by National Geographic Society, Washington, I). C.—WNU Service. THE English like pageantry. No one is long in London be fore that becomes evident. And when spring comes to the British capital, pageantry is not far behind. A month before, the south coast has retained the winter’s health seekers and a generous sprinkling of visitors from "The Colonies.” To watch the opening of the mail in a drawing room of Penzance or Tor quay is like leafing the pages of an imperial atlas or a stamp album. The season’s northward passage from Kent and Sussex changes the country’s outlook. Then the visiting expatriates move north, and the Cornish Riviera emerges from its plate-glass windbreaks. The daffo dills have begun to show themselves in London’s parks. How many hundreds of springs have worked their magic around Ludgate Hill? Yet the story is never old. In St. James’s Park the pelicans plume themselves for another round of admirers. Testy old Colonials, amid youngsters with the same straight backs, ride splendid horses along that mid-city strip of tanbark known as Rotten Row. Before St. Paul’s and under the haughty noses of the Landseer lions in Trafalgar Square children minister to the ver nal voracity of the London pigeons. In Whitehall, where the Horse Guards sit their coal-black mounts, warm red winter capes are removed to display white buckskin breeches. In front of the Old Admiralty, whence Nelson hurried off toward the Strait of Gibraltar and the battle commemorated by the name of Trafalgar Square, a flower sel ler thrusts out a sixpenny bunch of daffodils. As if the bright lights around Leicester Square had helped coax them forth, early blossoms circle the base of a statue to England's immortal poet and playwright. Leaning on a pile of his works, his legs crossed more carelessly than a sculptor allows in the case of a general or a statesman, Shake speare broods in the center of a theaterland whose craft he glorified. Nerve Center of Empire Another spot gilded by daffodils is the garden outside the Houses of Parliament, a site where monarchs ruled from Edward the Confessor to Henry VIII. Since the days of Bluff King Hal, the House of Com mons has turned this Thames-side meeting place into the democratic heart of a farflung Empire. The World war Tommy sang to Piccadilly and Leicester Square, but the nerve center of the British Commonwealth is this fortress of constitutional government beside British historic river. Three centuries ago, under the Palace of Westminster, a tall fellow with auburn hair sat amid barrels of gunpowder. In a few hours King, i Lords, and Commons were to meet in the hall overhead. A watch pro vided by Thomas Percy ticked all England closer to chaos. The Gunpowder Plot was dis covered. Intervening centuries have healed the grim memory of his ex ecution, and Guy Fawkes Day has become a children’s festival, with fireworks shooting from grptesque effigies to amuse the crowd. But even yet, before the king leaves Buckingham palace to open Parlia ment, red-coated beefeaters search the cellars beneath this mighty pile. On Hampstead Heath coveys of kites, their strings coiled on reels strong enough for tunny fishing, shake their tails across the heavens, while Punchinello wags his long beaked face before those still too young to read Punch. On a hundred lakes and streams the swans stretch their long necks in begging. Down the hidden lanes of Devon, Kent, and Sussex cyclist and motorists push their explorations. The wide expanse of Dartmoor, the coves of Cornwall, the gossamer haze of English lakes, the pilgrim places of art and architecture, of religion and literature, all have their devotees. Yet even these alluring places, so fondly dreamed of around tea tables in paneled rooms, are hard put to keep admirers from rushing off to some display of uniforms, banners, horseflesh, or costumes—perhaps a lady of quality wearing the same gown and the same title as did a famous ancestor in the age of Queen Anne or Nell Gwyn. At a pageant the king may sit his horse while colors that have faced enemy Are are dipped in sa lute, or the tale of Runnymede, built up by Roman and Dane, Plantagenet and Tudor, may be retold in one stirring afternoon beside the Thames. In the Midlands, smoke and haze often thwart the sun, but spring ar rives with the pounding of hoofs and the cries of the crowd at the Grand National Steeplechase, which deter mines the winners of the Irish Sweepstakes, now duplicated on Derby Day. The course is four and one-fourth miles, with 30 jumps. Beyond any of them, all but the lead horse may land on his rivals’ sky-turned hoofs instead of on billiard-cloth turf, or trample a bright-clad jockey. An Aintree steeplechaser will swerve in the middle of a leap to avoid a fallen rider, but when a dozen leap ers cross Becher’s Brook together, like a pony ballet pawing the foot lights, there is danger aplenty and drama for all. A few days after the race half the men who slap reins on workaday horseflesh will be clucking to their steeds in the name of the year’s Grand National winner. After this dramatic attack, spring consolidates its hold. Small parties hie away to rustic spots beloved be cause they are known to few. How one island can contain so many fa vorite picnic sites is a mystery. “Gated roads,” “private” signs, and turnstiles are designed not so much to -keep out beauty seekers as to keep in an air of ’seclusion and quiet. Everywhere citizens move out to greet the bursting bud, the new-born lamb, the soft spring breeze along white cliffs, or welcome warmth at the foot of red-rock sun traps near the sea. England can be grim. There is the cruel tower where Anne Boleyn’s slender throat was severed by a sword and those of Catherine How ard, Lady Jane Grey, and the Earl of Essex by an ax; but London River calls us. London Tower is a scene of the nation’s tragic deaths; the Thames of its birth and growth and power. Who has not heard the aphorism: “The St. Lawrence is water; the Missouri is muddy water; the Thames is liquid his tory”? Cruises on The Thames Today a well-managed excursion cruises down London River under the auspices of the Port of London Authority. Shiploads of school chil dren and adults are carried amid the busiest portions of London’s 70 mile port. They are shown through the docks that feed and furnish a nation and link this tiny island to the Empire its restless mariners won, and to the world. Leaflets are distributed which map the course, epitomize the river’s history, and list the day’s portion of a thousand ships a week converg ing from the far corners of the earth. Through loudspeakers, intel ligent guides point out where Ra leigh spread his cloak for Queen Elizabeth, where the time-ball of a modest observatory marks the stride of our sphere, where Francis Drake, expecting punishment, was knighted on the Golden Hind. Once there were more boats upon the Thames than there were hack ney coaches in the streets, and mag istrates from the City were rowed to Westminster. Today many travel ers ignore the ‘‘most significant wa terway in the world,” extended by the Grand Union Canal, which makes the industrial Midlands ship ping suburbs of the London docks. Near the upper reaches of tide water is Kew, a vast open-air nurs ery for plants and “a convalescent home for all sore souls.” Through the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew Uie rubber plantations of Malaya passed on their way from the native forests in Brazil. India’s post offices could not sell Asiatic quinine to re lieve the tropical fevers of countless millions until South America’s cin chona tree was bequeathed to Cey lon and the Himalayas through the propagating gardens of Kew. Kew is one of London’s best-loved playgrounds, especially when young spring has ringed its little lake with fuzzy foliage and touched the wide spread green with masses of gay blossoms. Bluebell, lilac, magnolia, and azalea, all have their devotees. 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