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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 16, 1920)
Sure f Relief 6 Bellans _ Hot water Sure Relief i TOO ! LATE Death only a matter of short time. .j Don't wait until pains and aches i become incurable diseases. Avoid painful consequences by taking I GOLD MEDAL j Th* world'* Standard ramady far kidney, liver, bladder and uric add trouble#—the National Remedy of Holland sinca 160& ; Guaranteed. Three sixes, all druggists, bask fat tike name Cold Medal aa every baa aad aeeaat Mm hadalbuB \_~T -T: T? ~ -■* J I i i i i i •— -__5 ! Sordid Churls. ; "I am poor,” the youth declared, “but If you could be content with the true and eternal devotion of a faithful and tender heart—” “Oh, I’d be contented, all right,” the fair maiden responded, but unkindly; “but I really doubt if the landlord and the butcher and milkman, and the coal .dealer w^Suld be.” “FREJZONE” (lift Off Corns l No Pain I i ^ * Doesn't hurt :a hit ! Drop a little Treezone” on an ;&ching corn, Instantly [hat corn stops hurting, then shortly you lift it right -off with fingers. Truly! Your druggist sells a tiny bottle of *Freezone” for a few cents, sufficient to femove every hard com, soft corn, or torn between the toes, and the calluses Without soreness or irritation. Marital Spite. “I'd like to see my wife go to tho polls to vote.” “Ai'e you so much opposed to suf frage?” “It isn't that, but I’d like to enjoy “It isn't that, but I’d like to enjoy bearing her called down good and bard for eot knowing how to fold her ballot.” ASPIRIN Name "Bayer” on Genuine *• .xv/ "\r “Bayer Tablets of Aspirin” Is genu ine Aspirin proved safe by millions tnd prescribed by physicians for over twenty years. Accept only an unfrokaki "Bayer package" which contains proper' directions to relieve Headache, Tooth-' •cite, Earache, Neuralgia, Rheumatism, fields and Pain. Handy tin boxed of 12 tablets cost few cents. Druggists also tell larger “Bayer packages.” Aspirin Js trade mark Bayer Manufacture Mon sacetlcacidester of SalicyllcackL—Adv. Sign of Prosperity. “So you regard the advance in rail road rates as a sign of prosperity?” “Assuredly,” answered Mr. Dustin Stax. “A public that can afford to » meet the new charges cannot possibly be other than prosperous.” fljws. If they I . Smart or Bum, if! rSrC Irritated, Inflamed or HJR tltg Granulated, use Murine ti Soothes, Refreshes. Safe for Infant or Adult At all Druggists. Write for Tree Ey^JBook. Rate Eye Icmdy Ca.dlMgi jfll 0 UX CiTVxPTQ. CO, NO- 38-1920.' -*>, ( > Tfct. Tr ♦ LEAGUE AND CHURCH. ^ Jltum the Montreal Star. 4 Churchmen gathered at Geneva, 4 representing 80 churches and 40 4 4 countries, in unanimously in urg- 4 4 ing all peoples to accept the 4 4 League of Nations. The league 4 4 has many critics, but the idea has 4 4 been accepted and humanity still 4 4 hopes to build the organization 4 4 Into effective strength. 4 4 The Christian churches undoubt- 4 4 edly stand bask of organized 4 4 world' peace, In the service of 4 4 which Pope Benedict has become 4 4 a leading figure. The distress of 4 4 the late war aroused no degree of 4 4 horror comparable to that felt by 4 4 churchmen everywhere. 4 4 The League of Nations has be- 4 4 gun with the blessing of Chris- 4 4 tianity. 4 ^444-4-4444-444-4444444 Hay On the Senate. Pnm the New York World. If Senater Harding Is interested In a real criticism of the United States Sen ate, particularly in respect to its rela tion to the treaty making power, he need not concern himself witfi Presi dent Wilson or with Governor Cox. He can turn to John Hay, himself an Ohio republican, who was once private sec retary to President Lincoln and after ward secretary of state In the cabinet of President McKinley. In discussing the foreign relations of the United States after the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain, Mr. Hay said: A treaty of peace In any normal state of things ought to be ratified with unanimity In 24 hours. They wasted six weeks In wrangling over this one, and ratified it with one vote to spare. We have five or tlx matters now pend ing settlement. I can settle them hon orably and advantageously to our side, and 1 am assured by leading men In the Senate that not one of these treaties, If negotiated, will pass the Senate. Harding so deeply deplores had taken possession of him. Secretary Hay add; ed, “To such monstrous ^ahape has {fie original mistake of our constitution grown In the evolution gf our politics.’! The battle fop progressive govern ment In tlfjMJfiTted States for 100 years has been f^^he main a succession of conflicts with the Senate. The Senate was the citadel of slavery. It was afterward the citadel of the most arro gant and vulgar plutocrdcvJhat ever existed in a civilized country. It is still the citadel of every form of special privilege that is intriguing for what Governor Cox calls “an underhold in government.’’ When its abuses became intolerable the American people tookfrom the state legislatures the potfer to Ol*t senators, but the fundamental evil still remains— that the Senate as a whole is irrespon sible and cannot be compelled as a body TO give an accounting of its steward ship. The House of Representatives is com pelled to go before the country every two years. The president must go be fore the country every four years. The Senate never goes before the country. It is never possible in any election, ex cept as a vacancy here or there may have occurred, to hale more than one third of*the senators before the bar of public opinion. In consequence the Senate has so arrogated to itself the legislative power of the government that the House of Representatives is little better than a rubber stamp. Hav ing seized the legislature power it Is now trying to seize the executive power. Women Can Vote in All States. Prom the New York World. With the adoption of the woman suf frage amendment, former President Taft holds that the right of women to vote in every state is clearly established with out state legislation. He dismisses as without merit the contention that af flrmaive action by the states is neces sary. Nowhere is it needed. In the case of the 15th amendment, Mr. Taft recalls, the United States su preme court ruled that, "being para mount te the state law end a part of the state law, It annulled the discrim inating word "white' and thus left him (the negro) In the enoyment of the same right as white persons.” He therefore says -of the ISth amendment, now rati fied by the legislature of Tennessee as the 36th state: It Is eelf-executing. It by Its own force amends every election law of every state so as to include in the state elec torate women as well as men where only men were given the right to vote before. Of vou-rse a woman cannot vote who if she had been a man could not have voted under the laws of the state where she lives. She must in all respects have the qualifications which men voters must have under the election laws, but If she fulfils these requirements she can vote and the state cannot prevent her so doing, and no delay of Ihe state in recognizing or acting on the new amend ment can preudice her right to vote. By anti-suffragists who have planned a campaign of obstruction or who med itate legal manoeuvers for the purpose of creating further delay, this view of the situation will be ungratefully re ceived. There are states where steps are threatened to hold women in a condi tion of disenfranchisement in spite of the ratification of the suffrage amendment. On this subect Mr. Taft offers sound advice. He says: It follows that under these circum stances any state official who is part of the election machinery and attempts to exercise the power to decide that an amendment duly proclaimed by the sec retary of state as adopted is Invalid and thus block action in voting under it, will be assuming a grievous burden of res ponsibility ilkeiy to return to plague him. _ _ _ Arab* Artful In Thievery. Maude Radford Warren, In Saturday Evening Post. Brigandage le ingrained in Arabs al most as much as their religion. For centuries it has been a recognized fom of revenue to them, providing the maxi mum of profit and a measure of agree able excitement along with the minimum of labor. "There was a man the other day sleeping out in the desert not far from hero with two or three servants,” said an American archaeologist in the hotel at Basra. He went to bed one coollsh Bight With a tent above bis head, good worm ■ blankets over him, his clothes hanging acrooo a box and Ms false teeth set la a glass on top of his clothes. A sense of chill woOgaS him. He found over him nothing,lit heaven and about him nothing but desert. Even his teeth were gone.” ^ The Arabs are the moot agile and moot noiseless thieves in the world. It Is a pity the allies could not have had them In the war to string up the barbed wire In France and to cut the German wire. We would have saved many a man. World Getting Better. FVom Collier's. Human nature is Improving rapidly. Yesterday we got caught In a sudden downpour and took shelter an the porch of a little Cottage. Being cynically dis posed that day, we were all prepared to bo gruffly ordered away. Bure enough. In a few moments the door opened and an old woman put her head out. We made ready to argue. "I was wondering,” said the woman, holding out an umbrella, “if maybe you didn’t want to borrow this.” The world fa getting hotter. This morning we returned the um brella. The world certainly fa getting X«er. g£ 1 1 Executive Authority in Republican Government Alexander Hamilton’s Analysis of the Dangers of Weak ening It by Division—Responsibility Dissipated— Diversity of Opinion an Element of Feebleness and Dilatoriness. ..—.—— ..—* Alexander Hamilton in the Independent Journal, March 15, 1788. To the people of the state of New York; There la an idea, which is not without its advocates, that a vigorous executive is inconsistent with the genius of republican government. The enlightened well wishers to this species of government must at least hope that the supposition is desti tute of foundation, since they can never admit its truth without at the same time admitting the condemnation of their own principles. Energy in the executive is a leading character in the definition of good govern ment. It is essential to the protection of the community against foreign attacks; it is not less essential to the steady administration of the laws; to the protection of property against those Irregular and high handed com binations which sometimes interrupt the ordinary course of jUBtice; to the security of liberty against the enterprises and assaults of ambition, of faction, and of anarchy. A feeble executive implies a feeble execution of the government. A feeble execution is but another phrase for a bad executive, and a govern ment ill executed, whatever it may be in theory, must be in practice a bad government. Wherever two or more persons are engaged in any common enterprise or pursuit, there is always danger of difference of opinion. If It be a pub lic trust or office, in which they are clothed with equal dignity, and author ity, there is peculiar danger of personal emulation and even animosity. From either, and especially from all these causes, the most bitter dissen sions are apt to spring. Whenever these happep they lessen the respecta bility, weaken the authority , and distract the plans and operation of those whom they divide. If they should unfortunately assail the supreme execu tive magistracy of a country, consisting of a plurality of persons, they might impede or frustrate the most important measures of the govern - ment, in the most critical emergencies of the state. And what is still worgCj they might split the community into the most violent and irreconcilable factions, adhering differently to the different individuals who composed the magistracy. rattle-... . .-^^^^Opposition from Self Lovo. *aar-l^>“" • faen Often oppose a thing merely becaust^they have had no agency in planning it, or because it may have been planned by those whom they dislike. But if they have been consulted and have happened to disapprove, opposition then becomes, in their estimation, an indispensible duty of self love. They seem to think themselves bound in honor, and by all the mo tives of personal infallibility to defeat the success of what has been re solved upon contrary to their sentiments. Men of upright, benevolent tempers have too many opportunities of remarking with horror to what desperate lengths this disposition is sometimes carried, and how often the great interests of society are sacrificed to the vanity, to the conceit, and to the obstinacy of individuals, who have" credit enough to make their pas sions and their caprices interesting to mankind. Perhaps the question now before the public may, in its consequences, afford melancholy proofs of the effects of this despicable frailty, or rather detestable vice, in the human character. _ _ i .. . nP n rrATroen m on f inonTurontonnoo frnTTI (VlA Upon the principles or a rree government, inconveniences irom me source just mentioned must necessarily be submitted to in the formation of the legislature; but it is unnecessary, and thereforfc unwise to introduce them into the constitution of the executive. It is here, too, that they may be most pernicious. In the legislature promptitude of decision is oftener an evil than a benefit. The differences of opinion and the parings of par. ties in th'a’t department of the government, though they may sometimes obstruct salutary plans, yet often promote deliberation and circumspec tion and serve to check excesses in the majority. When a resolution, too, is once taken, the opposition must be at an end. That resolution is a law, and resistance to it punishable. But no favorable circumstances palliate or atone for the disadvantages of dissension in the executive department. Here they are pure and unmixed. There is no point at which they cease to operate. They serve to embarrass and weaken the execution of the plan or measure to which they relate, from the first step to the final conclusion of it. They constantly counteract those qualities in the executive which are the most necessary .ingredients in its compositions—vigor and expedi tion—and this without any counterbalancing good. In the conduct of war, in which the energy of the executive is the bulwark of the national se curity, everything would be to be apprehended from its plurality. It must he confessed that these observations apply with principal weight to the first case supposed—that is, to a plurality of magistrates of equal dignity and authority; a scheme, the advocates for which are not likely to form a numerous sect; but they apply, though not with equal, yet with considerable weight to the project of a council whose concurrence is made constitutionally necessary to operation* of the ostensible executive. An artful cabal in that council would be able to distract and to enervate the whole system of administration. If no such cabal should exist, the mere diversity of views and opinions would alone be sufficient to tincture the exercise of the executive authority with a spirit of habitual feebleness and dilatoriness. . S Conceal Faults, Destroy Responsibility. But one of the weightiest objections to a plurality in the executive, and which lies as much against the last as the'first plan, is that it tends to conceal faults and destroy responsibility. Responsibility is of two kinds— to censure and to punishment. The first is the more important of the two, especially In an elective office. Man, in public trust, will much oftener act in such a manner as to render him unworthy of being any longer trusted than in such a manner as to make him obnoxious to legal punishment. But the multiplication of the executive adds to the difficulty of detection in either case It often becomes impossible, amidst actual accusations, to de termine on whom the blame or the punishment for a pernicious measure, or series of pernicious measures, ought really to fall. It is shifted from one to another with so much dexterity and under such plausible appear ances that the public opinion is left in suspense about the real author. The circumstances which may have led to any national miscarriage or mis fortune are sometimes so complicated that, where there are a number of actors who may have had different degrees and kinds of agency, though we may clearly see upon the whole that there has been mismanagement, yet it may be impracticable to pronounce to whose account th.s evil which may have been incurred is truly chargeable. “I was overruled by my council. The council was so divided in their opinions that it was impossible to obtain any better resolution on the point” These and similar pretexts are constantly at hand, whether true or false. And who is tljere that will either take the trouble, or Incur the odium of a strict scrutiny into the secret springs of the transaction? Should there he found a citizen zealous enough to undertake the unpromising task, if there happen to be a collusion between the parties concerned, how easy It is to clothe the circumstances with so much ambiguity as to render It uncertain what was the precise conduct of any of those parties! Cost of Double-Crossing. From the Philadelphia Public Ledger. G. H. Foree, a citizen of Missouri, who had ambitions which led him to become a candidate for congress from the 10th Missouri district, which ambitions were not concurred In by his fellow citizens, has filed a most Illuminating account narrating ills expenses in the democrat ic primaries. Mr. Foree evidently placed much dependence upon the political pos sibilities of the 1 tidies of his state, for one of the most entertaining of the Items tells how he paid *1 for "a pair of open work hose for a plump widow," he sa pient comment accompanying the note being ' The less said about this the bet ter." But there were other Interesting items. One charge was for facial adornment for a male voter, being used in paying for the trimming up of the sandy whis kers of an influential son of Erin, the amount being the same as that paid Tor the face cream. Mr. Foree's experiences appear to have engendered an unseemly pessimism. He admits pacing 50 cents postage on letters sent to influential men in the district, telling them that ho was trusting hts election to "the kind ness of the people sALthe mercy of God” and bitterly adW that "both Mr.Foree should cheer up. There are lots of better .things In the world than being a eonCTessaan fbfiui Missouri, and perilaps Provide*** «*■ the people were cr uel only to be kind. At all events, ir.tstic comment that "the total cost to there is little justification for hie pessi mistic comment that "the total cost to get double-crossed was $236.68.” It that represents the east of political double crossing In the state which always de mands to be shown, somebody has de livered a solar-plexus blow to the H. C. I,. Back In the east a man whose bill for being double-crossed politically was only $236.68 would be singing paeans of rejoicing, and not a jeremiad like un to that of Mr. Foree. • Small Town Needs. „_ Despite the fact that S.OO&OOO Ameri cans live In villages, the needs of the small town have not received due at *■»conviction prompted the bureau of municipal research In Whit (man college to gather data on vlllag needs. One hundred and thirty mayors of villages, claiming from 300 to 3,000 In habitants, responded to the question, ‘'What do you think your town most needs?” One mayor replies that two or thre< funerals would most benefit his vil lage, while another wants fewer I. W. W.'s 9bme of the answers call for bet ter pnBlic ladings, more paving and sewerage, wrffle others ask for more "live wires.*' Few of the village mayors note any such house famine as Is troubling the large cities. Most of them are impressed wholly by the material needs of their towns. Only 34 speak of any moral or Intellectual shortcomings, and few ex press any desire for libraries or better amusements. A Contrast. From the Milwaukee Journal. "Senator Harding also spoke for Americanism and deprecated any tend ency of Americans to regard themselves os ‘citizens of the world.' "—Dispatch from Marlon. "I have often Inquired of Thyself what great principle or Idea It was that kept this confederacy so Jong together. It ♦as not the mpre matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaralon of Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country but hope to all the world for all niture time. It was that which gave promts* that In due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all raea, and that all should have an equal chance. This Is the. sentiment em bodied In the Declaration of Independ ence.”—Abraham Lincoln, at Independ ence hall, 1861. Its Epitaph. FVorn the Boston Transcript. It remained for Warren O. Harding to write the league's epitaph, and this ha did at Marlon In these terse, plain, sim ple, truth telling words: "The existing league is a definite and Irredeemable failure.” _ I . 4 l . . } 4 a package before the war *•, ■ v V \ • ^ a package during the war and ■ ^ I i . r - a package ^ ■ : N The Flavor Lasts So Does the Price . ■ HAD HIGH AMBITION FOR SON Father Wouldn't Be 8atl«fled Until He Saw Him In a Really Proud Position. An Instructor In the military acad emy at West Point was once assigned to conduct about the place the visiting parents of a certain cadet. After a tour of the post, the proud and happy parents Joined the crowd assembled to witness evening parade, a most imposing spectacle. The march past aroused the father of the cadet to a high pitch of enthusiasm. “There 1” he exclaimed to his spouse, “isn’t that fine? .But,” he added, re flectively, "1 shall not be happy till my boy attains the proud position that leads ’em all.” And he pointed In rapt admiration to the drum-major. Specific. Lawyer—You went in the house while the prisoner was disputing with his wife whom be accuses of aggra vating him Into the assault. How did she strike you? Witness—I Think the frying pan was the first thing which came handy. It’s a poor Bostonian that doesn't know beans. « The grass doesn’t quit because It Is stepped on. SEEMED LIKE AN IMPOSITION Parvenu Couldn’t Understand Whj) Musician Hadn't Come With' Instrument* Tuned. uJ Herman Finck, the noted Engllsg composer, tells the following amusing story of a somewhat ambitious tempt of a member of the newly to grasp matters musical. Be k “My grandfather used to direct ft small orchestra of about half a dozer* which could be hired for dances, pni> ties and weddings, and even (on on< i occasion only) for funerals, but that!1 another yam. Well, the orchestra aru i night made its appearance at tbt house of the type of parvenu w* should call nowadays a war prpfiteew TTie guests were nasembled and tbr fiddlers and so on were crowded ug in the usual corner with the ferns and things. Suddenly the host approaches “ ‘Whatever’s this horrible noiad you’re making?’ he said. Hotter* piece, I call It I’ “This isn’t a piece,’ replied mj grandfather; ‘we’re tuning up, that*! all.’ i “Tuning up? I engaged you ora two months ago, and you’re toning ug now?*“ t When a widower begins to tak# dancing lessons, It Is a sign that h* means to grasp another opportunity^. I The Increasing % * Demand for' ; Postum ^ shows the favor this table § •. drink is constantly gaining i $ because of its ricn taste * and economy. I Boil Postum Cereal fully * twenty minutes and you have a flavor similar to the * highest grade coffee, but R I there’s no coffeg , - — I % hurt In Postum*. g | It is pure and | J wholesome! J j */todt by Postum Cereal Co, far, ■ f Creek, Mich; ^ 4