Out Our Way 7 MO-I DON'T H'KiOvN VAJCT HE. WAMf5 VMv"T VAl HE Jl<=>S E>E7 ^ /vSEA-V- -uH- O'O HE. 5E.E.w\-A< "ThaT '*=» - DOES* HE »vj ©-■ VME V_\_, GO Grt O’ B\PO Woo OH \_AlHE IwEnnvM^ A 'AT-S all VHmova/. 3- © RHEOK*Afte*S\ AKJ X vajAJ=» , Jo^>T >AlONOtO»KJy HOW »T i-s -roAV. By William* 7 1 DON'T W’noW y >f -Them office v<\DS »e eAP'i ER JO€>T PoAlN OM£R*Y • HE'S ^ NO UiklGS HEPAuO. EmOS fer sou AN- 'AT6 AlISOU vXvjoW TlLL TOO / w£U- \f‘3 UWE OU* NAPOV-EON VMHO sti - »F \“ps 0AO news Vs/ASE N\t UP, IF iT*=> GOOD kj t. v\j •=> rT v<\N wA\“T "To\ mORwim'. , I at HiO EETE> Em Both -J u t. *at orrv_ iVli m ? . l» " "The. go Be'VvAjeeM. b-l Of92S. nr hca Ntnvicc. in Either Chain or Political Control Destroys Newspaper Independence From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Mr. R. L. O’Brien, formerly editor of the Boston Herald, one of the newspapers in which the International invested, thinks the press is retiring from the field of public opinion. He says the usefulness of the press as a public servant has declined with the development of chain newspapers and the rise of advertising. This change placed them in contact with so many business interests that rather than give offense in quarters profitable to them they shut up. Mr. O’Brien asks: “What is to become of the journals of opinion when news papers become recognized cogs in the mechanism of business and how shall the populace get along without that service which the oldtime newspaper performed?” How has the populace in much of the country been get ting along without it for several years? There are even big cities in the country without a single newspaper hypocritical enough to pretend that it is tightening the battles of the peo ple. Thomas Jefferson and his associates thought an un trammeled press indispensable to free government, and we imagine there is no serious dissent from that today. To answer Mr. O’Brien’s inquiry, the population would do very badly without it. It would no longer know the truth about public affars. The press would practice social disservice, precisely as most of it did when the oil scandal was exposed. The press cannot remain free and be too apprehensive of the cost of that freedom. Yet there are instances of prosperous newspapers that have never surrendered their intellectual integrity. They are, in our opinion, the answer to the re strictive laws proposed by some of the members of congress, as they are the answer to what the International has been doing. If the owners of newspapers are content to peddle them as if they were nothing more than business concerns, then the law is powerless to preserve the press as a quasipublic in stitution. Mr. Gannett flinched from the revelation that his newspapers were associated with the International. Even had there been no exposure of that association, as a news paper proprietor he should have felt that the attitude of his newspapers wTould inevitably betray it. They everywhere betray their ownership. They cannot be even half slave without rattling their chains. The country is never in any doubt as to how far they are bound. A newspaper’s virtue, like that of a woman, is something more seen than asserted. Where “Tall Coin” Grows. Prom Minneapolis-Joumal. If football players have been sub sidized at the University of Iowa, ■hen the Western conference sev erance of athletic relations with the Hawkeye school have been made im mediately effective, involving can cellation of games in the 1929 sea son. If proof of professionalism at Iowa City is lacking, then Iowa should not have been suspended un til and if it is produced. The powers that rule the West ern conference chose neither course. They seem to have agreed to sus pend Iowa, pending the proof or refutation of charges that are hedged about with mistaken secrecy; but at the same time they seem to have agreed to permit scheduled contests to be played with a school tentatively branded with a stigma of impurity. The public, we think, will agree with President Clarence Cook Little, of Michigan, that an unwise course has been pursued, a course that can scarcely be called consistent, in that it is either unfair to the other nine universities in the conference or un fair to Iowa. Detailed information public action should have been tak Lobby Legislation. Prom Omaha Bee-News. Reports are coming into the sec retary of state from lobbyists who attended the late session. They are supposed to be statements of sal aries received and expenses in curred by members of the “third house’’ who showed the other mem bers wrhat to do. One man, who represented the bank depositors, answers the query as to salary received, “Not a damned dime!” He admits incurring some MOO in expenses for railroad fare, entertainments and so on, but neg lects to say who paid the bill. The representatives of the railroad en gtoemen reported the largest bill so as to the charges and supporting proof, should have been freely given to Iowa and to the public, in case of immediate severance. And if sup porting proof is lacking, then no en, pending results of an unadver tised investigation. But what has happened has hap pened. Wise or unwise, the course adopted now places the burden of proof—or rather disproof—upon the Hawkeyes. And the news from Iowa City will hardly convince the pub lic that the disproving job is be ing undertaken in the manner in the manner in which a capable law yer might undertake it. Throwing decadent eggs at the home of the erstwhile athletic director, Belting, doesn’t refute anything. Nor is any thing gained by countercharging other schools with having done the things Iowa is now suspected of hav ing done. Especially unfortunate for the cause of the countercharges was their selection of Minnesota as a university toward which they might point accusing fingers. Maj. John L. Griffith, the Judge Landis of the Big Ten, blows that particular line of defense clear out of the ground far turned in. amounting altogether to about $1,600. These expense accounts wm go on file, and will get about the same amount of attention and credence as is given to the reports of cam paign expenses. One member of the house of rep resentatives, who was active on the banking bills, told a group of de positors the other night that if there has been a bigger lobby in at tendance, something might have been done for the relief oi the peo §le who have lost money in failed anks. All of which justifies the ques tion: "Why is a legislature?” An Omaha man who has had vast with the retort that, in the matter of clean athletics. Minnesota’s record is the best in the conference. If the present storm clears the football atmosphere in the Middle West, with possibly similar results elsewhere, much good may come of it. We do not share the fears of alarmists that trending revelations will wreck the Big Ten. If anv Big Ten schools, through their alumni or otherwise, have been carrying their zeal for gridiron supremacy to the point where it is being made pecuniarily worth the while of a good football player to attend one university rather than another uni versity. then the fact that such re cruiting has become known will doubtless lead to eradication of the practice. College football has a storm like this every so often, and each storm is followed by new and better safe guards against professionalism. Silly Censorships. From Cedar Rapids Gazette. A Eoston bookseller has been no tified by customs authorities that Candide, one of the masterpieces of Voltaire, is obscene or indecent within the meaning cf section 305 of the tariff act and sections 211 arid 240 oi the United States criminal code. The books of the French phil osopher were seized by the collector of the port of Boston and a volume was referred to the treasury depart ment for a ruling. The treasury bu reaucrats uphold the collector of the port. This is merely another demonstra tion. if another was required, that intelligent people of the nation are restricted in their choice of books by jobholders who probably consider Harold Bell Wright, Alice Began Rice and Eleanor H. Porter as the acme of literary excellence. It is not difficult to understand why a job holder with such literary standards would object to Candide. To a wholesome mind the book is no more indecent than Jack-the-Giant-Killer or Goody Two Shoes. It is the thought conveyed which is offen- | sive to jobholders. Candide is nothing more than an ironical attack on the philosophy of Leibnitz. The latter was a German philosopher who formulated 170 vears ago a philosophy which has been popular with bureaucrats from time out of mind. Leibnitz tauaht that this is the best of all possible worlds and that whatever is right. Jobholders take to such philosophy with the readiness that cats lick up cream. It means that the status quo has been settled for all time and that bureaucrats will draw their pay for ever and ever while they are free at the same time to meddle all they please with the business of oth er people—especialy intelligent peo ple. Voltaire hated jobholders and he hated fanatics who made easy and congenial jobs for the former. Good ness knows he had suffered enough from the tribe while fretting in the Bastile or fleeing across the border to Switzerland or England where he could write his thoughts without in terference. So when the philosophy of Leibnitz came to hand Voltaire smiled one of his bright ironic smiles and wrote Candide. Europe sent up such a roar of laughter that jobholders everywhere howled curses and philosophy of Leibnitz suffered a decided slump in the intellectual market. Needless to sav the bureau crats of the period took effective steps to bar Car.dide from all coun tries where they were pre-eminent. They were certain then as thev are today that this is the best of all pos sible worlds and that whatever is Is right—so long as jobholders draw their pay. The treasury jobholders are mere ly reaffirming the iudgment of the French jobbers of 170 years ago. Be sides, if jobholders were not meddle some and obnoxious how could they Justify their jobs? He Meant Well? From Buen Humor. Madrid. "What? Is this you, Jones! I was told you were dead." "No. It is my brother who Is dead ” "Oh. I am sorry to hear that." experience In politics, has served in the legislature, and has actively en gaged in the framing of laws, says that laws are made by active minor ity groups. A review of what has taken plara supports his statement. Wouldn't it be fine to have a leg islature made up of members who had a comprehensive knowledge of the needs of the state, who were not I bound up in parochial ventures, and who wculd listen to surges.ions from the governor? Such a legislature cou’.d get along very well without any lobby, and might do the state some good, not by passing new laws, bu. by repealing some of the old i ones Many Studies of Crime and Law Enforcement Have Been Organized and Some Still in Progress From the New York World. When Mr. Hoover first announced his plan of a law enforcement commission he was shaking of prohibition- The occasion was his address of ac ceptance at Palo Alto. He 6aid in the Stanford Stadium that he still believed prohibition to be an “experiment noble in motive;'' he added that "com mon sense compels us to realize that grave abuses have occurred;” and he thereupon promised his in quiry. Since then the nation has always thought of the investigation as bearing primarily upon pro hibition. It still thinks so. for it studied the per sonnel of the president's commission chiefly in the light of their records as wets or drys. It will con tinue to do so. The president may talk, as he has recently done, about narcotics, smuggling, the Jury system, the police and court procedure. But for the nation at large prohibition sticks out like a sore thumb, and it will inevitably preoccupy the attention of the country. In this attitude the nation instinctively takes a more sensible position than the president has re cently done. There is undoubtedly need for an ex pert and searching study of all munerous topics which the president has lately mentioned. But it is a need which after all has been given a vast amount of attention in recent years. If any sub jects in American life are today being thoroughly investigated they are law enforcement, crime pre vention and the improvement of Justice. We have the National Crime Commission, founded in 1925 under the leadership of Newton D. Baker. Charles E. Hughes, former Governor Lowden and others, and acting through various subcommissions; for mer Governor Hadley’s report on legal reforms was made in 1926. We have the various state commis sions for whose formation it asked; we have inde pendent state bodies like the Baumes commission and the New Jersey Crime Commission. We have, m addition: The Chicago Crime Commission; the Bal timore Criminal Justice Commission; the Crime Commission of Los Angeles; the Kansas City Law Enforcement Association; Cleveland As sociation for Criminal Justice; Missouri Associ ation for Criminal Justice; San Francisco Sec tion on the Administration of Criminal Jus tice; American Crime Study Commission; American Institute of Criminal Law and Crim inology; Society for the Prevention of Crimes, etc. We also have the American Bar Association and numerous state and city bar associations studying the reform of court procedure; we have the Ameri can Law Institute working on a restatement of the law; and we have at Johns Hopkins, Harvard, Columbia, Northwestern and the Universities of Virginia and Chicago, institutes for the study of law or crime. There is not much point in rethreshing straw which has been flailed and reflailed; and the coun try rightly expects the president’s commission to go beyond the work of all these bodies. How can it go beyond? Perhaps in various ways; but th« most evident and urgent is in dealing with prohi bition. For prohibition presents the hugest, most baffling and most glaring problem of law enforce ment in American history. It is the one law which millions of Americans have deliberately and deter minedly violated for reasons which satisfy their consciences as sound and right These millions are in general an excellent body of citizens. They have included one president; many congressmen, gov ernors and Judges; the great mass of business and professional leaders in our cities. They would not think of violating other laws. In violating this one they involve many federal, state and municipal of ficers in malfeasance and corruption. They also, and more alarmingly, enlist the services of a great criminal organization below the pale of respecta bility; and this organization, thus enriched and strengthened, torments cities like Chicago and Philadelphia with gang murder, thuggery, black mail and other cardinal crimes. This is a situation such as has probably never existed in any other great state in modern history. It will continue to exist; and to study it adequately in all its bearing* might well take all the time, energy and wisdom of Mr. Hoover’s commission It alone presents a high problem of statesman ship, going far beyond the bounds of those other topics with which our crime commissions and bar assetations deal; for it alone olfcrs a double as pect. There is first the question of enforcement. Assuming the continuance of the present situation, how can the law be made more effective? But back of this lies the more fundamental question of en forceability. No one thinks of modifying the laws against murder and robbery, for overwhelming public sentiment everywhere upholds them. But millions of Americans, constituting a majority in great communities, tacitly assert that they will not obey the prohibition law till It Is modified. Presi dent Hoover seems to assume that when the habi tual conduct of millions is at odds with the law, the fault lies wholly with the millions. But Is it not possible that part of the lault lies with the law? Is it not certain that the only way to make law and conduct square is by a reciprocal modifi cation of both? In short, is the commission not bound to give courageous attention to the enforce ability rather than the enforcement of the one law which in 150 years of national history has prerrnt ed a grim threat of chronic social disorder? To ex orcise that grim specter is one of the gravest prob lems before the country. Censorships, Law Tyrannies and Federal Paternalism Impose Severe Strain on Theory of Free Citizenship From the Omaha World-Ilerald. Prof. Andre Mortaz of Harvard university pro tests vigorously because the government of the United States will not permit him to import copies of Voltaire’s classic, Candide, for use in his classes. He says: “The literary decision of the United States customs creates for all professors of literature a ‘cas de conscience.’ There is not a course on the literature of the Eighteenth century where the reading of the Candide is not a part of the assigned readings. "Now, one of two things—either the censor of the United States customs is right and has given proof of his scholarship and keen judg ment, and, in this case, all of us professors of literature who oblige our students to read Can dide should be denounced as corruptors of American youth and be invited to drink, for war.t of anything else, a strong dose of hem lock. Or else, in accordance with the most enlightened mine's of the last two centuries, we are right to consider Candide as one of the essential work.- m literary history—and in that event the ‘findings’ of the censor remain as a monument to the absurd and the ridiculous." It is not, however, a monument lonely and unique. It is one among many—monuments to the decadence of democracy and the triumphant rise of paternalism. We are getting farther and farther away, in these United States, from the theory that men and women are competent, and entitled to rule themselves, to determine their own ways of life. We are displacing that theory with the kinder garten theory of government and of society. And we are making, not the home, not the school, not the church, but an Uncle Sam with epaulets on his shoulders and a birch rod In his hand, the master of the kindergarten. On occasion he throws down the rod and grasps a policeman’s billy. What made the United States so splendidly different from other lands, In the beginning, was the soul-thrilling notion that people are citizens, not subjects; that they are endowed with inalien able rights to decide and choose for themselves; that they are Invested with a dignity and intelli gence that lifts them above the cattle in the fields and the dray horses on the streets—that In their own right and by virtue of Inherent capacity they are the lords of the earth. Since government was necessary to an orderly society they would set up a government of their own, not to command and rule them, but to serve them. And since it was to be a servant rather than a master, they would delegate to It only such powers as were necessary to protect them against each other and against outside enemies. For the vest, the people, sov ereigns, were to be free to work out their own destinies. Their political and social theories, happily, were in conformity with their religious theory. God had created them re.-ponsible beings, had given them a conscience for their guide, had planned they were to acquire merit on earth and salvation hereafter by encountering temptation, knowing it, resisting it, making a free choice be tween good and evil. Not only did they not need a government for a moral mentor and comman dant; such a government would interfere with the unimpeded working out of the divine plan. It was a noble and inspiring program, that promised to produce a virile, free and self-reliant society. But it is the program no longer. And the very institutions that should have combined to uphold it have joined to conspire for its over throw. The church has scrambled to unload its moral responsibility upon the government; to make Uncle Sam the guardian of its flocks. Schoolmen clamor for a federal department of education to take supervision over their task All too many homes abdicate to legislatures and po licemen in the performance of duty to children. In groups beg and little we agitate for governmental control over our personal lives, in order that all alike may conform to fixed rules and rigid stan dards. Science and industry and commerce com bine to carry the process along, sc that everybody eats the same food, wears the same clothes in the same styles, reads the same "book of the month,’* sees the same movies, plays the same games. Uvea in like houses similarly furnished, thinks the same thoughts, and shares throughout In the universal surrender of individualism. We started as nonconformists and have become conformists. We were to have few laws, a limited government, and we have more laws and a stronger, severer government than any other civ ilized people. We who were to control ourselves, fashion ourselves, are fashioned and controlled and ordered by the Frankenstein we have created and perverted. We have consigned ourselves to the kindergarten in a timid anxiety for an easy safety and an enforced morality that has no virtue In it. That was not Thomas Jefferson’s plan, or God’s, as the sturdy fathers understood it, but it is what we have drifted into. Study Sun to Predict Changes in Climate WASHINGTON- —Daily studies of the intensity of the sun’s rays soon may make it possible to forecast the general march of solar energy for a year or more in ad vance. Regular periodicities have been discovered in variation of the in tensity of the rays, according to Dr. C. Abbot, Smithsonian sec retary and director of the astro physical observatory. If the periodicities continue to prevail, not only may there be a forecast of the genera ltrend of the sun’s energy, but prediction of cli Mystrrics Engulf England. P. G. Wodehouse In the Saturday Evening Post. Quietly and, as it were, surrepti tously, the present flood of mystery stories has engulfed the British Isles. Only a short time ago the evil ap peared merely sporadic. Now we are up to our necks in the things, and more coming all the time. There seems to be some virus in the human system Just now' which causes the best writers to turn out thrillers. This would not matter so much, only, unfortunately, it causes the worst of writers to turn them out, too. The result is that this royal tlyone of kings, this sceptere4 lfl$, ' matic and terrestrial changes de pendent on the sun. Solar radiation has been found to rise to a feeble maximum in the spring months and fall to a marked minimum in the autumn. Three observatories of the Smith sonian institution, fjtuated on mountain tops in desert localities of southern Oallfomia, southern Africa, and Chile, are co-opeialing in the Judies. Q. What land is included in Oceania? T. L. A. Oceania or Oceanica was a des ignation which embraced the land surface which remained after appor tioning the continents of Eurasia, Africa, and the Americas. The term this earth of majesty, this seat of Mars, this other Eden, demiparadise, this fortress built by nature for her self against infection and the hand of war. this happy breed of men, this little world, this precious stone set in the silver sea, which serves it in the office of a wall or as a moat defensive of a house—I need scarcely say that I allude to England —has degenerated into an asylum full of goofs reading one another's detective stories, And 99 out of every 100 a dud. --M Q. Why are women not allowed in Khyber Pass at certain hours of the day? E. H. A. The restrictions on the Khyber covered Australia, the Indian Archi pelago. and the Pacific islands. Aft er Australia was set apart as a con tinent, Oceanica was restricted to the Malay Archipelago and the is lands of the Pacific. Q. What is the meaning of Toe H? R. C C. A. Toe H was a sign on a soldiers' rest room back of the trenches at Ypres. Toe was the British soldiers' nickname for tea and H was the ab breviation for house. It was in this tea house that a society known as Toe H originated. It is a young mens movement with the following ideals: To consecrate humanity: To conquer hate; To create harmony. It is a pretest against the old evil traditions which make a world war possible. Pass apply to men and women. The pass is open only on certain days of the week and at certain designated hours. It is the main strategical point of entry into India from Af ghanistan and is therefore carefully guarded. Q. Should an automobile tire carry the same pressure in summer as in winter? S. G. A. Automobile tires, generally speaking, carry the same pressure In summer as in wunter, particularly If in good condition. Sometimes if the tires are old and weak, it is not adviseable to give as much pressure in summer as they axe apt to blow out.