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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 6, 1908)
WILLIAM H. TAFT IS NOTIFIED OF HIS NOMINATION Republican Nominee Covers Wide Ground in Accepting Commission as Standard Bearer. Cincinnati, Ohio July 30.—Senator "William Warner, chairman of the re publican notification committee*, in the -enforced absence of Senator Lodge, 45aid, officially notifying Mr. Taft of his nomination: Mr. Taft: You are, of course, not un aware, that Mr. Roosevelt's term as president of the United States will ex pire on March 4, 1909; that the political parties of our country are perfecting their organizations preparatory to presenting to the people, at the general election to be held in November next, their respective candidates for the high office; that the .republican party in national convention, composed of delegates representing every state and territory and the outlying pos sessions of the United States, assembled at Chicago, on June 16 to 19, inclusive, has completed its deliberations, that it has outlined and suomitted to the citizenship of the republic, for consideration and adoption, govern mental policies, which it confidently be lieves will be of the highest service to the nation In her every part; that it has from among its strong and experienced states men—men whom services to the public has demonstrated their worthiness In clearness of character, devotion to the country and the welfare of the individual citizen, and with full understanding of the nation’s needs in her highest and best as pirations, selected you as its candidate for president, the highest honor that can be conferred by this constitutional republic, and I would, therefore add, the most ex alted political office on this earth; and the committee which you see before you, whose chairmanship I have the honor to hold in the temporary absence from the United States of the Honorable Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, perma nent chairman of the republican national convention, now tenders to you, at the direction of that convention, the formal nomination of the republican party for the presidency of the United States, and I hand you an engrossed copy of tho plat form of policies adopted by that conven tion. I cannot, sir, complete the discharge of •this most agreeable duty without assur ing you of the high respect in which you are held not only by those of your own political faith, but by your fellow citizens without regard to the party,—of their ad -miration of your ability, manifested throughout your public service; of their 'knowledge of the preparation which you will bring to the discharge of the high and difficult duties of president; of their belief in your deep conviction of the equality of all men before the law, and in the practical application of that prin ciple by any administration of which you cnay be the head, the rule by which every official act of Mr. Roosevelt, as president, has been squared, which has won for him the confidence and respect of his coun trymen throughout the land, and which has brought to him at all times their un questioned and earnest support. It was his universal application of this rule which caused his party, in national convention, •to pay him the following just and splen did tribute of approval. Tribute to Roosevelt. His administration is an epoch in Ameri can history. In no other period since the national soverignty was won under Wash ington or preserved under Lincoln has ■there been such mighty progress in those •ideals of government which make for jus tice, equality and fair dealing among men. The highest aspirations of the American people have found voice. Their most ex alted servant represents the best aims and worthiest purposes of all his countrymen. American manhood has been lifted up to a mobler sense of duty and obligation. Con science and courage in public station and high standards of right and wrong in private life have been, the cardinal prin ciples of political life. Capital and labor have been brought into closer relations of confidence and interdependence, and the abuse of wealth and the tyranny of power, and all evils and privileged favoritism have been put to scorn by the simple and manly virtues of justice and fair play. It is gratifying to your countrymen to reflect that of that administration you Jhave been a conspicuous part, as yon were •of the administration of Mr. McKinley, whose accomplishments mark a national i progress unsurpassed in all of our pre vious national life. It. therefore, gives me genuine pleasure, Mr. Taft, to present to you this formal nomination from the republican party, whose governmental policies have for so long “kept in balance the mighty forces of the nation” and to whose continued guidance, of the nation we have every reasonable right to believe that the peo ple are now looking. CANDIDATE RESPONDS TO NOTIFICATION SPEECH ; Cincinnati, Ohio, July 30.—Respond- ! Mng today to the speech ot notification -delivered by Senator William Warner, William H. Taft, republican nominee tor president, said in part: Senator Warner and Gentlemen of the Committee—I am deeply sensible of the tionor which the republican national con- I vention has conferred on me in the nomi nation which you formally tender. I ac cept it with full appreciation of the re sponsibility it imposes. Gentlemen, the strength of the republi can cause in the campaign at hand is In the fact that we represent policies es sential to the reform of known abuses to the continuance of liberty and true pros perity and that we are determined, as our platform unequivocally declares, to main tain them and carry them on. The man who formulated the expres sion of the popular conscience and who led the movement for practical reform was Theodore Roosevelt. He laid down the doctrine that the rich violators erf the law should be amendable to restrain and punish as the offender without w'ealth and without influence, and he proceeded by » recommending legislation and directing -executive action to make that principle good in actual performance. He secured the passage of the so-called rate bill de igned more effectively to restrain exces sive and fix reasonable rates, and to pun ish secret rebates and discrimination which have been general in the practice -of the railroads, and which had done much to enable unlawful trusts to drive out of •business their competitors. It secured much •closer supervision of railways’ trans actions and brought within the operation ■of the same statute, express companies, sleeping car companies, fast freight and refrigerator lines, terminal railroads and pipe lines and forbade in future the com bination of the transportations and ship ping business under one control in order to avoid undue discrimination. Mr. Roosevelt has set high the standard of business morality and obedience to law. The railroad rate bill was more useful possibly in the immediate moral effect of its passage than even in the legal effect of its very useful provisions. From its •enactment dates the voluntary abandon ment of the practice of rebates and dis criminations by the railroads and the return by their managers to obedience to law in the fixing of tariffs. The pure food and meat inspection laws and the prose cutions directed by the president under the anti-trust law have had a similar moral effect in the general business com munity and have made It now the com mon practice for the great industrial cor porations to consult the law with a view in keeping within its provisions. It has also had the effect of protecting and in couraging small and competitive com panies so that they have been enabled to do a profitable business. Clinch What Has Coen Done, The chief function of the administration in my judgment Is distinct from the pro gressive development which has been per formed by President Roosevelt. The chief function of the next admlnla tratlon Is to complete and perfect the m*r chfnery by which these standards may be maintained by which the lawbreakers may be promptly restrained and punished but which shall operate with sufficient ac curacy and dispatch to interfere with legitimate business as little as possible. Such machinery is now' adequate. Under the present rate bill and under all its amendments the burden of the Inter state Commerce commission in supervls fng and regulating the operation of rail roads of this country has grow'n so heavy that It is utterly impossible for that tri bunal to dispose, in any reasonable time of the many complaints, queries and is sues that are brought before it for de cision. It ought to be relieved of its juris diction as an executive, directing body, and its function should be limited to the quasi-judicial investigation of complaints by individuals and by a department of the government charged with the executive business of supervising the operation of railways. There should be a classification of that very small percentage of industrial cor porations having power and opportunity to effect illegal restraints of trade and mo nopolies, and legislation either inducing or compelling them to subject themselves to registry and to proper publicity reg ulation a and supervision of the depart ment of commerce and labor. The field covered by the industrial com binations and by the railroads is so very extensive that the interests of the public and the interest of the business concerns cannot be properly subserved except by reorganization of bureaus In the depart ment of commerce and labor, or agri culture and the department of justice and a change In the jurisdiction of Interstate Commerce commission. It does not as sist matters to aspire to prescribe npw duties for the Interstate Commerce com mission which it is practicably Impos sible for it to perform or to denounce now offenses with drastic punishment, unless subordinate and ancillary legisla tion shall be passed making possible the quick enforcement in the great variety of cases "which are cpnstantly arising, of the principles laid down by Mr. Roose velt, and with respect to which only typical Instances of prosecution with the present machinery ere possible. Such leg islation should and would greatly promote legitimate business by enabling those anxious to obey the federal statutes to know just what are the bounds of their lawful action. The practical construct ive and difficult work, therefore, of those who follow Mr. Roosevelt is to devise the ways and means by which the high level of business Integrity and obedience to law which he has established may be maintained and departures from it re strained without undue interference with legitimate business. It Is agreeable to note In this regard that the republican platform expressly and the democratic platform Impliedly ap prove an amendment to the interstate commerce law, by which interstate rail roads may make useful traffic agreements if approved by the commission. This has been strongly recommended by President Roosevelt and will make for the benefit of the business. Physical Valuation. Some of the suggestions of the demo cratic platform relate really to this subordinate and ancillary machinery to which I have referred. Take, for instance, the so-called physical valuation of railways. It is clear that the sum of all rates or receipts of a railway, less proper expenses should be limited to a fair profit upon the reason able value of its property, and that if the sum exceeds this measure, it ought to be reduced. The difficulty in enforcing the principle Is in ascertaining what is the reasonable value of the company’s prop erty, and in fixing what is a fair profit. It is clear that the physical value of a railroad and its plant, is an element to be given weight in determining its full value; but as President Roosevelt in his Indianapolis speech and the supreme court have pointed out, the value of the railroad as a growing concern, including its good will, due to efficiency of service and many other circumstances, may be much greater than the value of its tangible property and it is the former that pleasures the investment on which a fair profit must be allowed. Physical valuation preperly used will not generally Impair securities. I am con fident that the fixing of rates on the principle suggested above would not ma terially Impair the present market value of railroad securities in most cases for I believe that the normal Increase in the value of railroad nropertics especially In their terminals will more than, make up for the possible over capitalization In early years. l nave aiscussea tms wun some uegree of detail merely to point out that the valuation of the Interstate Commerw commission of the tangible property of a railroad is proper and may from time to time be necessary in certain of the issues which may come before them and that no evil or injustice can come from valuation in such cases, it be understood that the result Is to be used for a just purpose, and the right to a fair profit under all the circumstances is recognized. The In terstate Commerce commission has not the power to ascertain the value of the phys ical railroad property If necessary in de termining the reasonableness of rates. If the machinery' for doing So is not ade quate, as is probable, it should be made so. The republican platform recommends legislation forbidding the issue in the fu ture of interstate railway stocks and bonds without federal authority. It may occur In such cases that the full value of the railway, and as an element thereof, the value of the tangible property of the I railway, would be a relevant and import ant factor In assisting the proper author ity to determine wheiher the stocks and bonds to be Issued were to have proper security behind them, and in such case therefore there should be the right and machinery to make a valuation of the physical property. Control of Trusts. Another suggestion in respect to su bordinate and ancillary machinery neces sary to carry out republican policies Is that of the incorporation under national law or the licensing by national license or enforced registry of companies engaged in Interstate trade. The fact is that nearly all corporations doing a commercial business, are engaged in Interstate com merce, and if they all were required to take out a federal license or a federal charter the burden upon the interstate business of the country would become in tolerable. It is necessary' therefore to devise some means for classifying and ensuring fed eral supervision of such corporations as have the power and temptation to effect restraints of interstate trade and monopo lies. Such corporations constitute a very small percentage of all engaged in in terstate business. The combination of capital In large plants to manufacture goods with the greatest economy is just as necessary as the assembling of the parts of a machine to the economical and more rapid manu facture of what in old times was made by hand. The government should not inter fere with one any more than the other, and when such aggregations of capital are legitimate and are properly controlled they are then the natural result of mod ern enterprise and are beneficial to the public. In the proper operation of compe tition the public will soon share with the manufacturer the advantage in economi cal operation and lower prices. What is Unlawful Trust? When, however, such combinations are not bas^d on any' economic principle but are made merely for the purpose of con trolling the market to maintain or raise prices, restrict output and drive out com petitors, the public derives no benefit ana we have a monopoly. There must be some use by the company of the comparatively great size of its capital an</ plant and ex tent of Its output, either te coerce persons to buy of it rather thai/ of some com petitor or to coerce those ’who would com pete with it to give up their business. There must usually, in other words, be shown an element of duress in the conduct of its business toward the customers In the trade and its competitors before more aggregation of capital or plant becomes an unlawful monopoly. It is perfectly conceivable that in the interest of econ omy of production a great number of plants may be legitimately assembled un der the ownership of one corporation. It is important, therefore, that such large aggregations of capital and combination should be controlled so that the public may have the advantage of reasonable i prices and that the avenues of enterprise ! mflv be kept open to the individual and; the smaller corporation wishing to en gage in business. . Unlawful trusts should be restrained with all the efficiency of injunctive pro cess and the persons engaged In maintain !ng them should be punished with all th# severity*of criminal prosecution, in or- l der that methods pursued in the opera- | tlon of their business shall be brought j within the law. To destroy them and i to eliminate the wealth they represent i from the producing capital of the coun- ' try would entail enormous loss and j ■would throw out of employment myriads , of workingmen and worklngwomen. Such a result is wholly unnecessary to the ! accomplishment of the needed reform, ■ and will inflict upon the Innocent far | greater punishment than upon the guilty. : The democratic platform does not pro post to destroy the plants of the trust physically, but it proposes to do the same thing in a different way. The business of this country Is largely dependent upon a protective system of tariffs. , The busi ness done by many of the so called trusts is protected with the other businesses of the country. The democratic platform proposes to take off the tariff on all articles coming into competition with those produced by the so called “trusts,” I and to put them on the free list. If such a course would be utterly destruct ive of thoir business, as it is, indeed, it would not only destroy the trusts, but all of their smaller competitors. The ruthless and impracticable charac ter of the proposition grows plainer as its effects upon the whole country are realized. To take the course suggested by the democratic platform In these matters is to invoke the entire community, innocent as it is. In the punishment of the guilty, while our policy is to stamp out the spe cific evil. Doctrine of Protection. The republican doctrine of protection, as definitely announced by the republicans this year and by previous conventions, is that a tariff shall be imposed on all im ported products, whether of the factory, farm or mine, sufficiently great to equal the difference between the cost of pro duction abroad and at home, and that this difference should, of course, include the difference between the higher wages paid in this country and the wages paid abroad and embrace a reasonable profit to the American production. A system of protection thus adopted and put in force has led to the establishment of a rate or wages here that has greatly en hanced the standard of living of the la boring man. It is the policy of the re publican party permanently to continue that standard of living. In 1897 the Ding ley tariff bill was passed, under which we have had, as already said, a period of enormous wealth. The consequent material development has greatly changed the conditions under which many articles described by the schedule of the tariff are now produced. The tariff in a number of the schedules exceeds the difference between the cost of production of such article abroad and at home, Including a reasonable profit to the American producer. The excess over that difference serves no useful purpose, but offers a temptation to those who would monopolize the production and the sale of such articles In this country to profit by the excess overrate. On the oth er hand, there are other schedules in which the tariff is not sufficiently high to give the measure of protection which they should receive upon republican prin ciples, as to those the tariff should be re duced. A revision of the tariff under taken upon this principle, which is at the basis of our present business system, be gun promptly upon the incoming of the newr administration and considered at the special session with the preliminary In vestigations already begun by the appro priate committee of the House and Sen ate. will make the disturbance of business incident to such a change as little as possible. The democratic party In its platform has not had the courage of its previous convictions on the subject of the tariff denounced by it in 1904 as a system of the robbery of the many for the benefit of the few, but It does declare its intention to change the tariff with a view to reaching a revenue basis and thus to depart from the protective system. The introduction into power of party with this avowed pur pose cannot but halt the gradual recovery of the more recent financial depression and produce business disaster In com parison with which our recent panic and depression will seem small Indeed. Question of Labor. We come now to the question or labor. One important, phase of the qualities of the present administration nas been anxiety to secure for the wage earner an equality of opportunity and such positive statutory protection as will place him on ! a level in dealing with hia employer. The republican party has passed an employ ers’ liability act for interstate railroads and has established an eight-hour law for government employes and on government construction. The essence of the reform affected by the farmer is the abolition of the fellow-servant rule, und the introduc tion of the comparative negligence theory by which an employe injured in the ser vice of hia employer does not lose all his right to recover because of slight negli gence on his part. Then there is the act pro viding for compensation for injury to gov ernment employes, together with the va rious statutes requiring safety appliances upon interstate commerce railroads for the protection of their employes and lim iting the hours of their employment. These are all instances of the efforts of the republican party to do Justice to the wage earner. Doubtless a more conserva tive measure for compensation of gov ernment employes will be adopted in the future; the principle in such cases has been recognized, and is necessarily some what slow course of legislation will be more fully embodied in definite statutes. The Interests of the employer and the employe nover differ except when it comes to a division of the Joint profit of labor and capital into dividends and wages. This must be a constant source of peri odical discussion between the employer and employe as indeed are the other-terms of the employment. To give to employes their proper posi tion in such a controversy to enable them to maintain themselves against employers having great capital, they may well unite, because In union there is strength and without it each individual laborer and em ploye would be helpless. The promotion of industrial peace through the instru mentality of the trade agreement is often one of the results of such union when in telligently conducted. • There is a large body of laborers, how ever, skilled and unskilled, who are not organized into unions. Their rights be fore the law are exactly the same as those of the union men, and are to be protected with the same care and watchfulness. Rights of Labor. In order to induce their employer Into a | compliance with their request for changed terras of employment workmen have the right to strike in a body. They have a right to use such persuasion as they may, provided it does not reach the point of duress, to lead their reluctant co-laborers to join them in their union against their employer and they have a right, if they choose, to accumulate funds to support those engaged In a strike, to delegate to officers the power to direct the action of the union, and to withdraw' themselves and their associates from dealings with, or giving custom to those with whom <fchey are In controversy. What they have not the right to do is to Injure their employers’ property, to in jure their employer’s business by use of threats or methods of physical duress against those who would work for him or deal with him or by carrying on what It sometimes Known as a secondary boy cott against his customers or those with whom he deals in business. All those who sympathize with them may unite to aid them in their struggle, but they may not through the instrumentality of a hreat ened or actual boycott compel third per sons against their will and having no in terest in their controversy to come to their assistance. These principles have for a great inairy years been settled by the courts of this country. Threatened unlawful injuries to business, like these described above, can only be adequately remedied by an injunction to prevent them. The jurisdiction of a court of equity to enjoin in such cases arises 1 from the character of the injury and the method of inflicting it and the fact that suit for damages offers no adequate rem edy. The injury is not done by one single act. which might bo adequately compensated for In damages by a suit at law, but It is the result of a constantly recurring series of acts, each of which in itself might not constitute a substantial injury or make a Kult at law w-orth while, and all of which i would require a multiplicity of suits at law. Injuries of this class have since the foundation of courts of equity been pre veq.tcjd by Injunction. It has been claimed that Injunctions do not? tafsue to protect anything but property rights, and that business la not a prop erty right but such a proposition It wholly Inconsistent with all the decisions of the courts. The supreme court of the United States says that the injunction is a rem edy to protect property or rights of a pe cuniary nature and we may well submit to the considerate Judgment of all laymen whether the right of a man in his busi ness Is not as distinctly a right of a pe cuniary nature as the right to his horse or his house or tho stock of goods on his shelf, and the instances In which injunc tions to protect business have been upheld by all courts, are so many that It Is futile further to discuss the proposition. It is difficult to tell the meaning of the democratic platform upon this subject. It says: “Questions of Judicial practice have arisen especially in connection with in dustrial disputes. We deem that the parties to all Judicial proceedings should be treated with rigid impartiality, and that injunctions should not be Issued In any cases In which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute were involved.” The declaration Is dislngenlous. It seems to have been loosely drawn with the pur pose of rendering It susceptible to one interpretation by one set of men and to a diametrically opposite Interpretation by another. It does not aver that injunctions should not issue in industrial disputes, but only that they should not Issue because they* are industrial disputes, and yet those responsible for the declaration must have known that no one ever maintained that the fact that a dispute wras industrial gave any basis for Issuing an Injunction in reference thereto. The declaration seems to bo drawn in Its present vague and ambiguous shape to persuade some people that it Is a declaration against the Issue of Injunctions In any industrial dispute, while at the same time It may be possible to explain to the average plain citizen who objects to class distinctions that no such Intention exists. Our position is dear and unequivocal. We are anxious to prevent even an appearance of in justice to labor in Issuing injunctions, not In the spirit of favoritism to any set of our fellow citizens, but In the Interest of justice to all. The reason for exer cising or refusing to exercise the power of Injunction must be found In the char acter of the unlawful Injury and not In the character or class of the persons who inflict the injury. The man who has a business which is being unlawfully injured Is entitled to the remedies which the lawr ha* always given him, no matter who has inflicted the injuries. Otherwise we shall have class legislation unjust In principle and likely to sap the foundations of a free government. Issue of Injunction. I come now to the question of notice before Issuing an Injunction. It is a fundamental rule of general Jurisprudence that no man shall be affected by a Judi cial proceeding without notice and hear ing. This rule, however, has sometime* had an exception In the Issuing of tem porary restraining orders commanding a defendant in effect to maintain the status quo until a hearing. Such a process should issue only in rare cases where the threatened change of the status quo would inflict irreparable Injury If time were taken to give notice and a summary hearing. The unlawful Injury usual In industrial disputes, such as I have de scribed, does not become formidable ex cept after sufficient time in#which to give the defendants notice and a hearing. I do not mean to say that there may not be cases even in Industrial disputes where a restraining order might properly be issued without notice, but generally I think it is otherwise. In «ome state courts, and in fewer federal courts, the practice of issuing a temporary restrain ing order without notice merely to pre serve the status quo on the theory that It won’t hurt anybody has been too com mon. Many of us recall that the practice has been pursued in other than indus trial disputes, as, for instance, in cor porate and stock controversies like those over the Erie railroad, in which a stay order without notice was regarded as a step of great advantage to the one who secured it and a corresponding disad vantage to the one against whom it was secured. Indeed, the chances of doing injustice on an ex parte application are much increased over these when a hear ing is granted, and there may be circum stances unaer wnicn u may auea me defendant to his detriment. In the case of a lawful strike the sending of a for midable document restraining a number of defendants from doing a great many different things which the plaintiff avers they are threatening to do, often so dis courages men always reluctant to go into a strike from continuing what is their lawful right. This has made the labor ing man feel that an injustice is done in the Issuing of a writ without notice. I conceive that in the treatment of this question it is the duty of the citizen and the legislator to view the subject from the standpoint of the man who believed him self to be unjustly treated, as well as from that of the community at large. I have suggested the remedy of returning In such cases to the original practice un der the old statute of the United States and the rules in equity adopted by the supreme court, which did not permit the issuing of an injunction without notice. In this respect the republican convention has adopted another remedy that, with out going so far, promises to be effica cious in securing proper consideration in such cases by courts, by formulating Into a legislative act the best present prac tice. Under this recommendation a statute may be framed which shall define with considerable particularity and emphasis the exceptional character of the cases in which restraining orders may Issue with out notice, and which shall also provide that when they are Issued they shall cease to be operative beyond a short period, during which time notice shall be served and a hearing had, unless the de fendant desires a postponement of the hearing. By this provision the Injustice which has sometimes occurred by which a preliminary restraining order of widest application has been issued without no tice and the hearing of the motion for the injunction has been fixed weeks and months after its date could not recur. The number of instances in which re straining orders without notice in In dustrial disputes have Issued by federal courts is small, and It is urged that they do not therefore constitute an error to be remedied by statutory amendment. The small number of cases complained of above shows the careful manner in which most federal judges have exercised the Jurisdiction, but the belief that such cases are numerous has been so wide spread and has aroused such feeling of injustice that more definite specification in procedure to prevent recurrence of them is justified if it can be effected with out injury to the administration of the law. With respect to notice the democratic platform contains no recommendation. Its only Intelligible declaration in regard to injunction suits is a reiteration of the plank in the platforms of 1896 and 1904 providing that In prosecutions for con tempt in federal courts, where the viola tion of the order constituting the contempt charged Is Indirect, i. e., outside of the presence of the court, there shall be a jWy trial. This provision in the platforrr of 1896 was regarded then as a most dangerous atack upon the power of the courts to enforce their orders and decrees, and it was one of the chief reasons for the defeat of the democrats in that contest, as At ought to have been. The extended operation of such a provision to weaken the power of the courts in the enforce ment of its lawful orders can hardly be overstated. Effect of Jjry Trial. Under such a provision a recr^citrant witness who refuses to obey a subpoena may insist on a jury trial before *he court can determine that he received the sub poena. A citizen summoned as a. juror and refusing to obey the writ when brought into court must be tried by an other jury to determine whether he got the summons. Such a provision applies not alone to Injunctions, but to every order which the court issues against per sons. A suit may be tried in the court of first Instance and carried to the court of upy als und thence to the supreme court, '.bd a judgment and decree entered and another issued, and then if the decree involves the defendant’s doing anything or not doing anything, and he disobeys it, the plaintiff who has pursued his rem edies in lawful course for years must, to secure his rights, undergo the uncertain ties and the delays of a Jury trial before he can enjoin that which is his right by the decision of the highest court of the land. I say without hesitation that such a change will greatly Impair the Indis pensable pqwer and authority of courts. Securing to the public the benefits pf U*. new statutes enacted in the present administration the ultimate Instrumental ity to be resorted to Is the courts of the United State**. If now their authority Is to be weakened In a manner never known In the history of the Jurisprudence of Eng land or America, except In the constitution of Oklahoma, how can we expect that such statutes will have efficient enforce ment? Those who advocate this Interven tion of a jury In such rases seem to sup pose that this change In some way will Inure only to the benefit of the poor workingman. As a matter of fact the person who will secure chief advantage front It Is the wealthy and unscrupulous defendant, able to employ astute and cun ning counsel and anxious to avoid Jus tice, The Currency System. The late panic disclosed a lack of sIrc tlclty In our financial system. This has been proviaonally met by an act by the present congress permitting the Issue of additional bank notes, emergency bank notes, and tnaurlng thetr withdrawal when tho emergency has passed bj a rate of taxation. It Is drawn In conformity with the present system of bank note currency but varies from it In certain respects by authorizing the use of commercial paper and bonds of good security, aa well as United States bonds, as security for Its redemption. It Is expressly but a tempor ary measure and contains a provision for the appointment of a currency commis sion to devise and recommend a new and reformed system of currency. This Inade quacy of our present currency system, due to changed condition* and, enormous expansion. Is generally recognized. The republican platform well states that we must havs a “more elastic and adaptable system to meet tho requirements of agri culturists, manufacturers, merchants and business men generally, must be automatlo In operation recognizing the fluctuations In Interest* rates, “In which every dollar i shall be as good ns gold, and which shall prevent rather than aid financial string ency to bring on a panic.” Voluntary Guaranty Plan. A plan for a guaranty of depoalts by the voluntary act of the banks Involved, has been favorably reported to the House of Representatives. This, of course, entirely different from the scheme In the demo cratic platform, omitting as It docs the features of compulsory participation and governmental guaranty. This proposition will unquestionably receive tho thought- ■ ful consideration of the national monetary commission. The Negro. The republican platform refers to those amendments to the constitution that wore passed by the republican party for the pro tection of the negro. The negro, In the 40 years since he was freed from slavery has made remarkable progress. He Is be coming more and more a valuable member of the communities In which he lives. The education of the negro Is being expanded and improved In every way. The best men of both races, with the North as well as at the South, ought to rejoice to see growing up among the southern people an Influential element disposed to encourage the negro In hts hard struggle for Indus trial Independence and assured political status. The republican platform, adopted at Chicago, expllcltely demands Justice for all men without regard to race or color and Just as explicitly declares for the en forcement and without reservation, In let ter in spirit of the 13th, 14th and ISth amendments to the constitution. It Is needless to state that I stand with my party squarely on that plank In the plat form and believe that equal Justice to all men, and the fair and Impartial enforce ment of these amendments Is In keeping with the real American spirit of fair play. Army and Navy. Mr. McKinley and Mr. Roosevelt and the republican party have constantly advo cated a policy with respect to the army and navy that will keep thl9 republic ready at all times to defend her territory and hei doctrines, and to assure her appropriate part in promoting permanent tranquility among the nations. I welcome from what ever motive the change In the democratic attitude toward the maintenance and sup port of an adequate navy, and hope that in the next platform the silence of the present platform In respect to the army will be changed to an acquiescence in Its maintenance to the point of efficiency in connection with the efficiently re-organ ized militia and the national volunteers for the proper defense of the country In times of war, and the discharge of those duties In times of peace for which the army aa at present constituted has shown Itself so admirably adapted In the Philip pines, In San Francisco, In Cuba and else where. We are a world power and cannot help it and although at peace with the world are secure In the consciousness that the American people do not desire and will not provoke a war with any other country. We must be prudent and not be lulled into a sense of security which would possibly expose us to national peril. Campaign Publicity. Another plank of the democratic plat form refers to the failure of the repub lican convention to express an opinion In favor of the publicity of contributions re ceived and expenditures made In elec I tlons. Here again w» contrast our oppo ; nents’ promises with our own acts. Great I Improvement has taken place under re ! publican auspices in respect to the collec tion and expenditure of money for thlB purpose. The old and pernicious system of levying a tax on the salaries of gov ernment employes In order to pay the ex penses of the party In control of the ad ministration has been abolished by stat ute. By a law passed by the republican congress in 1907 contributions from cor porations to Influence or pay the ex penses connected with the election of pres idential electors or of members of con gress Is forbidden under penalty. A resident of New York has been se lected as treasurer of the republican na I tlonal committee, who was treasurer of : the republican state committee when Governor Hughes was elected in New York and who made a complete state I ment within 20 days after the election as | required by the New York law, of the contributions received by him and the ex penditures made by him or under his au thority hi connection with that election. His residence and the discharge of his duties In the state of New York subject him to the law of that state as to all re ceipts of the treasury of the national committee from whatever source, and as to all its disbursements. His returns will be under the obligations and penalties of the law, and a mistatement by him or the filing of a faleo account will subject him to prosecution for perjury and violation of the statute. Of course, under the fed eral law he is not permitted to receive any contributions from corporations. If I am elected president I shall urge upon congress, with every hope of suc cess that a law be passed requiring a fil ing In a federal office of a statement of contributions filed by committees and can didates In elections for members of con gress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of con gress. Meantime the republican party by the selection of a New York treasurer, has subjected all its receipts and expenditures to the compulsory obligation of such law. Against Income Tax. The democratic platrorm demands two constitutional amendments, one providing for an Income tax, and the other for the election of senators by the people. In my judgment, an amendment to the constitu tion for an Income tax is not necessary. I believe that an income tax, when the pro tective system of customs and the inter nal revenue tax shall not furnish Income enough for government needs, can and j should be devised which under the de- ! eislons of the supreme court will conform : to the constitution. The chief difference between the re- j publican and the democratic#platforms is the difference which has heretofore been I seen between the policy of Mr. Roos velt and those which have been advocated by the democratic candidate. Mr. Bryan. Mr. Roosevelt's policies have been pro gressive and regulative; Mr. Bryan’s de structive. Mr. Roosevelt has favored reg ulation of the business in which evils have grown up so as to stamp out the evils and permit the business to continue. The tendency of Mr. Bryan’s proposals have generally been destructive of the business with respect to which he Is de manding refortn. Mr. Roosevelt would ‘compel the trusts to conduct their busi ness in a lawful manner and secure tha benefit of their operation and the main tenance of the prosperity of the country of which they are an important part. Election cf Senators. With respect to the election of senators by the people, personally I am inclined to favor It, but It Is hardly a party question. A resolution In its favor has passed a re publican House of Representatives sev eral tl*i.cs ar\a ffas been rejected In a re publican {Senate by the votes of senators from both parties. It has been approved I III I. '■—■ ege by th* legislature* of many republic** states. In a number of states, both deni, ocratlc and republican, substantially sue® a system now prevails. Our opponents denounce the republican party for Increasing the number of office* 23.000 at a cost *16,000,000 during the last year. Such denunciation Is characterlstl* of the democratic platform. It falls t® j specify In any way what the offices ar* and leaves the Inference that the .ncreas* was resisted by the representatives of do- j mocracy In congress. As a matter of fact, the net number of offices Increased wa* Just about half the number stated; the In crease was due chiefly to the enlargment of the navy, the construction of the Pana ma canal, the extension of the rural fre* delivery and to the new offices necessary In the enforcement of the pure food, meat Inspection, railroad rate regulation, aria land reclamation, forest preservation ana other measures which congress passed with almost " Mmous popular approval. ,' / . pendent Democrat*. The democratic party under Its present leadership In previous campaigns haa manifested a willingness to embrace any doctrine which would win votes, wit® little sense of responsibility for Its prao tleal operation. In Its striving for success It has Ignored the business prosperity of the country, has departed from sound economic and governmental principles and haa reversed Its own traditional views of constitutional construction. Patriot!* members of tha party have refused to b* controlled by party ties and havs either refrained from voting or have supports® the republican candidate. May we not appeal to these courageous and Independ ent citizens again to give us their eu)>» port In this campaign, because the rea sons for their breaking the bonds OC party are stronger today than sver be fore? I have now reviewed at greet length th® principles at Issue between the two par ties. When I began the preparation of this speech I hoped to make It much briefer than It Is, but I found on a* examination of the platform and on * consideration of the many measure® passed during the present administration and the Issqes arising out of them that It was impossible to deal with the sub jects comprehensively with proper expla nation ana qualification In a short discus sion. This Is my excuse. I have pointed out that the attitude of the republican party with reference t® evils which have crept In, due. to th* enormous material expansion of this coun try, Is to continuer the Roosevelt policies of progress and regulation, while the at titude of the democratic party under It® present leadership Is the change for th* sake of change to the point or irrespon sible destruction, and that there la n» hope whatever of a restoration of proaJ fierlty In returning It to power. As said n our platfoTm, we republicans go be fore the country asking the support, not only of those who have acted with u* heretofore, but of all our fellow citizen* who, regardless of past political differ ences, unite In the desire to maintain th* policies, perpetuate the blessings ana secure the achievements of a greater America. PROVIDE 8HADE FOR STOCK. Hogs, Ilka other stock, must be mad* comfortable If they are to make economi cal gains and keep healthy, says Forest Hsnry in'the Northwestern Agriculturist, Thers Is no stock on ths farm that sufftf' as much for want of shade, on account of their fatty make up, Tjiey cannot sweat and throw off surplus Beat as the horses. This la why they rush into a mud hole or pool of water when they get heated. £ remember many years ago we were going to market with several loads of hogs. On* load included a big stag. Just as th* driver was crossing the railroad track th» team made a quick start and Mr., Stag concluded to Jump out oVir the rack. His fall did not seem to interfere with his gait for he trotted along as though noth ing had happened for alDout 80 rods, de spite our attempts to head him back. Finally he became qulto heated and as there was a mud hole In hfs path he mad* for It and we were unable to get him ou£ notwithstanding whips find cudgels were freely brought to bear. Hffe simply was go ing to cool off and take fils time about It no matter how much of a hurry we wars In. Finally, of his own accord, he cams out, stretched himself Wokfng as cool as a cucumber and trudged merrily back to the stock yards. He had|slmply come to a point where he was d\ro-heated and his hog Instinct told him to go In there and 11s down and cool off. Trees are the best ahgde for hogs but they oan not always be. (tad, especially la a prairie country. Almost anything will answer for shade. A few: lough boards, or even some straw or hay laid on poles and held up by some crotchdll at the corners serves a good purpose. A tree has ths advantage over a closed shed In that It lets under Its spreading branches a frss circulation of air. Hogs are apt to injure young trees It left to root around them. For this reason It Is a good plan to set a row Just over the pasture fence on th&bQUth side, whers they are out of harm’s Why and still win serve the purpose about as well. Som* quick growing varieties can be set, liks the Carolina poplar. Some hardy appla trees or crab trees are preferable as a permanent shade, as they not only furnish shade but will In time yield fruit. Whit* willows also make a q.ulck*an<* most ex cellent shade when set.JlfSt’outside of th* fence. While the trees are growing do not neglect to furnish some Itlnd of pro tection, however cheap It may be, for tbs hogB, nothing will lqw«r their vitality quicker and make them lit subjects to take bog cholera later, than being, com pelled to endure the hot sun of summer without protection. RANCHMEN VS. SETTLERS. There Is a movement on foot to taka out of the area of unappropriated publlo domain open for settlers, 300,008,000 acres and put It Into the foresrReserve and then lease It for fencing and grazing to ths big cattle ranches, saVs the Chicago World. The forest reserve idea Is a popu lar one under cover of which these cat tle men hope to get posseHsKm, of an area larger than Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Penn sylvania, New York and all New Eng land, most of which is gdod agricultural land well suited for homesteads. In view of the fact that homestead land Is now almost all taken’up. It seems de cidedly hoggish for the fanchmen to un dertake to corral this gleat empire for ranching— an empire equivalent to 1,876, 000 homesteads of a quarter section each, or to say the least, of pearly a million homesteads on the, basis of the half eec tlon allowed In the seml-arld regions. One ranchman Is to be permitted to lease 10t 000 acres, so that 30,000 ranchmen are ta crowd out from 1,000,000 to 1,875,000 farm ers. In fact, the big ranchers can get their friends or employes to take out 10t ; 000-acre leases and assign them to them ! selves so that one ranch may cover sev | eral townships under one control. It la I proposed that only such land as Is not , suitable for agriculture shall be leased; theoretically a homestead might be taken 1 up Inside of the fences surrounding a 10, 000-acre leasehold, but what farmer would ever dare take his family Into such an enclosure. Any one who knows the atti tude and custom or ranchers toward set tlers knows that the settlor’s life would be decidedly unbearable If not unsafe under such surroundings. In short, the propo sition, ostensibly in the Interest of our forestry, Is an Immense grab of the ranch ers and *n view of the exhaustion of avail able farm lands, It should be vigorously opposed In behalf of settlers. ■ Japanese residents of the state o£ Washington plan to erect a statue t» ■ the memory of Commodore Perry on the grounds of the Alaska-Yukon-Pa clfle exposition. The idea was con ceived some months ago by prominent Japanese residents of Seattle and tbea bankers and merchants- of the Flowery Kingdom have agreed to give thelib support ,