SEEN and HEARD
around the Vj
NATIONAL CAPITAL!
By Carter Field "p
FAMOUS WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENT j
Washington. — Governor Alfred
M. Landon is being overwhelmed
with conflicting advice as to now he
should conduct his campaign. If he
still retains the calmness and good
nature that his old friends admire,
by the time election rolls around he
will have graduated into the super
man class. More likely there will be
some kind of blow-up. with advisors
dropping away from his train, from
Topeka, and from Estes Park, in a
procession resembling the deser
tions from the train of Queen Marie
of Roumania when she toured this
country.
But of course there is no telling
at this stage which particular group
of advisors will be dropped or
pushed overboard in the time re
maining of the campaign.
Landon's natural impulse, and his
calculated thought so far, is to make
a very dignified campaign, not
striving for oratorical effects, not
pretending he has a cure-all for the
nation’s ills, and developing the
theme that was so successful in his
pre-convention campaign—that he is
a “Kansas Coolidge.”
Many of his old advisors agree
that this is shrewd strategy. They
like the idea of such a contrast with
Franklin D. Roosevelt. They point
out that in the first place Landon
could not possibly beat the Presi
dent at his own game, especially as
Roosevelt is recognized as having
just about everything it takes to
make a perfect orator. He not only
aas the voice, but he is a good actor,
has a marvelous sense of dramatic,
and has developed “timing”—even
more important in oratory than in
golf—to an amazing degree.
There simply is not time, these
advisors point out, to bring Landon
up within striking distance of Roose
velt’s near perfection as a speaker,
either before a multitude or before
a microphone.
Some Disappointed
Those who insist on Landon's
changing his style admit his limita
tions as an orator. They admit that
probably the Kansas governor just
cannot be made to change his voice,
and that while he is a little better
now than he was last spring, his
timing is still rather bad.
This, they insist, is hopeless, but
just because that is true is no reason
why the governor should not put
more punch in his speeches. They
stress the failure of the governor to
“measure up,” as they put it, to
expectations on his recent eastern
tour.
Much had been expected by the
country, they insist, of that partic
olar trip. And they further contend
that the country, to put it very
mildly indeed, was far from thrilled
at the governor’s orations—either
his set speeches or his short back
platform talks.
So they want the governor to take
oil his gloves and start trading
punches with Roosevelt. Not by pure
oratory, but by smashing charges,
alternated with simple promises of
what he will do, if elected, to cor
rect the situations he assails.
That course, and that only, they
insist, will give Landon a chance to
beat the New Deal.
But that, insist what might be
called the old school of Landon’s
idvisors, is just what the Demo
crats want. The New Dealers, they
say, want Landon to talk a lot so
they can shoot at him. They have
the best propaganda machine in the
world, and are all set to tear the
G. O. P. nominee to pieces. Whereas
so far they have been deprived of a
target.
Of course to the old political hand
it is obvious that the G. O. P. ma
chine should concentrate its fire on
Roosevelt, while Landon should con
fine himself very largely to con
structive statements as to what he
will do if elected—being very care
ful on the last not to take in too
much territory, so as not to alienate
any of the widely differing groups
now held together by a common be
lief that New Deal policies spell
ruin in the long run.
Theory Upset
James A. Farley may be building
up to an awful let-down in his theory
that folks will not bite the hand
that's feeding them. He certainly
is if the election recently in Knox
county, Tennessee, is anything of a
weather-vane.
Farley was counting on the fact
that some 3,000 Tennessee Valley
Authority workers have been living
in Knoxwille for the last three
years, and that his efficient local
organization had seen to it that
most of them were registered—and
gotten to the polls on election day.
But they didn't vote RIGHT. Knox
county rolled up the biggest Repub
lican majority in its history for the
Republican candidate fcr sheriff,
and, for the first time since 1918—
the year Woodrow Wilson appealed
for a Democratic Congress—elected
a solid Republican county ticket
Just before the August 6 election
Gordon Browning, Democratic nom
inee for governor, addressed a mass
meeting in Knoxville. He told the
assembled Democracy that Presi
dent Roosevelt was more interested
in Knox county than any other in
the United States. He told them he
was going to take great pleasure,
the day after election, in wiring
President Roosevelt the results.
Knox county folks are wondering
if he did. They are a little surprised
that the newspapers up North failed
to pay any attention to their little
battle down almost under the
shadow of TVA’s Norris Dam. They
had thought, from what Mr. Brown
ing and other Democratic leaders
had told them, that the whole coun
try would be reverberating next
day with this "barometer” on na
tional sentiment.
But they found out that the rest
of the country is still wondering
what Maine will do on September 14,
and no one cares, apparently, that
TVA workers did not vote Demo
cratic.
The figures are rather interesting.
J. Carroll Cate, regular Republican
nominee for sheriff, received 16,061
votes to 10,873 for his Democratic
opponent, J. D. Val Crippen, while
an independent Republican candi
date, received 2,658 votes.
Beat Farley Man
Nor was this the only shock that
the New Deal received that day.
For apparently the whole force of
the state organization, both United
States Senators, and what help Jim
Farley could bring to bear was con
centrated on nominating Burgin E.
Dossett for governor. Whereupon
the Democrats of the state beat
Mr. Dossett by 135,000.
This figure, however, reflects noth
ing with respect to the sentiment
of Tennessee on the New Deal. The
victor, Gordon Browning, had been
beating his breast almost as vehe
mently as Mr. Dossett in protesting
his entire loyalty to it. In fact it was
Mr. Browning who tried so hard to
arouse the Knox county Democracy
in general and the TVA workers in
particular to do their utmost in Knox
County’s “weather-vane” election.
All that this Tennessee primary
proves, it would seem, is that even
the alphabetical agencies, added to
ordinary political organization, do
not always decide the day in a
primary fight.
Tennessee Republicans, of course,
are jubilant. They insist that this
spells a revolt against Roosevelt.
They insist that the Tennessee Dem
ocracy is fed up on the New Deal,
and may throw the state to Landbn
in November.
Such an outcome is certainly not
indicated by any polls which have
been taken. All these place
Tennessee safely in the Roosevelt
column. But there is no escaping
the point of the Knox county
election, although it would not seem
fair to apply it, pending the de
velopment of further facts, to com
munities in every state where large
numbers of federal employees are
able to vote.
The point would seem to be that
regardless of the political character
of their original appointments, these
employees are apt to vote just as
they please, regardless of the pleas
and demtands of their patronage
benefactors.
Change Methods
Long range weather forecasting is
an absolute necessity in working out
either crop control or crop insur
ance, in the opinion of shrewd
career men in the Department of
Agriculture. Little has been done
about this so far as the government
is concerned, though as a matter of
fact it has been advocated by the
“permanent staff’’ of the Agricul
ture Department for more than ten
years.
During this period certain large
corporations have done a great deal
of experimenting, in which the ex
perts connected with the Agricul
tural Department took the keenest
interest. Certain corporations, for
example, employed Herbert J.
Browne, now dead, who devoted bis
whole time, with considerable suc
cess, to long range weather predict
ing.
Browne was not interested in
whether it would rain next week, or
whether two months hence the crops
would be burning up. He was inter
ested in whether next summer
would be hot or merely warm, what
would be the approximate rainfall,
and whether there would be plenty
or a scarcity of snow winter after
next.
Any attempt to explain his
methods in detail would take the
writer well out over his head into
deep water, though he has listened
time after time to Mr. Browne ex
plain just how he did it. In sub
stance, it has to do with the ice
patches round the two poles and
various other elements, which grad
ually produce situations resulting in
cold or heat, rain or drouth.
Two more feet on a glacier in
northern Alaska or up north of
Siberia today, for instance, would
make all the difference in the world
as to whether a certain wind, which
may be blowing in Nebraska two
years from now, will be blasting or
cooling, and whether it will carry
rain clouds or a dust storm.
Glaciers move slowly. Hence the
possibility of calculating what they
will do when they arrive at a cer
tain place, moving at a known rate,
though the movement is impercepti
ble to the eye.
€ Bell Syndicate.—WNU Service.
IHI IE ILCi <0>1L A RflD*
Fishermen of Helgoland.
Prepared by National Geographic Society,
Washington, D. C.-WNU Service.
TELGOLAND is falling
** I I down” may be sung
JL sadly to the tune of
"London Bridge” if there
is truth in reports that Germany is
fortifying this pinhead stronghold
in the North Sea. Firing great guns
menaces the island more than any
enemy, for at every big shot sec
tions of its vertical sandstone sides
plunk into the surrounding sea.
Like a triangular block of rasp
berry ice on a vast blue-green plat
ter, Helgoland is melting away into
the North sea. The island is liter
ally crumbling away around its pop
ulation of 2,500—mainly pilots,
flsherfolk, or boarding-house-keep
ers. Here the Helgolanders try to
hold together their island, their
flourishing summer resort business,
and their traditions on a small bare
rock upon which would lit the Fed
eral Triangle buildings along Penn
sylvania avenue in Washington,
without too much margin.
This sea-bitten morsel is the re
motest of the Frisian islands, which
water has gouged out from the
northern coastline of Europe, and,
within historic times, scrubbed
down until reduced in size, or in
gome cases washed away altogether.
Broad submarine rocky ledges in
the shoal area around Helgoland
are submerged souvenirs of its for
mer extent, estimated to be five
times its present size, which is
about one-fifth of a square mile.
The island lost ground to the extent
of about 250 square yards a year
until 1892. Then the wave-worn
western side was ringed around
with a girdle of granite brought
from the Danish island of Born
holm. Even thus protected, it is
doomed within eight centuries, say
the pessimists. More generous geol
ogists give it about forty to go, but
go they all agree it will.
After ages of erosion, what re
mains of Helgoland? A slice-of-pie
shaped wedge of red sandstone
streaked with layers of chalk, swept
by chill salt winds and incessantly
gnawed by the North sea. Its di
mensions are notable for their
smallness, except the height; the
sides rise sheer and dripping from
the water to a flat top of 200 feet
above sea level. Its importance lies
in its position; as Germany's “Eye
of the Empire”, it watches over the
equidistant mouths Of the Weser,
Jade, Elbe, and Eider rivers, com
manding the harbors of Hamburg,
Bremen, and Cuxhaven from a van
tage point 28 miles from the near
est point of mainland.
Shattered by the World War
Yet Helgoland, with history prac
tically in its hands, had been re
ported by astute observers as re
luctant to make history and more
concerned about making a living.
Its experience during the World
war proved that history is easy to
make but hard to survive. Its scant
pasture land was confiscated to
build forts. Its rocky cliffs, of which
there was already precious little,
crumbled off and plunged seaward
during artillery fire. The entire pop
ulation was forced into four years
of exile to make room for the mili
tary in 1914. When the living rem
nants returned in 1918, their peace
was shattered by three years of
blasting down fortifications in ac
cordance with the Versailles treaty
and the further trimming down of
the island’s slim sides. In 1922 and
in desperation, Helgoland petitioned
the League of Nations for neutral
ity. Scheduled for a perpetual bout
with the sea, it finds any other
country’s fight just one too many.
Green, Red and White
Within its diminishing boundaries,
it has three parts: the massive rock
table of Oberland with its cornered
tuft of town, the shoreline shelf
projecting below like cap's visor
with a second edition of town called
Unterland, and the wisp of sandy
Dune in tow a mile to the east. A
thin green belt of pasturage across
the island’s top completes the
color triad which inspired the flag:
"Green the land, red the rock,
white the sand:
These colors make the flag of
Helgoland.”
Like a toy village on the corner
of a table, at Oberland’s ioutheast
point huddle blocklike houses,
square and solid against the recur
rent 80-mile gales. The flat skyline
is broken by nothing more wind
catching than the pretentious little
German postoflfiee of glazed brick
and the spire added during Queen
Viotoria’s reign to the Church of
St. Nicholas, already centuries old.
Around the cliff's edge stands a
row of boarding houses and hotels,
offering to resorters the first sniff
of salt breeze before it reaches na
tives on back streets. Through the
town runs Kartotfalallee, or Potato
Lane, bisecting the island through
garden patches of potatoes and cab
bage, through pasture spots where
graze a few sheep and goats, past
the red and white cone of the light
house, to the little cafe on the north
ern point where the “Fog Cow”
bellows warning every two minutes
when the mists swirl low.
The lower town, lacking horses
and vehicles of any sort, is not
without its own method of rapid
transit — namely, sliding down
banisters. Men of Helgoland have
been known to scorn the elevator
operating between the clifftop and
the “down-town” level of the two
story town; they mount the iron
hand railing of the stairway along
the cliff’s face and nonchalantly
skid down to the foot of the prec
ipice. Here in the shelter of the
cliff, houses and shops cluster about
a knot of six-foot-wide concrete
streets.
Sun tan is the money crop of
Helgoland. This is raised chiefly at
the expense of summer visitors
basking on the frail half-moon of
barren beach of the Dune or Sand
Island, apparently melting into the
North sea a mile southeast of the
main rock. Here has been located a
tiny graveyard for nameless bodies
washed up by the waves. Am
putated by a seaquake in 1720, the
Dune was previously joined to its
rocky home base by the tall White
Cliff of fine quality chalk, now visi
ble as a reef at low tide. Chalk
export, which occasionally attracted
as many as a hundred ships to Hel
goland’s harbor at one time, grew
so great that it killed the chalk that
laid the golden egg; the White Cliff
caved in during a storm and tum
bled into the sea.
Its People Are Frisians
Inhabited by Frisians, a rugged
race whom the Romans were proud
to call allies, Helgoland remained
independent of Europe’s great
kingdoms for centuries, resisting in
vasions even of Christianity. In fact,
its lasting consecration to old Norse
gods, especially Forseti, god of jus
tice, may mean that its name
developed from Heiligeland, of
Holy Land. Natives, however, call
their island simply det Lunn, The
Land. Although German is the offi
cial language, they speak a dialect
of Frisian, which resembles ancient
Anglo-Saxon.
During the Middle Ages it was
theoretically controlled from the
duchy of Schleswig, the duke even
pawning it to a Hamburg merchant,
but actually it was the irrepressi
ble stronghold of those medie
val maritime racketeers—pirates,
brigands, and beachcombers. The
Danes once got possession by
threatening to hang all the men,
whom they had kidnaped while out
fishing, so that the women over
threw the small Schleswig garrison
and proclaimed Danish allegiance.
Thereafter, when improved water
transportation gave it greater con
venience, it has been constantly in
demand and in use as a stepping
stone for larger countries.
It was a valuable smuggling head
quarters during the blockades of the
Napoleonic wars. Then England
sent seven ships to capture it, in
September, 1807, like “plucking an
apple hanging over a neighbor’s
wall’’; Denmark finally relinquished
claims to it after seven years.
Helgoland was traded in 1890 to
Germany for Zanzibar, 3,000 times
as large, and the exchange was
compared to an entire suit of
clothes swapped for a trouser but
ton. But the trouser button demon
strated that it could serve a purpose
of vital importance when it became
one of the world’s strongest fort
resses during the World war. Not
far away, on a misty morning in
August, 1914, occurred the first
serious naval clash of the war,
when British victory littered the
glassy smooth sea with wreckage.
Helgolanders acquired the habit
of considering themselves fishermen
at the start of the Fifteenth century,
when a strange migration of her
ring brought them great harvests
of fish for 200 years. An equally
strange emigration of their source
of income left them catching only a
few lobsters.
Since the island’s popularity as a
summer resort began in 1828 with
only a hundred resorters, the Helgo
landers derive their year’s income
from renting themselves out as
pilots and their homes as boarding
houses for the season of two weeks.
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